Russian Elite Research Articles

Retrospective analysis and current priorities of winemaking development in Southern Russia

The development of winemaking in southern Russia has a centuries-old tradition. The peculiarities of winemaking development in the Crimean peninsula should be considered on a case-by-case basis due to the special geographical and climatic conditions and the distinctive historical development of the region. The accession of Crimea to the Russian Empire not only gave a new impetus to the development of the industry on the peninsula, but also opened a new page in the history of Russian winemaking. The Russian elite quickly assessed the economic prospects of the region. Natural conditions led to the existence of three winemaking zones in Crimea, which, despite the change of historical eras, still reflect the conditions of winemaking on the peninsula. To assess the condition of winemaking on the peninsula, a retrospective analysis of the industry's development since Crimea was annexed to the Russian Empire in 1783 was made, and three major periods in the history of winemaking, corresponding to the general course of historical events in Russia, were highlighted: Crimean winemaking in the Russian Empire, development of viticulture and winemaking in Crimea in the Soviet period, and the dynamics of industry development at the present stage. The study analyses the main problems facing the industry at the present stage. At the same time, statistical data and examples confirmed the role of Crimean winemaking as one of the fundamental branches of the Crimean economy, based on a rich historical experience, but also actively developing in line with modern trends.

Понятие метафизического языка и политика перевода у П.А. Вяземского

The article focuses on the notion of metaphysical language which appears periodically in some texts by P. Vyasemsky and A. Pushkin (as well as E. Baratynsky) through the 1820s and up to 1831, when Vyasemsky publishes his translation of Benjamin Constant’s novel “Adolphe.” We attempt to elucidate this rather vague and ambiguous notion, which functions in Constant and Vyasemsky as a product of the “dialectics of reason and emotions.” The language that expresses this dialectics would be metaphysical insofar as it conveys the “truth.” Less poetical than practical, this language of “contemporary” metaphysics aims at solving political, philosophical and military tasks and belongs to newborn Russian elite, both national and cosmopolitan. Such a language could be formed only by confronting other languages, i. e. by means of “translation” which presupposes a deconstruction of semantic and syntactical structures of the mother tongue.

Features of education and upbringing of children in noble families in Russia in the XVIII–XIX centuries

The purpose of the article is to study the peculiarities of raising children in the families of the Russian elite of the 18th-19th centuries, as well as its relevance for the modern development of pedagogical science. The author has carried out an analysis of family education in a noble environment in the works of representatives of the Russian intellectual elite of the 18th-19th centuries, which was based on a rethinking of the pedagogical ideas of humanism and enlightenment. When studying the works of scientists, methods of assessing the pedagogical heritage of the epoch were used, based on the historical reconstruction of pedagogical phenomena and their consistent understanding. The article points out that in the works of representatives of the Russian elite of the XVIII–XIX centuries the following main ideas of family education were proclaimed: the need to improve the interaction between the child and parents on the basis of humanism and faith in the success of the educational influence of parents on the personality of the child; understanding of education as a means of creating a perfect personality; the need for a harmonious combination of different forms of family education; respect for the personality of the child.

Generation of Synthetic Responses to Survey Questions Using GPT-3: A Case of Hard-to-Reach Members of Russian Elites (based on the Survey of Russian Elites)

Generation of Synthetic Responses to Survey Questions Using GPT-3: A Case of Hard-to-Reach Members of Russian Elites (based on the Survey of Russian Elites)

The information privileges of political elites in the conditions of social media development

The article presents the results of a study of the influence of social media on the information privileges of political elites. In the ―Introduction‖ section, the author substantiates the relevance of the topic and problem of his research. In his opinion, it is determined by the rapid development of social media, which have become a tool of various political actors who use them to achieve various goals. With the development of social media, political elites face new difficulties in exercising information privileges, but at the same time receive new opportunities for information dominance. The study of the information privileges of political elites is becoming even more relevant in the context of an information war. In the section ―Materials and research methods‖ the author characterizes the empirical and methodological bases of his research. The first includes reports and reports from various research organizations, regulations, etc. The second includes the classical theory of elites, the modern theory of political communication and the modern theory of mediatization of politics. In the ―Literature Review,‖ the author systematizes publications related to the topic and problem of their research. He identifies three groups of works: 1) works that examine the interaction of elites with the mass media, their communication activity and strategies for mastering the information space; 2) works whose authors analyze the influence of social media on the political process; 3) works in which social media are correlated with such an important political science category as the political regime. In the ―Research results and their discussion‖ section, the author formulates a definition of information privileges, understanding them as priority access to the media space, which provides significant opportunities in the field of information dominance. He argues that, firstly, social media acts as a factor preventing political elites from exercising information privileges, because imply practices that contradict elite models of managing society, and secondly, that in order to realize information privileges and maintain their socio-political status in general, political elites are currently using two ―reactive‖ and one ―proactive‖ strategies. The author emphasizes that in conditions of political crises, through social media, the opposition is trying to eliminate the communication monopoly of political elites. The authors also point out that in the ―post-truth‖world, political elites receive new opportunities to exercise their information privileges. However, ―post-truth‖ circulating in the space of social media also determines the formation of opposition centers of information gravity. Using the latest data, he comes to the conclusion that the hybrid war unleashed against Russia involves the involvement of existing and the formation of new hostile centers of information gravity, the key task of which is precisely to undermine the information dominance of the Russian elite, and then to create and manage internal crises, in destabilizing the political regime in the country. In the ―Conclusion‖ section, the author summarizes his research, briefly listing the results obtained.

Pedigreed Legends as a Way of Integration of the Political Elite in the XVI Century

The article analyzes the role of pedigreed legends in the formation of political and managerial elites in Russia of the XVI century. The need to recruit, circulate and consolidate the elites at that time led to the formation of the institution of pedigree legends, which allowed the nobility to lengthen and elevate their origin. The article analyzes the pedigree of the legend about the origin of the Ratsha from which many noble families had their origin. The authors conclude that the supreme power actively used pedigreed legends in its symbolic policy.

COMMENTARY – HISTORICAL ESOTERICISM AS A COGNITION METHOD

A number of para-academic tendencies in Russian social science helped prepare the Ukraine war. In addition to propaganda and disinformation campaigns by the Kremlin, an intellectual deformation of the Russian elite by the Manichean ideas of such theorists as Lev Gumilyov and Aleksandr Dugin is partly responsible for Russia's increasing secession from Europe. Post-Soviet public discourse has become infected with an array of speculative, often conspiratorial, and sometimes occultist or racist theories. Their proponents have crowded out acknowledged social scientists and historians from intellectual and media debates. This parallel public discourse has been developing since the beginning of glasnost, 35 years ago, and became one of the determinants of Russia's attack on Ukraine in 2014.

Putin’s War in Syria: Russian Foreign Policy and the Price of America’s Absence

Putin’s War in Syria: Russian Foreign Policy and the Price of America’s Absence

The present conditions for formation of the financial economic culture of Russian youth

The article is devoted to analysis of attitudes and ideas of young people about their own well-being and opportunities for implementation of financial behavior in the context of the prevailing socio-economic conditions, as well as a private assessment of these conditions and their prospects. The empirical basis of this work was the results obtained within the framework of two research projects, namely 1) research work within the framework of the State assignment for 2021 "Financial and economic culture as a parameter of the economic system: research methods and evaluation criteria" and 2) the author's sociological study "Economic culture of modern Russian youth", 2022. Youth, as the most creative and active part of society, is the driving force in the development of all spheres of society's life, and its attitude to the surrounding reality, in particular, to the socio-economic structure of our country, to the Russian elite, and the authorities sets the vector of transformational impact on both the State and society as a whole. The data obtained as a result of the conducted research reflect the negative assessments and young people's views on the future of the Russian economy and social sphere. In particular, this is expressed in low assessments of the actions of Russian elites and low trust in the State and state sources of information, that indirectly indicates that the respondents choose other sources of information for making economic decisions, and this can lead to new problems and risks associated with the quality of these sources, transformation of attitudes, values and behavior, including that in the financial market. This fact, first of all, serves as a signal to the State, which, according to the authors, should act as a conductor of all social processes in the country: economic, social, political, legal, spiritual and ideological, military, informational, environmental and others.

THE ROLE OF UKRAINIAN SPECIAL OPERATIONS FORCES WITHIN THE WAR IN UKRAINE

: The analysis of Ukrainian special operations forces’ capabilities is an important endeavor in studying the development of the war from Ukraine – as a consequence of the Russian Army invasion, in February 24, 2022. The actions of the Ukrainian elite military forces contributed to the failure of the initial Russian military planners’ strategic aims. National Ukrainian Army initiated the preparations to defend against an invasion force of the Russian Federation Armed Forces of 200,000 militaries, grouped in tactical units around the Ukrainian borders. Special operations Ukrainian forces had the significant role of stopping Moscow’s objectives established at the beginning of the Russian invasion and of obtaining these remarkable results within the fights against the Russian army’s units; they stood out especially within the planned action of defeating the capital of Ukraine, Kyiv. The role of Ukrainian special operations forces within the war in Ukraine consisted in bold actions behind the adversaries’ lines, resulting in destroying certain command points and in eliminating several important commanders from the command chain of the Russian Federation invasion forces. Ukrainian special operations forces engaged efficiently the fight with the Russian elite forces that landed in the neighborhood of Kyiv and also blocked the military actions that intending to get the control over certain strategic objectives. Interrupting the logistic flow of the Russian Armed Forces, destroying the Russian logistic centers from Ukrainian and Russian territory, as well as organizing resistance cells for guerrilla fight within the Ukrainian territories occupied by the Russians are among the successful missions of the Ukrainian special operations forces. The endeavor of the current article is to analyze the Ukrainian special operations force’ transformation process since 2014 – an evolution from a structure specific for the „Spetsnaz” and Soviet Union (U.R.S.S) to the current capabilities and modern endowment, driven upon a development & training program, commonly developed with special forces units from NATO armies.

Principles of Staffing the Church Elite in Russia in the 16th Century: The Episcopate

Principles of Staffing the Church Elite in Russia in the 16th Century: The Episcopate

«В краю отцов» российского царедворца: Придунавье — родина И. П. Кутайсова

Studying the Russian-Turkish war of 1768—1774 allows us to shed light on the circumstances preceding the appearance of I. P. Kutaisov (1759—1834) in Russia. Kutaisov was a well-known and powerful courtier during the reign of Pavel I (1796—1801), and the founder of a dynasty of counts very close to the throne. A detailed comparison of the events in 1770 allowed us to find out that during the “sabotage” in Chilia fortress (in August), count N. V. Repnin’s soldiers captivated a Tatar boy from Burkut aul on the eastern bank of the Lake Katlabukh near the Danube, in the vicinity of the fortified locality named ‘Kitay’ (Shikirli-Kitay, now Suvorovo). It seems that his surname Kutaisov derives from this toponym and was given to the child later, in Saint Petersburg. It was a joint effort of several representatives of the Russian elite to send the boy to the capital city as a ‘gift’ to Catherine the Great, after the conquest of Bender (in September). After a solemn ceremony, the Empress sent this ‘live’ gift to serve her son, prince Pavel, who gave the boy his own name (Pavlovich).

Determining Argumentative Dispute Resolution Reveals Deep Disagreement Over Harassment Issue (A Case-Study of a Discussion in the Russian Parliament)

Abstract In 2018, three journalists accused one of the Members of the Russian Parliament of harassment at workplace. Many influential persons of the Russian elite engaged themselves in the public discussion of the conflict. We studied that high-profiled discussion using a hybrid method merging human- and logic-oriented approaches in argumentation studies. The method develops ideas of the new dialectics, the argumentation logic and the logical-cognitive approach to argumentation, on which is based the algorithm for determining of dispute resolution by aggregating formal and informal tools of analysis. We have reconstructed the discussion as two disputes about questions A and B. A: Did the MP violate the code of conduct by making statements or actions against the journalists? B: Are actions like the behavior of the MP harassment? The opinions of the discussion participants were grouped into the four points of view: A1 – the MP did not violate the code of conduct, A2 – the MP violated the code of conduct, B3 – the actions are not harassment, B4 – the actions are harassment. We mapped arguments in support or against each of them using OVA software, evaluated the arguments with the help of the critical questions, a tool proposed in the new dialectics, and determined the ultimate A + B resolution by applying of the algorithm that combines elements of gradual and labelling semantics from the argumentation logic and the classification of disputes from the dialectical approaches. The resolution was a subset of four arguments that ensured the victory of A1+B4. However, the substantial incompatibility of those arguments highlighted a deep disagreement, an unresolvable difference of opinion, between the parties about the permissibility of courtship. The deep disagreement, a bonus result yielded by the application of the hybrid method, excluded the interpretation of the determined resolution as convincing for the parties, but pointed out a way to smooth the difference of opinions by elaborating of legal, social and moral aspects of the problem of harassment at workplace.

Russian conservatism: outlines of a responsible political course

The article deals with the development of conservatism in modern Russian society. The current socio-political situation indicates that Russian society refuses to accept liberal Western values, giving preference to values of a conservative nature. There is an obvious demand for conservative projects to consider the values of social justice, the greater social orientation of the state, the rules and orders that are significant for people and have been with them for decades. The Russian elites are still poorly aware of the possibilities of reflecting such a request and remain within the framework of their usual ideological and conceptual approaches. The article outlines the main problem areas of Russian conservatism, which include the lack of a conservative view on the economy, a certain degree of closeness of conservatism to society, and an upset balance between renewal and preservation. Modern Russia needs to develop a new traditionalist-conservative doctrine as a possible methodology for the development of the entire Russian society, a new, broader, Russian conservatism. It is necessary to develop own “language”, taking into account civilizational, cultural and socio-historical features.

„Russkij Mir“ – nadnacionální integrační projekt či projev postsovětského imperialismu?

A seemingly new geopolitical term appeared in post-Soviet political discourse during the 90’s of the last century: Russkij Mir (Russian Peace). Generally formulated, this term stands for a large international community of people who share a sense of belonging to Russian culture and Russian language and share a “devotion to the values of Russian civilization”. The formation of the concept of Russkij Mir by the Russian elite and its implementation into politics can be interpreted as the result of efforts to overcome the deep crisis that hit, after the break-up of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation and other post-Soviet states. Moreover, it can be seen as one of the results of the search for a new Russian identity under new social, political and international conditions that appeared after 1991. The aim of this study is to outline the creation of this important Russian project though a historical sketch and ethnocultural argumentation. Moreover, this study points out its current social relevance by describing examples from Russian, Belarussian and Ukrainian environments.

Military Organization’s Role and Place in the Recent Russia (Russian Militocracy)

Military could perform different roles in a state. In democracies civilian control and supervise of the military leaves it acting in the defense areas mostly. In military juntas, the military is involved in a state governing, but usually does not intervene other spheres of social life. The extreme of military influence and domination is a military state phenomenon. Here the military not only leads the governing but also transferes its values, culture and philosophy to the entire state. There have been military states in the past but what we see today in a majority of cases are military juntas. Russia under Putin rule is different. The military here is becoming a leading pover, a provider of ideas and a realizer of tasks. It is loved and admired by Russian elites and is spreading own culture and values to all society. Some time ago, Russian experts analyzing a process of military infiltration into administrative and political areas of statehood named this as a militocracy. Now militocracy is expanding, the military organization is penetrating country’s leadership minds and hearts and moving the entire state to a status where social, cultural and economical and other spheres of life become dominated by military with the military mindset prevailing. The military values and institutional characteristics become dominative as well. The state become almost a military state. This situation became possible due to Russian military organization remaining a Prussian military type creature with specific philosophy, values, working culture, etc. To succed in domination and secure achievements, the military organization worked out an entire system of programs and actions allowing not only regaining a power but strenghen own positions. Next to a physical infiltration of the military personnel into other social groups, those actions also include designing and applying a military “Modus of Operandi” in the state governing, spreading military mindset, culture, values to the nation and participating in a creation new Russian elites.

Does Integration Rhetoric Help? Eurasian Regionalism and the Rhetorical Dissonance of Russian Elites

A widespread argument in regionalism studies is that elite narratives are crucial for strengthening regional integration projects. The essay shows that this conjecture does not hold in the case of Eurasian regionalism. Russian elites demonstrate a very high level of rhetorical commitment to regionalism. However, Russia’s rhetoric is characterised by a permanent dissonance. Officially, Russian elites highlight the equality of all participants in regional arrangements and respect for their sovereignty. At the same time, Russian politicians and bureaucrats regularly make imperialist statements to placate domestic audiences. As a result, most framings of Eurasian regionalism that can be derived from Russian discourses are highly unappealing to other post-Soviet states.

Transformation of the highest political elite in Russia after Peter the Great in the process of “palace coups”

The article is devoted to the study of the transformation of the highest political elite of the Russian Empire after the death of Peter the Great. This is one of the most difficult and dramatic periods in Russian history, called the era of “palace coups”. The main properties of the Russian political elite formed by the reforms of Peter the Great are analyzed, its main features are determined that influenced the nature of the intra-elite struggle and led to the transformation of the highest political elite in Russia. The composition and goals of the main court groups that fought for power under Catherine I, Peter II, Anna Ioannovna are considered in detail. The formation of such bodies as the Supreme Privy Council under Catherine I and the Cabinet of Ministers under Anna Ioannovna and their influence on ensuring the interests and transformation of the highest political elite are analyzed. Attempts to limit royal power by members of the Supreme Privy Council were considered and conclusions were drawn about the reasons for their failure.

Genomic Predictors of Brisk Walking Are Associated with Elite Sprinter Status.

Brisk walkers are physically more active, taller, have reduced body fat and greater physical fitness and muscle strength. The aim of our study was to determine whether genetic variants associated with increased walking pace were overrepresented in elite sprinters compared to controls. A total of 70 single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) previously identified in a genome-wide association study (GWAS) of self-reported walking pace in 450,967 European individuals were explored in relation to sprinter status. Genotyping of 137 Russian elite sprinters and 126 controls was performed using microarray technology. Favorable (i.e., high-speed-walking) alleles of 15 SNPs (FHL2 rs55680124 C, SLC39A8 rs13107325 C, E2F3 rs4134943 T, ZNF568 rs1667369 A, GDF5 rs143384 G, PPARG rs2920503 T, AUTS2 rs10452738 A, IGSF3 rs699785 A, CCT3 rs11548200 T, CRTAC1 rs2439823 A, ADAM15 rs11264302 G, C6orf106 rs205262 A, AKAP6 rs12883788 C, CRTC1 rs11881338 A, NRXN3 rs8011870 G) were identified as having positive associations with sprinter status (p < 0.05), of which IGSF3 rs699785 survived correction for multiple testing (p = 0.00004) and was linked (p = 0.042) with increased proportions of fast-twitch muscle fibers of m. vastus lateralis in physically active men (n = 67). Polygenic analysis revealed that individuals with ≥18 favorable alleles of the 15 SNPs have an increased odds ratio of being an elite sprinter when compared to those with ≤17 alleles (OR: 7.89; p < 0.0001). Using UK Biobank data, we also established the association of 14 favorable alleles with low BMI and fat percentage, 8 alleles with increased handgrip strength, and 7 alleles with increased height and fat-free mass. In conclusion, we have identified 15 new genetic markers associated with sprinter status.

Russia invaded by Germans. Notes of an old soldier who is neither a Peer of France, nor a diplomat, nor a deputy

The ending. Continued from Voprosy Literatury (2022, 2).The publication features a commented translation (the ending) of the brochure La Russie Envahie par les Allemands, authored by Filipp Vigel (Weigel), a former member of the Arzamas Society. Printed anonymously, it became a sensation in Russia and Europe alike. Giving the formal reason of responding to A. de Custine’s La Russie en 1839, Vigel’s brochure served as the first manifesto and the first attempt at a historical-philosophical justification of the anti-German sentiment espoused by members of the Russian elite during the reign of Nicholas I. In his overview spanning the early epochs and the contemporary period, Vigel describes Russia’s whole history in terms of the gradual subjugation by Germans (in particular, Baltic Germans) and their growing representation among the ruling elite. The same viewpoint is applied to the analysis of Russian literature, especially Pushkin, who is depicted as an opponent and eventually a victim of the German party. In the conclusion of his work, Vigel shares his thoughts on contemporary Germany and Pan-Slavism.