Russian Engagement Research Articles

The Russia-Ukraine Conflict from 2014 to 2023 and the Significance of a Strategic Victory in Cyberspace

The article explores Russian engagement in cyberspace during the conflict with Ukraine. Many experts have been surprised not only by the lack of coordination between offensive military operations in cyberspace and other domains, but also by the absence of significant cyberattacks. The central argument revolves around the perceived inadequacy of Russian capabilities. However, the authors contend that such an assessment is flawed and stems from the imposition of Western expectations onto a non-Western actor. They argue that the Russians’ employment of cyberspace not only aligns with their strategic culture but also represents a continuation of their utilisation of cyber as a tool for disinformation, which was previously observed during the war with Georgia in 2008 and the initial phase of the conflict with Ukraine in 2014. The aim of the article is threefold. Firstly, it discusses the Western strategic discourse regarding the potential use of cyberspace in warfare. In contrast to the position of Western experts, the second part of the article presents the Russian approach. The third section describes how the application of Russian cyber warfare concepts has played out in practice during the conflict in Ukraine.

A Typology of Ontological Insecurity Mechanisms: Russia's Military Engagement in Syria

Abstract Because of the novel explanations it generates for states’ security- and identity-related behavior, the concept of ontological security has been used increasingly in the International Relations (IR) literature in recent years. However, the abundance of interpretations of the concept means that it is often used in conflicting ways. To counter the risk of conceptual stretching and provide the foundation for a common research agenda, this article constructs a typology of ontological security mechanisms. Two dimensions of ontological insecurity are highlighted: the sources and the causes of anxiety. We argue that the source of anxiety can be reflexive, relational, or systemic, while the cause of anxiety can be either shame or discontinuity. These two dimensions produce six mechanisms of ontological insecurity that reflect how the concept is used in the contemporary ontological security literature in IR. By specifying these mechanisms, we argue that the typology offers IR scholars the ability to produce even more nuanced and fine-grained explanations of state behavior driven by ontological insecurity. Finally, to demonstrate the utility of this typology, the article provides an illustrative case study of Russia's engagement in the conflict in Syria in 2015–2017.

RUSSIAN-IRANIAN RELATIONS AT THE PRESENT STAGE: PROSPECTS AND POTENTIAL RISKS

Since the beginning of 2022, relations between the Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran have intensified, directly affecting all areas of cooperation between the two countries. In addition to the general positive trend starting in 2012, the Ukrainian crisis and the subsequent sanctions imposed on the Russian Federation by the European Union, the United States and others, which have significantly limited the political circle of Russia's engagement, have become the main drivers of the development of mutual relations between Russia and Iran. On the one hand, improving relations with Iran relatively mitigates the impact of the sanctions measures, however, on the other hand, it deprives Russia of diplomatic flexibility, which could have an extremely negative impact on relations with potential allies in the Middle East and the rest of the world.

Reformatting Russian-Latin American relations in the post-soviet period

This review provides an overview of the content and analysis of a monograph prepared by international team of researchers from Russia, Latin America, the United States, and Germany and dedicated to the dynamics of Russian-Latin American relations after the Cold War. The sections of the book, published in English, reflect the area of Russian studies on this issue, the Soviet legacy in Latin America, general trends of Russian engagement with Latin America, so as the state of Russia's bilateral relations with key partners.

Perceptions of Russia’s ‘return’ to Africa: Views from West Africa

ABSTRACT The article focuses on the perception of Russia’s ‘return’ to Africa through an analysis of field research data from three African states: Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, gathered in late 2021. In this article, the authors argue that the Russian ‘return’ to Africa, which is primarily seen in the provision of security services through the presence of Russian private military companies (PMCs), is perceived positively in West Africa. An important role is played in these perceptions by the Soviet legacy on the continent, which is remembered positively among Africans. Perceptions among the youths surveyed appear significantly influenced by the crisis in relations between West African countries and France, as well as the experience of Russian involvement in the field of securitisation since 2014. The net effect is that Russian engagement in West Africa, and specifically by PMCs, is welcome.

Russia and China in the Eastern Mediterranean: On Parallel Tracks?

ABSTRACT With the advancement in 2013 of its Belt and Road Initiative, China emerged as a new player in many regions in which it had been absent. These regions included the Eastern Mediterranean, where Russia has long been present, although historically Russian engagement varied depending on the geopolitical situation and its military-strategic and economic capabilities. This article explores whether the Eastern Mediterranean is witnessing a Russo-Chinese alliance in the making, with Russian and Chinese interests intersecting, or whether they are still developing on parallel tracks in relative isolation from one another. Moreover, how are the Eastern Mediterranean countries reacting, and will a growing Russian and Chinese presence correspond with or run counter to these countries’ interests?

Raspad Jugoslavije i geopolitičke refleksije: Ruski pogledi na Bosnu i Hercegovinu (1992-1995)

The Balkans should be viewed through the prism of the interests and policies of the superpowers, including Russia, which have long left their mark on its history and fate. The partial interests of powerful states, arbitration and division, reinforced by prejudice and ignorance, were many times more important in the Balkans than the fate of its inhabitants. It was in this neuralgic space that „exams for entering, ie for leaving the club of great powers“ were taken. The main motive is not love, hate, friendship, spiritual or religious kinship, but interest - one of the main motives in their politics. When they do not have it, then they are, in principle, inert. Knowing the interesting logic of powerful states is an important condition for the survival of „small nations“. Past historical events play an important role in politics and strategic thinking. Most theorists of international relations treat diplomacy as a factor of national power, which ensures the implementation of foreign policy without the use of violence. Its history consists of constant attempts to overcome „realism over idealism and vice versa“. Changes in the balance of power in international relations always create space for new conflicts. In Europe, wrote Milan Kundera, there are large countries on one side and small ones on the other; there are powerful nations in the negotiating halls and those who wait all night in the foyer. The study of the time of the disintegration of the Yugoslav state and the facts of the „post-Yugoslav wars“, especially the one in Bosnia and Herzegovina, is very complex. Some researchers believe that this period is not yet a real „history“, that many questions can still be asked, while many more precise answers are more speculated than is known. Particularly problematic is the so-called secret diplomacy, that is, the hidden history of the actors of the Yugoslav crisis - the basis for understanding the course of events. Many accompanying segments therefore elude more studious analysis. It is a mosaic with places where cubes are missing. It is difficult to define the spirit of the time in many ways only on the basis of available documents and existing literature, to state „one's truth“ about the recent past. The disappearance of the Yugoslav state union and the emergence of post-Yugoslav states on the new political map of Europe have complicated the efforts of Russian scientists to interpret their past and present. Political relations, disputes and positioning, also affect historiographies, influence the choice and processing of research topics. According to some theses, the disintegration of the USSR and SFR Yugoslavia, as well as the commercialization of the Internet, are „three border events with global consequences“ that mark 1991 as the beginning of the 21st century. Since the Russian Federation was the initiator of the overthrow of the Soviet Union, it could not advocate a united Yugoslavia. There were therefore no obstacles for the new Kremlin authorities to recognize the independence of the former Yugoslav republics. Russia recognized Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1992, but did not establish diplomatic relations with it until 1996. During the post-Yugoslav wars, in an effort to join Europe's new security system, Russia largely supported Western policies until President Boris Yeltsin (BN Yeltsin) stepped down in 1999. The Yugoslav crisis and the post-Yugoslav wars helped Russia regain its place on the world international stage after the collapse of the Soviet Union, thanks to its „ad hoc approach to regional conflicts.“ Russia's engagement during the breakup of Yugoslavia and the post-Yugoslav wars largely reflected the then maneuvers of Russian diplomacy and a kind of exchange of Russian support for Western countries in the „Yugoslav question“, for concessions concerning Russia's interests in much more important issues

Balance of Power in South Asia: Concerning Russian Role

Russia's engagement in South Asia has been shaped by its strategic interests: its quest for warm water, the routes of its gas pipeline, and its policy for curtailing U.S. hegemony. It has always been a dominant actor of South Asian Politics. The international dynamics have changed Russian strategies at different intervals. Initially, it was inclined towards India; however, in the current scenario, it has recognized the significance of Pakistan for a peaceful political settlement in Afghanistan and linking the Euro Asian union with South Asia, the Indian Ocean, and beyond. The paper highlights the changes in Russian policies towards South Asia and its due role in the balance of power between Pakistan and India.Russian strategic interest in South Asia and its relationship with India and Pakistan are the sole factors responsible for Russian involvement in BOP between Pakistan and India.

Race-ing the Russian Nineteenth Century

The article offers a methodological reflection on the practical work of reading race in Russian literary texts, especially from the nineteenth century. It makes four key arguments. First, “racialization,” in the sense of an interactive process, is a more productive lens than an essentially static concept of race. Second, race is not only, and not always, a question of perception or meaning-making, but also ideology. Third, the concept of race typically engages notions of class, gender, and sexuality, an intersectionality that merits particular attention. Fourth, critiquing race can be productively furthered by paying attention to anxieties and insecurities that underlie racial hierarchies and biases, which can be revealed through readings against the grain. As we cast new light on Russia's engagement with race, it is essential that the culture of the Russian nineteen-century become part of this reappraisal.

From Wahhabism to Islamic extremism: Russia confronting Islamism in conflicts at home and abroad

The article explores the evolving role of Islamism in Russian national security discourse from the post-Soviet conflicts in the North Caucasus to present Russian engagement in Syria. It traces the development of the term “Wahhabi” as a shorthand for Islamist practices, including subversive and violent activity, and how that label has come to be replaced by an even more amorphous specter of “international terrorists” as the main source of such threats. The article concludes that in Russia, as in many other countries, the arbitrary divide between “good Muslims” and “bad Muslims” in national security discourse is largely subordinate to, and serves to obscure, more important realpolitik aims.

What drives Russia's involvement in Africa? [An Afrocentric review of Russia–South Africa relations, 2000–2018

Russia's engagement with African governments has been a subject of debate amongst scholars of International Public Affairs and other cognate academic disciplines since the demise of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and early 1990s. This is a result of different approaches in Russia's engagement with African governments since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. To this end, Russia's engagement with African states is multi‐dimensional, ranging from political, economic (mining and energy sectors) and security factors. In order to locate the key drivers of Russia's Africa Policy towards an individual state, this qualitative study provided an Afrocentric review to assess the post‐Cold War Russia's Africa policy paying special reference to Russia–South Africa relations. Afrocentricity is the theoretical paradigm employed to review the nature of Russia's Africa Policy towards South Africa. The authors rely methodologically on document review methods.

The Caucasus in Russian foreign policy strategy

ABSTRACT The Caucasus has always been a formative region for Russian foreign policy-making. While the North Caucasus has retained its position as Russia’s most fragile and politically instable region, the South Caucasus provided the most pressing security challenges shaping Russian foreign policy since the early nineteenth century. In this article, we argue that the Caucasus comprises a distinct environment that exposes the underlying features of the Russian grand strategy, namely its propensity to hard power and balancing, and yet, at the same time, the fragility of Russia’s position within such a turbulent region. The historical strategic equation with Turkey and Iran has in recent decades been supplemented with a competitive Russia-NATO security dynamic in the Black sea. The threat of possible NATO enlargement in the South Caucasus forces Moscow to draw particular attention to the southern direction of its defences. The situation has become even more complicated with the onset of the Ukraine crisis and Russian engagement in Syria. Historical experience teaches Russia to cease any other foreign policy endeavours until the Caucasus is at peace or at least does not threaten a spill-over of instability. For now, this is a very distant prospect.

Conflict in the absence of war: a comparative analysis of China and Russia engagement in gray zone conflicts

ABSTRACT Wars between states, especially great powers, are now fought in the gray zone, in which elements of soft and unconventional power dominate the arsenal. The effectiveness of such tools is contingent upon the interconnectedness of the world in the economic and political domains. The liberal international political and economic order provides an opportunity for rapid economic growth – at least for powerful states – but it also creates an opportunity for illiberal states to exploit this environment in their favor. In this paper, I examine the cases of Russia and China which successfully utilize such gray zone tactics to promote their strategic agendas. I argue that Russia and China’s utilization of different tools and technique combinations in their engagement in gray zone conflicts can substantially be attributed to two distinct geostrategic momenta I call “offensive hybridism,” utilized by China, and “hybridism in retreat,” associated with Russia’s actions. My research finds that engagement in gray zone conflicts should not be treated as a homogenous phenomenon to characterize all contemporary interstate disputes. Rather, all participants utilize their distinct tools and combination of techniques, which should be countered with tailored approaches.

From Conquest to Deportation: The North Caucasus under Russian Rule by Perović Jeronim (review)

REVIEWS 563 Perović, Jeronim. From Conquest to Deportation: The North Caucasus under Russian Rule. Hurst & Company, London, 2018. xxiv + 466 pp. Maps. Illustrations. Notes. Bibliography. Index. £65.00. The North Caucasus remains one of the most complex and challenging landscapes for historians to explore. In addition to its physical extremes, its linguistic and ethnic diversity has long proven a challenge to simplify and summarize. Until recently, the historiography of the region in general has also been dominated by the conflicts that have occurred there. These range from the Russian war against Shamil in the nineteenth century, to the first and second Chechen wars at the end of the twentieth century and the ‘frozen’ conflicts in the Transcaucasus. Russian annexation of the Crimea, the bloody and violent civil war in Syria, and NATO plans to grant Georgia full membership have all in recent years added further military tension to the region, rendering the Black Sea in general one of the main nexuses of conflict in the modern world. Jeronim Perović in this volume does a masterful job of summarizing the historical background to Russian engagement in the North Caucasus in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, a critical element in understanding the wider security dynamic of the region even today. Although, as his title suggests, conflict is also rarely absent from this account, he manages both to synthesize much of the more recent writing on the region, which have added complexity and depth to our understanding of the sources of conflict there, and also to avoid repeating the Russophobe narratives which assign all problems in the region straightforwardly to Moscovite aggression. As the title suggests, Perović’s account seeks to provide an overview of the most formative events that have shaped the North Caucasus in the modern period, beginning from the war against Shamil in the nineteenth century to Stalin’s deportation of whole nationalities at the end of the Second World War. Although his final chapter and conclusion deal with the longer term consequences of the return of exiled peoples in the 1950s, the Soviet collapse in 1991, the Chechen wars, and the contested memorialization of all this recent history that continues even today, Perović’s detailed historical narrative account largely ends with the death of Khasan Israilov, a Chechen insurgent leader and German collaborator, at the hands of fellow Chechens in December 1944. Perović provides an impressive synthesis of much of the most recent Russian and Western writing on the subject in recent years. He builds upon and synthesizesThomasBarrett’sworkontheethnicmakeupoftheTerekCossacks, as well as Michael Khodarkovsky’s 2011 account of cultural misunderstandings between mountaineers and the Russian state over the obligations signified by oaths of fealty, to draw a picture of conflict drivers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries that is both complex and multi-faceted. He SEER, 97, 3, JULY 2019 564 effectively also overturns traditional narratives of unified resistance to Russian rule in the region to draw a more nuanced picture of societies that were, at one and the same time, both militarized and highly fragmented. In addition, he argues persuasively, in line with much of the more recent historiography, that Naqshbandiya Sufi sects were not the key driver behind resistance to Russian rule in the region. He likewise builds upon, and effectively synthesizes, the work of Alex Marshall on the establishment of Soviet rule in the region in the 1920s and 1930s, in particular with regard to the Ali Mitaev experiment in Chechnia, and the disarmament and collectivization campaigns of that era. He further adds to this rich synthesis however some invaluable additional material of his own-notably a detailed account of collectivization in the late 1920s and early 1930s, as well as an account of the insurgency in the region during the Second World War that incorporates Khasan Israilov’s own diary. By drawing attention to the report of V. Pomerantsev, a Soviet journalist who visited Chechnya-Ingushetiia in 1939 as a reporter for the atheist journal Bezbozhnik, Perović here provides critical additional insight on the growing suspicion of the Soviet central authorities towards their regional governments in the North Caucasus. Pomerantsev’s report at the time sparked a violent political debate within the party...

RUSSIAN ROLE IN SYRIA IN THE LIGHT OF ITS STRATEGY TOWARDS THE MIDDLE EAST (2015-2018)

This paper contributes to the analysis the Russian strategy in the Middle East focusing on its acts in Syria. The paper raises crucial issues concerning the main aspects of Russian strategy in the ME; its motives to intervene in Syria, the relationship between Russian engagement in the conflict in Syria and the Russian-US rivalry, as well as Russian-European relations, the Russian successes and failures in Syria and how Russia’s role in Syria may affect both regional and global regimes. The analysis in this paper seeks to discuss these thorny issues through a structured literature review of Russian strategy objectives and determinants in the Middle East, and its role in Syrian conflict.

THE ONGOING MILITARY CONFLICTS IN SYRIA AND YEMEN: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS, THEIR CONSEQUENCES, AND SCENARIOS

The main aim of the article is to analyse in detail roles played by various regional and nonregional state actors in two of the ongoing Middle Eastern conflicts, namely in Syria and in Yemen, in the period between March 2015 and May 2017. The year 2015 was very significant. That year the Russian military intervention in Syria began, the conflict in Yemen broke out and was internationalized simultaneously. This state-oriented study has two levels of analysis, namely regional and global. Although the global dimension can be observed and analysed in both selected conflicts, its seems to be much more noticeable and significant in case of the Syrian war especially due to the direct Russian engagement as well as the American response to it. A very limited institutionalization of international relations in the Middle East region seriously undermines opportunities for a peaceful conflict resolution in the region and therefore requires participation and engagement of non-regional actors especially of global powers which can exert either direct or indirect pressure on various regional actors. As far as sources are concerned, the study is based on selected documents, monographs, academic articles, reports, and analyses.

Zapojení Ruské federace do konfliktu na východní Ukrajině v období duben 2014 - únor 2015 (2. část)

In the first part of the article was described terminology, main features and phases of Russian engagement in the conflict. It was pronounced that Russian engagement in the conflict is possible to designate it as military operation. The second article deals with other aspects of the conflict focused on indication of the Russian forces in operation, its unmasking signs and available operational experiences. The ending of the article deals with future possibilities of Russian engagement in region of the post-soviet states and political-military aspects of Russian foreign policy in extensive connection.

Zapojení Ruské federace do konfliktu na východní Ukrajině v období duben 2014 - únor 2015 (1. část)

This study deals with selected aspects of the conflict in Eastern Ukraine in Luhansk and Donetsk region in period of April 2014 - to February 2015. Study is divided in two subsequent articles. The first article consists of introduction, theoretic-methodological part, analytical part and short summary, which defines main features of Russians engagement in the conflict. Theoretic-methodological part deals with terminological, theoretical and methodological background of analysis, including generally approach of Russian federation to security policy. Analytical part is divided in to the two partial chapters. The first deals with main Russian objective in the conflict. The second deals with the phases of Russian engagement.

In search of the ‘Other’ in Asia: Russia–China relations revisited

ABSTRACTThis paper argues that Russia and China are partners of consequence and that the neglect of the normative dimension of the Sino-Russian relationship has led its impact on global governance to be undervalued and misunderstood. Following a constructivist approach, the paper examines the shared norms underlying an ever closer Sino-Russian partnership, despite divergent interests in a number of areas. A first section examines how shared norms lead Russia and China to define their identity similarly, facilitate joint actions, and constrain their individual policy choices. For Russia, elaborating its own unique identity is crucial to its claim to global status, though complicated by interactions with multiple ‘Others.’ Russia's effort to engage Asian partners is often viewed as hedging against China, but as second section argues that Russian engagement in Asia is better understood in terms of Russia's effort to define an Asian identity. A third section highlights the securitization/desecuritization dynamic in Sino-Russian economic relations. Xi Jinping's efforts to redefine China's global role reinforces its tendency to desecuritize the vulnerabilities that lead China to seek economic cooperation with Russia. Russia, fearing becoming a ‘resource appendage’ of China, then securitizes economic relations with China.

Eastern Motifs in the Ornamentation of Eighteenth-Century Siberian Church Architecture

Russia's engagement with Asian peoples and cultures forms a topic whose boundaries have yet to be thoroughly explored, particularly in the relationship between Russian and Asian architecture. As an artifact demanding significant resources as well as building skills, architecture involves numerous factors related to social, cultural, economic and technological history. The present article will point to specific instances, primarily in eighteenth-century Siberian church architecture that suggest a Russian receptivity to east Asian ornamentation. Russia is a Eurasian power, and it is plausible that the growth of trade between Russia and eastern Asia (especially China) in the eighteenth century would have fostered possibilities for cultural transference. Such exchange, it will be argued, seems to have occurred in the realm of architecture, in which decorative motifs could be observed, disseminated (even in printed form) and copied at significant points along Russia's Asian pathways.