Russo-Georgian War Research Articles

The conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia: lessons we didn’t learn

The article examines the violation of the principles of international law, in particular the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of state borders, on the example of the conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of practical aspects of these principles. The study established the legal significance of the international legal conflict between Russia and Georgia, as well as its impact on the formation of territorial disputes within the Eurasian continent.
 It is emphasized that the conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia cannot be called «humanitarian intervention to help the ethnic population.» The paper confirms that the very fact of the introduction of regular troops into Georgia could already be regarded as an act of aggression. In addition, Russia’s refusal to withdraw peacekeepers from Georgian territory due to violations and thus the impossibility of fulfilling the terms of bilateral agreements can also be interpreted as the occupation of Georgian territory.
 Based on the analysis of regulations in the form of resolutions and bilateral agreements, it was possible to trace the origins and legal basis of this conflict. In fact, the Sochi and Moscow agreements concluded in 1992 and 1994, respectively, legitimized the presence of Russian peacekeeping troops in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The article also focuses on the use of weapons by Georgia and provides an analysis in the context of Article 51 of the UN Charter. Based on this, the latter should be interpreted as a means of self-defense, which is one of the two legitimate applications of the concept of jus ad bellum in the XXI century.
 The actions, more fair, inaction, of the international community in the process of resolving the conflict in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, which as a result influenced the formation of territorial strife and colonialist aspirations on the part of the Russian Federation, are substantiated. It has been suggested that the reluctance of world leaders and international organizations to take decisive action to resolve the Russian-Georgian war has become a catalyst for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and in 2022 as well.

Visual Securitization: Commemorating the Partisan War in Lithuanian Foreign and Security Policy

In 2008 and 2014 the Russian-Georgian war, the military conflict in Ukraine, and the annexation of Crimea have had an impact on Lithuanian foreign and security policy. In the context of these events, Lithuania was concerned about the mobilization of conventional security measures, i.e., strengthening its national defense sector. However, the role as well as the impact of “soft” (unconventional) response devices and strategies in the Lithuanian case has still received little academic interest. This paper, using the analysis of visual collective memory practices (monuments), aims to show the links between collective memory as well as its visually tangible forms and the formation of foreign and security policy in Lithuania. By examining the visual practices reminiscent of guerrilla warfare built in Lithuanian public spaces after 2014, it is revealed how the use of collective memory contributed to the perceived threat from Russia, which had a significant impact on the formation and implementation of foreign and security policy.

ANXIETY IN THE NARRATIVES OF THE DISPLACED BY THE WAR POPULATION

1908 August war was short but claimed many lives. Thousands have been displaced due to combat and bombing. Separation from the native places had a long lasting and severe effect on the well-being of popula- tion. Qualitative study was carried out to describe and measure the emotional reaction to war and displacement.  Analysis of 5 minutes length narratives of the displaced population registered after 10 and 15 months from  displacement by Gottshalk-Gleser method revealed high level of six types of anxiety measured by scales. The  comparison of anxiety scores over time points at the persistence of negative emotional state induced by the war  and at the importance of displacement, reflected both in number of references to displacement and separation  anxiety scale scores.

The Nature and Power of the August 2008 Russian-Georgian War

The Nature and Power of the August 2008 Russian-Georgian War

Parallels of U.S. Post-Vietnam Military Transformation And Georgia’s Post-2008 War with Russia

The Vietnam War involved United States combat forces in the 1960’s and 1970’s. Decades later, the world observed the 2008 Georgia – Russia War.This article examines parallels in military transformation between the U.S. Army post-Vietnam War and Georgian Army at the conclusion of the 2008 Georgia - Russia War. The U.S and Georgian Armies, at the end of their respective wars were clearly institutions in need of tectonic change. This article starts by providing a brief overview of both wars and conclude with an assessment of parallels in post-war transformation needs.This article identifies parameters in which the United States Army found itself post-Vietnam War regarding military transformation. After doing so, juxtaposes this with the Georgian Army post-Georgia-Russia War.This article identifies overlapping drivers of institutional change from both Wars. This article does this based on analysis and research of other authors, and my own personal experience as a retired senior U.S. Army officer and defense contractor who spent decades in this field.The process of developing and implementing peacetime military change can take several decades. Therefore, stability in an organization’s missionand resources can be important (Nielson, 2010, pp. 4).Through this study, future U.S. efforts in military transformation can be better understood and more effective. Increased effectiveness and understandingdirectly correlates to a compressed timeframe for military transformation efforts.Through this article, one can see there are many parallels between the U.S. Army toward the end of the Vietnam War and with Georgia at the end of the 2008 Georgia-Russia War. Just as the U.S. made remarkable strides post-Vietnam, Georgia has made remarkable strides in military transformation through visionary leadership and abundance of will coupled with limitless intellectual capacity.
 Keywords: Vietnam War, Military Transformation, 2008 Russia – Georgia War, Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA), Curriculum Development (ADDIE), Training and Doctrine Command (TRADOC), National Training Center (NTC), Former Soviet Union, Soviet Army, Change Management Strategy, Institutional Change

SUBCONCEPT OF “WAR IN UKRAINE” IN LINGUISTIC CONSCIOUSNESS OF UKRAINIANS AND RUSSIANS VIA THE ASSOCIATIVE EXPERIMENT

Recent studies have shown that the concept of “War” has changed its content structure [1]. The most active changes were caused by Russian intervention in Crimea and eastern Ukraine in 2014, which modified the notional, figurative and value components of the concept. For instance, the notional component of the concept of “War” was supplemented by newly-formed “postmodern subconcepts” [2], such as the Syrian civil war, the Russo-Georgian War, the Russo-Ukrainian War, as well as the proxy war, the hybrid war, the battle of narratives, and the diffused war. Taking into account that “both mental and conceptual spaces are essences of the same level” [3], the study of the newly coined subconcepts can shed light on what people in Ukraine and Russia think about Russia’s War in Ukraine.

Постсоветское пространство в контексте отношений Россия–Запад: проблемы и перспективы

This article analyses the problems of the рost-Soviet space as the most important factors affecting both Russia–West (US–Russia in the first place) relations and global geopolitical processes. The development of the approaches of Russia and the West to the former Soviet republics during the 1990s and 2020s is analysed. The evolution of Russia’s foreign policy in the post-Soviet space is demonstrated: from uncertainty during the 1990s to a tough, forceful defence of the country’s geopolitical interests in the region in the 2000s – 2020s. Further, key stages of Russia’s foreign policy are considered: the foundation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and Eurasian Economic Union, the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, and the accession of Crimea to Russia in 2014. In addition, the main concepts and projects of the West are analysed here, i.e. Z. Brzeziński’s concept of geopolitical pluralism, A. Lake’s democratic enlargement, the Eastern Partnership project, and NATO’s eastward expansion. Moreover, the paper demonstrates the gradual deterioration of Russia–West relations in the post-Soviet space, the latter being transformed into a region of relentless rivalry between the two parties. The author concludes that relations between Russia and the West in the post-Soviet space have practically reached a dead end. Both Russia and the West have adopted a position of deliberate denial and condemnation of steps taken by the opposing side. In conclusion, the author attempts to forecast the development of the situation in the post-Soviet space and suggests ways to solve the existing problems.

When the “subaltern empire” speaks. On recognition, Eurasian integration, and the Russo-Georgian war

ABSTRACT By combining insights from social constructivist IR theories and postcolonial theory, the article addresses the issue of Russia’s appropriation of Western political vocabulary in the cases of Russia’s discourse on Eurasian economic integration and humanitarianist discourse of R2P employed during and after the Russo-Georgian war in August 2008. The view that mimicry and subversion are the motives behind Russia’s behavior is taken further by emphasizing the relevance of recognition for Russia’s identity quest. Thus, we argue that through plugging into the discourse of the hegemon and partially reinterpreting it, Russia attempted to demonstrate the entitlement to shape the language which would ultimately confirm its belonging to the great power club.

Gruzińskie starania o zbliżenie z Zachodem po 1991 r.

The paper presents the changes in Georgian foreign policy after the collapse of the USSR. The historical context of Georgian ties with the West and attempts to build their own security policy after 1991, which required resignation from the traditional support for Germany. The analysis covers the period from the proclamation of independence and the first free parliamentary elections in 1990 to the 2013. For the politicians of the Second Republic, relations with Russia and the support shown to the Georgian state by the United States were of key importance. The August war in 2008 inhibited Georgian activity in the international arena and restored Russian influence in that country

Historical-Geographical Overview of the Territories Occupied after 2008 Russo-Georgian War

In the current paper, we try to showcase the historical - geographical overview of the Russian occupied territories in Shida Kartli. Apart from this, we also try to showcase the ancient Georgian toponyms, hydronyms and oikonyms of Didi Liakhvi gorge, and how the transformation of which into Ossetian onomastic units started from the time the Soviet government came to power in the country. In the first half of the XV century, the Machabels feudal kingdom was established in Didi Liakhvi Gorge. The influence of Machabeli’s also extended to Dvaleti and Zhgele Gorges. “Samachablo” was bordered by Ksani Saeristavo (Dukedom) estates from the east. The nobility of Pavlenishvili, Amilakhvari and Kherkheulidze were bordered on the south and south-west and on the north-west Racha Saeristavo. According to one relatively late (1886) document and map attached to it, which give us an idea of the estates owned by the descendants of Abesalom Machabeli (Davit’s son). To the west, it was separated from the Tsereteli estates in Racha Mazra. The northern border followed river Terg and main ridge of the Caucasus. According to the above mentioned map, Machabeli estates were bordered on the north by Tergi district and Vladikavkazi district. In the North Caucasus Machabeli owned an integral part of Georgia from ancient times - Dvaleti, where Ossetians settled later. The Dvals occupy an area of about 500 km2 from the left bank of the river Tergi - to the head of the Ardon, in Nar - Mamisoni Cave and six Gorges (Zakha, Nara, Zramaga, Zrogo, Zhgele and Kasri). Dvaleti was included in the flock of Nikozi Bishop. Most of the toponyms, anthroponyms, ethnonyms common in Dvaleti are of Georgian origin. In 1843 at the initiative of Russian government, “Ossetian District” was created, which administratively entered in Tbilisi province. However, in the territory of historical Dvaleti, the so-called “Nari district” was established, which was transferred to Tergi district in 1859 and because of this an important territory, that was historically part of Georgia (approximately 500 m2) was artificially removed from our country and the historical part of Georgia - Dvaleti was annexed to Ossetia (actually - Russia).

RUSSIAN-GEORGIAN WAR OF 2008: REACTION OF UKRAINIAN POLITICUM

The paper analyzes assessments of Ukraine's political environment regarding the Russian-Georgian war of 2008 – the military conflict between Georgia on the one hand and Russia and the separatist groups of South Ossetia and Abkhazia on the other, the «hot» phase of which fell on August 8–12. It is stated that although Ukrainian and foreign historiographies already have some work on this military confrontation in the Caucasus, in all these cases it is mostly an analysis of the events of August 2008 in Georgia only through the prism of political history with a predominant chronology of the conflict. The main stages of the Russian-Georgian military confrontation in August 2008 and further attempts to resolve it through diplomacy are briefly outlined. It was stated that the «hot phase» of the confrontation on the territory of Georgia immediately became the center of attention of Ukrainian politicians. From the first day of the military conflict among Ukrainian political circles, there were two camps – pro-Georgian and pro-Russian – attitudes to which were correlated personal and collective political, ideological, mental, and even pragmatic sympathies, often turning from assessments of the foreign policy situation for disputes and discussions within the country. It is noted that the circles close to the then President Viktor Yushchenko took an openly pro-Georgian side, and the Ukrainian head of state himself visited Tbilisi against the background of the threat of Russian occupation in support of his counterpart Mikheil Saakashvili. It is stressed that the neutral attitude to military actions in the Caucasus prevailed among Ukrainian politicians, especially among Prime Ministers Yulia Tymoshenko and Volodymyr Lytvyn, who headed the bloc of the same name in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. It is shown, that representatives of the Party of Regions and the Communist Party of Ukraine took a pro-Russian stance in assessing the military conflict, blaming official Tbilisi for the start of hostilities and supporting the idea of recognizing Russia’s independence after Abkhazia and South Ossetia. It is concluded that despite the presence of such a diverse palette of views, it was not possible to adopt a clear consolidated official position within the walls of the parliament, despite the relevant appeals of Speaker Arsenii Yatseniuk. Keywords Russian Federation, Georgia, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, war, politicum, Ukraine.

Experience of Mediation of the European Union in the Russian-Georgian war of 2008

The article is devoted to defining evaluation criteria and explaining the reasons for the effectiveness and ineffectiveness of European Union mediation in the 2008 Russian-Georgian war. The analysis of the effectiveness of EU intervention in conflicts as a mediator is almost unexplored in Ukraine: Ukrainian scientists consider EU peacekeeping in a broad sense, but does not specifically focus on mediation. This article is an attempt to scientifically assess the effectiveness of the EU as a mediator in the Russian-Georgian war on the basis of developed criteria. The work is written within the general framework of the conflict resolution paradigm, and elements of the constructivist paradigm are also used to explain the meta-conflict present in the conflict system - the difference in narratives of the conflicting parties, which reduced the possibility of successful mediation. The context and process of European mediation were revealed using the case study method. The historical method was used to determine the root causes of the conflict. Using the method of discourse analysis, the features of the conflict system were determined. The paper identifies theoretical approaches to assessing the effectiveness of intervention, describes the features of the conflict system of the Russian-Georgian war, describes the process of European Union intervention in the conflict. The effectiveness of mediation in two stages is analyzed - mediation in the "hot phase" of the conflict and mediation in the Geneva negotiations. The effectiveness at each stage was evaluated according to the criteria formed on the basis of the above theoretical approaches. Contextual (motivation of the parties, levers of influence of the mediator) and procedural (strategy of the mediator) independent variables were analyzed. It was concluded that the degree of effectiveness of the intervention was determined by the interaction of these factors at each stage, but not one of them. The approach used in this study can be applied to assessing the effectiveness of mediation by both the EU and any other actor in resolving post-Soviet conflicts, particularly in the case of the Russian-Ukrainian war, which remained outside the scope of the study.

Information operations as the main component of Russian aggression against Georgia in August 2008

The aim of the article is to reveal the essence of the mechanisms and information tools used by the Russian Federation during the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008; to analyze the main components of information operations and to reveal each component of information support of Russia’s invasion of Georgia in 2008. It should be noted that the Russian Federation actively fought for control over the information space in order to obtain geopolitical dividends, and the main goal of Russia’s information operations was to form an opinion among the international community about the aggressor state Georgia, which began hostilities against another ethnic minority on its own territory. Research methods: structural and functional analysis, search, formal-logical, system-structural, analytical. Main results: practical examples of information operations conducted by the Russian Federation during the Russian-Georgian military conflict in August 2008 are analyzed; the information operation’s main components: computer network operations, electronic warfare, military deception, operational security, psychological operations that accompanied the kinetic operations of the conflict’s parties are identified and studied. The study reveals the fact of Russia’s thorough information preparation for the war, implementation of multifaceted anti-Georgian information “throw-ins” and struggle for the world’s information space control. Concise conclusions: the Russian-Georgian war of August 2008 showed the growing influence of information war and revealed a number of Russia’s Armed Forces shortcomings in this area at the same time. The conflict accelerated the Russia’s military reform implementation, which has taken into account the latest information technology advances. The Russian side pushed Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili to the war, which Russia used to strengthen its international influence. The Russian Federation succeeded in suppressing the Georgian leadership’s communication with its own citizens and outside the world, and a brief Internet confrontation between Russian and Georgian hackers sparked widespread debate about the power of the Internet to influence the public opinion during the conflict. Practical meaning: the article materials can form a theoretical basis for the formation and implementation of various methods of counteracting the information and psychological influence of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet space. Originality: a comprehensive study of the sources devoted to the theme of the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008 is carried out and introduced into scientific circulation. The information war is a part of Russia’s hybrid war. This was confirmed by the statement of General Valery Gerasimov that “the political goals of the 21 st century can be achieved by non-military and informational means” and “the operation to force Georgia to peace” has revealed the lack of common approaches for the use of Armed Forces outside the Russian Federation”. Scientific novelty: for the first time an extended analysis of historical sources that described the information operations conducted by the opposing sides during the Russian-Georgian conflict in 2008 is carried out. In Ukrainian historiography, this problem has not been studied yet. Russian publications were not used because of their bias. Type of article: analytical.

Contradictions of Realism and Liberalism on Interstate Relations: in the Case of Russo-Georgian War

In the article, where contradictions of Realism and Liberalism on interstate relations are researched, approaches over the case of Russo-Georgian War are compared and argumentations of both approaches are presented. In comparison to Liberalism, which claims Russia intervened Georgia for the sake of protecting equality of individual rights, Realism, which guess Russo-Georgian War as a part of maintaining of continental interests of Russia is defended by author. After giving explanations to theories and providing facts about 2008 Russo-Georgian War theme of research is switched to comparison part of the article. The comparison is established over main theoretical nuances and multi-argumented claims of both views. According to findings of the research obtained from comparative analysis methods, Russo-Georgian War is a “product” of the policy ‘‘divide and rule’’ implemented by Russia in the post-soviet republics. 
 The research engages the results of war and harmony; therefore, it has useful significance. In any case, the adjustment by and by has created extensive disarray with respect to who is included as the chief on-screen characters; since there are various types of state and non-states entertainers. These on-screen characters lead to a wide scope of stakes, assorted objectives, complex methods of communication, and various organizations inside which the entertainers take activities. The old show which was the principal supporter of the verbalization of the meaning of universal relations was the differentiation between common society and the state. This qualification discovered money in the eighteenth century when it depicted two particular circles of human association and practice; the rising of the general public of individuals described by agreement and market relations, and an express whose chief capacity was to keep up interior harmony and outer protection. In the present age, in any case, the state and common society are interlaced that the global connection idea has gotten absolutely expository.

COLLECTIVE TRAUMA IN REFUGEE LITERATURE (BASED ON ALMANACS – 14 GIGABYTES AND HALLELUIAH)

Theories of traumatic memory are uniquely topical in modern theoretical discourse, Collective trauma is a complex of psychological sensations, which is formed in witnesses or participants of tragic events, who have to deal with psychological stigma. Theoretical framework about the collective trauma is relevant to events that have taken place in Georgia, as the epochal tragedy has changed ethnic and cultural environment in Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region. As the subject of research, we have defined the almanacs reflecting Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-Ossetian (provoked by the third force) conflicts: 14 Gigabytes and Halleluiah. Uniqueness of 14 Gigabytes is reasoned by the concept set by the editor (Nana Gaprindashvili) and the complier of the almanac (Tea Kalandia) – 14 narrators tell about the Abkhazian episode of Russian-Georgian war. Personal stories create the monumental canvas-reflection of the feelings of youth who have been deprived of childhood. Authors of the poetic almanac Halleluiah published in 2018, under the editorship of Mzia Khetaguri, are united under refugee stigma, pain caused by losing homes, trauma, which marks each of the texts like an unhealed wound. It must be emphasized that in none of the researched authors’ texts reflects hostility or aggression towards “conflicting sides” or even the main provoking power – Russia. The presented discourse allows us to confirm the research hypothesis: conflicts provoked by Russia have forced Georgian population of Abkhazia and Tskhinvali Region to leave their homes, to go through the horrors of war. Refugees have to deal with the stigma of being refugees and grave experience of collective trauma, which is creatively transformed, reflexed in the almanacs 14 Gigabytes and Halleluiah.

Turkish-Georgian Cooperation in the Struggle for Security in the South Caucasus (The Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform)

With the collapse of the Soviet Union (SU), the South Caucasus region has been in the interest of the world’s great powers. The South Caucasus has been a key to maintaining peace and stability on the continent. Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the SU raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. Because in terms of the security of Anatolia, permanent peace and stability in the South Caucasus has a special importance for Turkey. However, there were forces that did not want lasting peace and stability in the region, generally Russia hinders Turkey’s peaceful policies in the region. This article examines Turkey’s role in maintaining security in the South Caucasus, Turkey’s and Russia’s rivalry in the political process in the region, Turkey’s role in restoring security in the region in the Russia-Georgia war, and the Caucasus Stability and Cooperation Platform and other power centers in the region, aimed at the economic, political, military and cultural interests of the challenges and their effects posed by Turkey. Also in the article have been analyzed one of the three South Caucasus states of Georgia, the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia in Georgia, within Georgia’s territorial integrity. Finally, some examples are provided to ensure security in the region. 

Literary Reception of War in the Contemporary Georgian Women’s Poetry

War has been reflected in national cultures and literature of every country, as it is related to sharp and turbulent emotions. The fear of death, tension, heroic pathos and suffering, following every war, gives it esthetic value and certain romantic touch too. Georgian-Ossetian conflict, war in Abkhazia, civil war and Georgian-Russian war have clearly been reflected in the literature created at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, both in prose and poetry. In the presented report I will discuss Georgian women’s poetry, in which war is a literary reception and poems are the space for the reflection of emotions caused by war. In 2020, were published 2 volumes of the Almanac – Without Limits – which include texts by Georgian woman poets and writers, dedicated to war. Accordingly, the main literary material when preparing the report was the first, poetry volume of the aforementioned Almanac. The thesis does not consider discussion of war reception in general, in contemporary poetry, but only in the works by contemporary woman poets. There are radically different opinions on whether or not anthologies must differ according to gender and that art and its creator – artist – do not have an art-gender. It is true that art is universal and stands above any ethnic, race, religious, gender or age affiliations; however, we cannot ignore the fact that all these criteria are revealed themselves in literary works. Therefore, women’s poetry is specific and woman is always seen in its invisible nuances. In view of the research, it appeared to be very interesting and essential, how the war topic has been accepted and processed by contemporary women’s poetry. Contexts of Russian occupation, Georgian-Abkhazian and Georgian-Ossetian ethnic conflicts, civil wars, formed as the new, post-soviet stereotypes, have clearly been reflected in Georgian women’s poetry; while postmodernism has appeared to be the favorable space for ignoring the Soviet clichés.

‘It is Krajina all over again’: geopolitics of spite and geographical analogy in a Serbian newspaper audience

ABSTRACT This paper addresses the negotiation of geopolitical knowledge by internet audiences in the comment section of the website of the Serbian newspaper Politika. It maps changes in the commenters’ attitudes towards Russia’s declarative role as the international protector of Serbia’s territorial sovereignty through an examination of online comments on the Russo-Georgian war in 2008 and Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Starting with Serbia’s international humiliation during the Yugoslav wars, exemplified by the exodus from the Republic of Serbian Krajina in 1995 and the Kosovo crisis of 1999, it analyses the strategies that users deploy to draw geographical analogies between distant and local places and across time. The example of this Serbian newspaper comment board is used to discuss the benefits of deeper engagement with online comments in geopolitical narrative and argue for the value of treating geographical analogies as expressions of emotion. The sociology of knowledge approach to discourse (SKAD) is shown to be useful in popular geopolitical analysis, especially of the knowledge/emotion nexus. SKAD is used to propose a context-specific way of accessing emotions in geopolitical narratives, taking the case of what is traditionally regarded as a national character trait in Serbia – inat, or ‘spite, defiance’.

Russia’s Failure as a Benign Hegemon: The Domination of Hobbesian Culture in the 2008 Russo-Georgian War

This paper aims to explain the advent of the 2008 Russo-Georgian war. It is an important question to answer due to the historical, cultural, and economic relations between the two states, as well as Russia’s aspiration as a benign hegemon should have prevented the war from happening. The fact that two closely related ex-Soviet states went to war against each other points to a fundamental problem in their relationship that could happen to other states with similar preconditions, such as Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Moldova, and more. In order to address this issue, Wendtian Constructivism is used to analyse the social interaction, key events, and the culture of anarchy that led to open warfare. This paper mainly relies on official documents and previous research as the primary sources, using news and media coverage to validate truths and opinions on key events. Based on that, this paper finds that: 1) social interaction between the two states was consistent with the Hobbesian culture of anarchy; 2) Russia’s aspiration as a benign hegemon failed to reproduce itself due to rejection from Georgia and their success in balancing Russia with the U.S., giving Georgia the capabilities to resist Russian narratives; 3) Georgia’s confrontative behaviours led to reciprocal actions from Russia, and; 4) the Georgian offensive on Tskhinvali was the trigger that confirmed the suspicions from both sides, making both countries decision to be based on the logic of enmity.

НАСЕЛЕНИЕ ОККУПИРОВАННОЙ ТЕРРИТОРИИ САМАЧАБЛО В СРЕДНЕВЕКОВЬЕ

The significant part of Shida Kartli – Georgia`s historical region has been occupied since the Russo-Georgian August War of 2008. The territory, which was inhabited by the Georgian population from the ancient times and was an integral part of the Georgian area, was turned into South Ossetian Republic by the efforts of the so-called Ossetian separatists and Russian support. The current occupied territories of Didi Liakhvi Gorge were part of Samachablo in the Middle Ages. Samachablo was the feudal land of the representatives of one of the ancient Georgian noble family – the Machabeli. The present work shows the life of Georgians throughout centuries in Samachablo.Traces of population in the Big Liakhvi Gorge can be seen from ancient times, however, there is a lack of statistical data on the exact number of population until the XVIII century. Thus, a comparative analysis of the census ledgers and other documentary material reveal that both, in Tskhinvali and in the villages of the Big Liakhvi Gorge, where the peasants of the Georgian royal family, various noble families and, for the most part, the Machabel feudal house lived, were predominantly Georgians. The Ossetians settled from the North Caucasus in the XVII-XVIII centuries lived only in the mountainous area of Shida Kartli (including the upper part of the Big Liakhvi Gorge). was facilitated by the royal government and various feudal houses (including the Machabels) in order to re-assimilate the deserted villages and increase the number of taxpayers. The migration of the Ossetians living in the mountainous villages to the lowland villages started more on that later. Thus, based on the analysis of the presented documents, we can conclude that the territory of Samachablo, which is forcefully separated from the Georgian area, throughout centuries was inhabited only by Georgians (together with them fragmentarily lived Armenians and Jews, and later, particularly from the XVII century Ossetians, who came from the North Caucasus settled in the mountainous villages of Samachablo). After the August War of 2008, the inhabitants of Didi Liakhvi Gorge, Georgians, have become refugees in their own homeland.