Role In Asia Research Articles

ASEAN’s Contributions to Attain Peace on The Dynamic of Rohingya Ethic Issue

Humanitarian violence have become a key issue in conflicts that occur, domestically and internationally. This research focuses on how crimes against humanity have occurred in Myanmar, especially in Rakhine-Rohingnya. Furthermore, this study explains how ASEAN’s contribution in urging to resolving the Rohingya ethnic dispute in Myanmar. Moreover, the role of ASEAN in protecting refugees relate to the lost citizenship rights. This study uses deductive explanations and qualitative methods, collecting information through secondary data and interviews with reliable parties.

ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN INDO-PASIFIK AMERIKA SERIKAT DAN CINA TERHADAP INDONESAI DALAM MENDUKUNG GAGASAN POROS MARITIM DUNIA

The Indo-Pacific region creates a new form of dynamics in the international world order, one of the two important situations in which is the rivalry between the US and China, and Indonesia with changes in its foreign policy, named World Maritime Axis. This grand concept under Joko Widodo administration intends to make Indonesia not only a maritime country but a world maritime power. Indonesia's strategic location, which is right in the middle of the Indian and Pacific Oceans and its central role in ASEAN, makes Indonesia one of the countries prioritized by the US and China in "playing" the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region. This study aims to analyze the Indo-Pacific policies of the US and China towards Indonesia in supporting the World Maritime Axis concept. This study uses a qualitative research method that is supported by theories and concepts used to study this research, namely a comparative study of foreign policy and international cooperation. Using qualitative research methods that are descriptive analytical and case study as the type of research.

Appropriating the Indo-Pacific Construct: An Analysis of Eurocentrism from a Southeast Asian Perspective

ABSTRACT Mainstream discourses on the Indo-Pacific have gained momentum over the last fifteen years or so. Since 2007, when India and Japan began sharing strategic assessments after China's enunciation of its “String of Pearls” strategy, military-strategic references to the construct dominated scholarly and policy discussions. This article is an analysis of these discourses, from the perspective of Southeast Asia. Specifically, the discussion suggests that the Southeast Asian roots of the Indo-Pacific construct predate 2007. They prioritise oceanic connectivity and diplomatic engagement across maritime spaces, embodied in the Southeast Asian concepts of nusantara and bebas-aktif. The small states of Southeast Asia had already conceived of one contiguous Indian and Pacific oceanic space within the context of decolonisation, Third World emancipation, and the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). This article suggests that these conceptual maps remain muted in mainstream discourses on the Indo-Pacific. It also highlights the Eurocentric nature of discourses on regionalism and geopolitics, which tend to silence Southeast Asia's role in concept-building. The analysis concludes that discourses about the Indo-Pacific region would be more informed by Southeast Asia's strategic vision and perspectives on connectivity, which could in turn, contribute to more productive policies on peaceful engagement in region.

The Decline of Indonesia’s Leadership Role in ASEAN: Systemic and Domestic Constraints of Jokowi’s Foreign Policy Alterations

This article addresses how systemic stimuli and domestic constraints, specifically on the perception of foreign policy executives, influence Indonesia’s leadership decline in ASEAN under Joko Widodo’s first presidential term. Through the lens of neoclassical realism, it is concluded that Indonesia’s leadership decline in ASEAN is attributed to the changing geopolitical landscape of Asia, with the assertive rise of China and the need to find other models of grand strategies in facing the regional hegemon. Furthermore, there is a unified perception of the irrelevance of maintaining a leadership role in ASEAN, and how the foreign policy executives of the Indonesian President and the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs have concluded to this approach. Implementation of this research is the contribution to the foreign policy framework in facing certain systemic stimuli in the region of Asia, and to understand the role of a unified perspective among foreign policy executives to the actual output of foreign policy. This article contributes to the discourses of; (1) neoclassical realism, specifically on the role of systemic stimuli and elite perceptions as intervening variables in understanding alterations in foreign policy behavior, and (2) empirical analysis of Indonesia’s leadership role in ASEAN during the presidency of Joko Widodo.
 
 Received: 16 August 2021 / Accepted: 25 October 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022

The Myanmar Coup and the Role of Asean

The Myanmar Coup and the Role of Asean

ПОЛІТИКО-ЕКОНОМІЧНА ІНТЕГРАЦІЯ ТА РОЛЬ АСЕАН У ФОРМУВАННІ БЕЗПЕКОВОЇ АРХІТЕКТУРИ В АЗІЇ

The article considers the ASEAN approach to regional integration, which is characterized by great flexibility. All members of the group who are unable to agree on a collective policy can pursue their own, trying to hide internal disputes in the international arena. The main stages of political and economic integration of the group, the factors that hindered its successful development at the beginning of its existence have been identified.The process of formation of the AFTA free trade zone, its strategic goal, spheres of development are described. It is determined that free trade allows ASEAN countries with a narrow domestic market to increase its volume and save in the long run due to the positive effect of scale. The Framework Agreement on the Establishment of the ASEAN Investment Zone was considered, its role and spheres of influence were determined. There is an increase in foreign investment in the economic sectors of the group, which were previously unavailable.The role of ASEAN as an informal leader in the formation of political and economic cooperation between the countries of the region in order to solve the most pressing problems in the field of economy and security is outlined. The advantages and disadvantages of the Regional Forum of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations on Security, which is the first ongoing mechanism to discuss security issues in the Asia-Pacific region to promote constructive dialogue, confidence-building measures in the region and development of preventive diplomacy to prevent possible conflicts. Noted the main activities of the Forum are the fight against terrorism and transnational crime, emergency response, non-proliferation and disarmament, maritime security. The effectiveness of ASEAN in the field of peacekeeping in the region in terms of the number of interstate and internal conflicts that occurred after the formation of the Association and the successful implementation of the group's policy of balancing between leading states in various integration structures and dialogues. It was determined that most of the disputes in the region remain unresolved, but do not enter the stage of open confrontation, which is fundamentally important for the development of the Association.

Перспективы военно-политической интеграции в Азии. Быть ли “Азиатской НАТО”?

A unified strategy of formation of a new organization on security in Asia is absent. Such an initiative is not being emanated by the states of the region. Up to a dozen of varying interpretations of the notion of an “Asian NATO” are spread among the political-academic circles of different countries. The main bulk of such interpretations remain of an American authorship and are aimed at formation of military-political alliance targeted against China, and rather through activation of existing formats than through establishing a formalized military alliance. There is an evolution of the quadrilateral format of QUAD. The bifurcation point in its development requires a choice between evolution towards the real military alliance or in direction of a hybrid strategy of general political and economic interaction within the Asia-Pacific region, with only marginal components in security area. The American concept of Indo-Pacific region is criticized by the states of the region, and especially by the ASEAN member countries. The role of ASEAN as organizer and coordinator in the security area is decreasing. New configurations of military-political cooperation in Asia and in the Asia-Pacific region are emerging (Japan–India, India–Indonesia–Australia). Russia should be cautious in reacting to not-yet-formed American initiative targeted against China, to avoid actions leading to a new split between groups of states in Asia as a whole and specifically in the Asia-Pacific region, with understanding that in such a split Russia would play not a leading but a secondary role. The majority of the states of the Asia-Pacific macro-region are not ready to shape or join any formal anti-Chinese alliance under the U.S. leadership.

ASEAN's central role in power competition between China and the US in Southeast Asia

The role of ASEAN has always been an issue of interest to policy makers and researchers in the region. Unlike some studies that underestimate the role of ASEAN in regional issues, this paper strives to examine the role of the ASEAN factor with a focus on the central role and overall policy of ASEAN in maintaining the power balance in Southeast Asia in particular and the Asia-Pacific region in general. With the view that ASEAN is a unified multilateral institution that sustains the power balance in Southeast Asia in the context of China's increasingly assertive foreign policy, the paper attempts to implement these research issues: (1) exploring various concepts of power and power evaluation ranking indices; (2) studying the power between China and the US in the Asia-Pacific region and the central role of ASEAN - the region's power triangle; (3) highlighting ASEAN's central role in the Regional Security Forum (ARF) and ASEAN Defense Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM+); and (4) clarifying and emphasizing the central role of ASEAN. In terms of research methods, the paper synthesizes and analyzes the data from the reports on regional security issues in ASEAN as well as applies the theory of power balance in Southeast Asia.

An Assessment of the Cooperation for EU-ASIA Relations and Economic Integration

The relationship between the European Union (EU) and Asia has shown a remarkable increase during the last two to three decade. This is testament to the rising economic prowess of Asia, and the growing economic interdependence between the EU and Asia. While the mutual interests between the EU and Asia are primarily commercial in nature, the EU has in recent years sought to increase its presence in the Asia beyond mere economic ties. The simulation results show that the EU and Asia integration such as FTAs will lead to increases GDPs in the EU, China, Japan, and ASEAN member states. With development in the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), the EU increasingly sees itself as a comprehensive global actor. The EU’s search for a bigger role in Asia has to be seen in the context of its own development, but also as a response to the broader geopolitical and geoeconomic undercurrents impacting the western-centric global order. This paper captures the essence of EU-Asia engagement, and then analyses the emerging political and economic forces that could impact the future.

(Still) Supporting the Indispensable Power: Singapore's Relations with the United States from Trump to Biden

(Still) Supporting the Indispensable Power:Singapore's Relations with the United States from Trump to Biden See Seng Tan (bio) Singapore regards the United States as an indispensable power whose global might, purpose, and reach Singaporeans have long viewed as invaluable to the stability, security, and prosperity of Asia. The United States has evolved from an unlikely collaborator and patron of Singapore following the 1971 British withdrawal east of the Suez Canal to being the city-state's invaluable partner today. As with other U.S. allies and partners, Singapore's relations with the United States were tested during the presidency of Donald Trump, who effectively recused his nation from the traditional role of global leadership it had played since the end of World War II. Yet Singapore chose to stay the course of its pragmatic encouragement and facilitation of the U.S. forward presence in Asia. The transition to the Biden administration, which presumably aims to walk back Trump's "America first" policy without easing up on China, has not changed Singapore's perspective on and policy toward the United States. It remains in Singapore's interest to continue welcoming, facilitating, and—in the face of growing Chinese objection to U.S. strategic dominance in the region—justifying the United States' place and role in Asia. That said, Singapore's view of U.S. indispensability does not mean it will take Washington's side on every international issue and dispute, especially where Singapore's interests and the general well-being of the Asian region are thought to be at risk. Singapore is a consummate hedger that has long sought "to be a friend to all, but an enemy of none."1 Its contemporary support of the United States has risked souring relations with China, [End Page 77] Singapore's top trading partner in 2021.2 Thus understood, Singapore's qualified belief in U.S. leadership presupposes a United States that accepts not only its long-standing role as a world leader but equally the obligation to be a force for Asia's peace, prosperity, and security—a responsibility that, in Singapore's view, is better shared than hogged at a time when Beijing's strategic ambitions have risen concomitantly with China's growing military power and global influence. How the United States and its partners can work with China while balancing Chinese power and influence without causing regional discord is the key challenge. It is on that basis that Singapore will do what it can to help the United States restore its post-Trump credibility in Asia while seeking to ensure that U.S.-China tensions do not irreparably damage the region. This essay contends that Singapore will continue to support the United States' forward presence in Asia while encouraging Washington and Beijing to accommodate one another and seek ways to cooperate amid their competitive relationship. Beginning with a short reflection on the city-state's propensity to hedge against the great powers, the essay then explores Singapore's ties with the United States from the Trump to the Biden administration. Incorrigible Hedger Historically, Southeast Asian states have relied on hedging and shifting limited alignments, and Singapore is no exception.3 Hedging is the inclination to adopt the via media between aligning with great powers and balancing them. States hedge to minimize risks and deny larger powers their ability to dominate without having to balance directly against them.4 Neither passive neutralists nor fence-sitters, hedgers seek to engage multiple powers without becoming reliant on any single power. Short of the U.S.-China rivalry intensifying to Thucydidean proportions, it is not unreasonable to assume that Singapore will persist in hedging to create [End Page 78] strategic space and flexibility for itself as long as there is no undue pressure to take sides.5 Singapore has been described as having pursued a "balanced" foreign policy that assiduously avoids the impression that it is seeking to balance others—a difficult act made more necessary at a time when the city-state is caught in the middle of the U.S.-China competition.6 Like the proverbial bird on a wire, Singapore's perceived vulnerability as a small state in a...

Comment on “Sustainable Health Financing for COVID ‐19 Preparedness and Response in Asia and the Pacific”

Kwon and Kim (2022) summarize the impact of COVID-19 on health and the economy in Asia and the Pacific and how countries have responded to the challenge. In addition, they propose ways to strengthen the health care system so that governments can better prepare for a pandemic. This is a timely study because many countries worldwide are still struggling with dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic successfully. The health care systems in the region are significantly different, and the pandemic response varies from country to country. As a result, there are ample opportunities to learn from the experiences of other countries, and Kwon and Kim (2022) do an excellent job of emphasizing them under a unified framework. I like Kwon and Kim's (2022) paper for four reasons. First, this paper is comprehensive and examines various aspects of the health care system that can increase resilience to a pandemic. In particular, Kwon and Kim (2022) highlight the importance of investing in financing, service delivery, and governance and provide some examples of how governments can do so. Second, it covers many countries in Asia and the Pacific with different income levels, which allows all countries to learn from other countries that share similar health care systems and challenges. Third, Kwon and Kim (2022) emphasize that pandemic “preparedness” is vital for a resilient health care system and urge governments to reassess existing arrangements and prepare for future crises. I agree with this. Finally, I find the discussion of “mobilizing private sector providers” stimulating and valuable. Private sector providers often play a crucial role in Asia and the Pacific, so it is essential to mobilize them during a pandemic. This is also a big problem in Japan, where I live. The rest of this comment will focus on this issue. Mobilizing private sector providers may not be easy. As Kwon and Kim (2022) state, many countries in Asia and the Pacific – such as the Republic of Korea, Japan, the Philippines, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, and Bangladesh – rely on private sector providers. In contrast, Thailand, Bhutan, Timor-Leste, Sri Lanka, and the Pacific Island nations rely primarily on public providers. If the health care system relies mainly on public sector providers, mobilizing providers in an emergency would be relatively easy. However, mobilizing private sector providers may not be straightforward, as the treatment of COVID patients can be costly and not financially attractive. For example, providers must bear the initial setup costs to prevent infection and purchase specialized equipment such as ventilators and extracorporeal membrane oxygenation machines. Treating COVID patients also require a significant number of nursing staff. The need to separate COVID and non-COVID patients may reduce bed turnover, and COVID patients may require longer hospital stays. Health care providers are also at risk of losing future patients if they refer non-COVID patients to other hospitals that do not accept COVID patients. Governments may mobilize private sector providers in two ways. The first is to increase provider payments to cover the higher cost of treating COVID patients. Kwon and Kim (2022) do a great job of discussing several such attempts in the region. For example, Japan doubled provider payments for treating critically ill COVID patients in intensive care since April 2020 (tripled since May 2020). More recently, in December 2020, the government began paying up to US$142,000 per bed to cover the initial setup costs and fixed costs to treat COVID patients. Unfortunately, however, these financial incentives did not appear to be sufficient to secure beds for COVID patients. In Japan, less than 1% of all hospital beds are available for COVID patients, significantly lower than in other countries such as the USA (11%) and the United Kingdom (23%). Kwon and Kim (2022) also discuss government responses in Bangladesh, India, and Korea. Like Japan, some of these countries have raised provider payments for treating COVID patients. Others have subsidized hospitals to cover the fixed costs of accepting COVID patients. A further discussion of better-combining provider payments and subsidies would help us prepare for future pandemics. A clear alternative to higher provider payments is the command-and-control approach. As Kwon and Kim (2022) state, countries can introduce legislation that mandates providers to accept COVID patients. This does help mobilize private sector providers and mitigate bed shortages in emergencies, but it may create another set of problems. For example, determining the amount and duration of compensation for private providers may not be easy, as the impact and length of the pandemic are unpredictable. Kwon and Kim (2022) discuss Thailand's approach, where private hospitals must take COVID patients when COVID patients at public hospitals exceed a threshold. This approach makes sense, and it would be further enlightening if Kwon and Kim (2022) could discuss similar or different regulatory strategies that other countries in the region have implemented.

BILATERAL RELATIONS OF PHILLIPINES AND MALAYSIA: THE ERA OF AND AFTER PRESIDENT MARCOS

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the foreign policy of the Philippines to improve their economic position after being in the country's internal political turmoil. The exploring on the bilateral relations between the Philippines and Malaysia since the leadership of President Carlos Garcia until President Rodrigo Duterte. At the international level, the termination of US military bases from the country in 1992 invites major challenge to the Philippines in the international arena, that changes the fate of the political elite position among Filipinos. The Philippines claim to Sabah as part of its territory, while Indonesia declares the region of Borneo as its territory through the desire of Sukarno to establish Indonesia Raya. The claim of Sabah by the Philippines for over thirty years. The conflict in the southern Philippines over the MILF and MNL as well as the latest issue relating to the economic downturn in 1997 until 1998 generates a relationship that cannot be avoided between the Philippines and Malaysia. The support of the two countries towards the United Nations and the positive support towards the role of ASEAN's makes bilateral relations between Malaysia and the Philippines. The contributions on the harmonious relationship between the Philippines and Malaysia is the result of the spirit of Asian countries formed through policies of both countries to support ASEAN.

Cold Wars: Asia, the Middle East, Europe

Cold Wars: Asia, the Middle East, Europe

Economic Liberalization And Its Link To Convergence: Empirical Evidence From RCEP and TPPA Countries

Economic liberalization has been the emphasisof adjustment policies in developing countries; ASEAN countries jumped on the bandwagon and espousedeconomic reforms by liberalizingits international trade andfinancial policies. Through the development of free tradeagreement policies such as AEC and RCEP,regional economic integration is accelerating in South East Asia; not leaving behind the less developed member countries such as Cambodia, Lao PDR, Myanmar and Vietnam (CLMV). Hence, the objectives ofthis paper are to examine the dynamic impact of economic liberalization (financial and trade liberalization) on ASEAN’seconomic growth and to assess the possibility of the existence of convergence club between ASEAN and its RCEPcounterparts. Using the annual data covering the period of 1994to 2014, the analysis is based on the Pooled Mean Group (PMG) estimations for liberalization analysis while the Phillips and Sul (2007) methodology is used to assess the economic convergence clubs. The empirical evidence suggests that both trade and financial liberalization play a significant role in ASEAN’seconomic growth. For convergencein RCEP,full sample find an absence of homogenous convergence;as a result, four club convergencesare formed.The result highlights the importance of trade and financial liberalization in enhancing economic growth of ASEANandimpliesthat strong commitments in continuation of liberalization and integration policies arerecommended to promote a sustained economic growth.

Under Western Eyes? Elements for a Transnational and International History of Sociology in Asia (1960s–1980s)

AbstractVery few articles or chapters account for the history of sociology in Asia as a whole or for its inception from the late 19th century, especially in Japan, China and India. The following article, partly based on archival evidence, takes into consideration two important elements that bind together the various developments of sociology in Asia after World War II, namely calls for a better relevance of concepts and theories in order to fight academic colonialism, and strivings in the 1970s for the organization of an Asian sociological or social science organization. It will end with a short reflection and interrogation on the role of Asia in the world social science archipelago.

Upaya dan Peran ASEAN dalam Penyelesaian Sengketa Laut China Selatan

This research examines the role of ASEAN as a regional organization, in handling South China Sea (SCS) disputes and the problems faced by ASEAN as a community in handling SCS disputes with the substance of the legal issues to be studied in this research, this research is designed as a non-doctrinal legal research which is supported by secondary data. All research results are sought to relate to one another by using deduction and induction reasoning and then the existing legal materials are analyzed qualitatively so that the conclusions are generated to provide prescriptions. In accordance The research results explain that ASEAN's role in handling SCS disputes lies in ASEAN's ability as a regional organization to try to ensure that SCS dispute resolution is carried out through diplomatic mechanisms, compliance with international law and avoiding the use of force that reflects the implementation of the "ASEAN Way"

SOUTH CHINA SEA CLAIM DISPUTE SETTLEMENT BETWEEN ASEAN AND CHINA

The title of this research is "South China Sea Claim Dispute Settlement between ASEAN and China" The purpose of this study is to find out the role of ASEAN in efforts to resolve claims in the South China Sea. This research is a descriptive study - analysis that focuses on secondary data. In this study data collection was carried out using the library research method, namely by reviewing several references relating to the problem in this study, as well as interviews with various sources, which were held verbally and frequently asked by informants to get more in the explanation and information about the matter. matters relating to the problems discussed in this study, data obtained from the literature both orally and in writing. territorial conflicts that occur in the South China Sea are increasingly difficult to resolve because the attitude of the Chinese government is often inconsistent with efforts to resolve conflicts offered by ASEAN. ASEAN countries still have not reached an agreement on the Code of Ethics (COC) because of the different interests of each country. ASEAN is expected to face this conflict dynamics while maintaining peace and transforming potential conflicts into potential cooperation through a number of potential peace talks.

What Matters for Private Investment Financing in Renewable Energy Globally and in Asia?

We examine the drivers of private investment in renewable energy by source of funding for 13 global economies over the period 2008 to 2018, with a focus on a sub-panel of Asian economies. Using a seemingly unrelated regression model, we provide a first quantitative estimate of the effect of government renewable energy policies on private investments across different sources of financing. Our results indicate that feed-in-tariffs (FITs) have the greatest overall effect in Asia on driving private investment in renewable energy, particularly from asset finance compared with other funding sources. The impact of FITs in Asia is also greater than that of the global sample. The impact of FITs is amplified in the presence of lower regulatory quality, which may be related to ease of market entry. We also find an important role in Asia for government expenditure on research and development in stimulating private investment. The magnitudes of the effects in Asia are broadly in line with the overall global sample. Finally, we find that technology costs, are less elastic on private investment in Asia compared with globally in affecting private investment in renewable energy across all funding sources, which may be related to the prevailing strong cost competitiveness of Asian economies in renewable energy provision.

ВЛИЯНИЕ ЦИФРОВЫХ ПЛАТФОРМ НА ТРАНСФОРМАЦИЮ МИРОВОЙ ФИНАНСОВОЙ СИСТЕМЫ

The article describes the main trends in the growth and spread of digital platforms and platform-based companies, as well as identifies the reasons and factors for their penetration into the financial sector. The sector of digital payments based on platforms is analyzed. It also emphasizes the impact of the infor-mation system on changing the traditional functions of money and the form of money in the future, as well as on the role of large technology companies and their potential. Analyzing various expectations regarding the development of digital platforms in the world, the essence of the ongoing changes and their various conse-quences for the global financial system, and the central role of Asia in general and China in particular, were identified. The purpose of the study is to study the various impacts of digital platforms on the global financial system, identify problems and propose solutions to overcome them. the object of research is the global finan-cial system. the subject of research is the economic relations between its subjectsThe article proves the rev-olutionary impact of digital platforms on the changes taking place in the system that will shape our new world, and emphasizes the strengthening of cooperation between different sectors in one country or between the state and other countries.

Eurasian Regionalism as a Research Agenda. Interview with Dr. Mikhail A. Molchanov, University of Salamanca, Spain

Mikhail Aleksandrovich Molchanov is a prominent Canadian political scholar, professor and publicist. He has worked as a senior policy analyst for the Government of Canada and a professor of political science at several Canadian universities. He held a visiting professor appointment at the American University of Sharjah, UAE, and several visiting research appointments at the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies, Waseda University and Aoyama Gakuin University in Tokyo, Japan, and at the United Nations University Institute of Comparative Regional Studies (UNU-CRIS) in Brugge, Belgium. Dr. Molchanovs research focuses on international relations in Eurasia and international political economy of regional integration. His research projects have been supported by the United States Institute of Peace, The Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, the United Nations University Institute on Comparative Regional Integration Studies (UNU-CRIS), the United Nations University Institute of Advanced Studies (UNU-IAS), Japan Foundation, Soros Foundations, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the New Brunswick Innovation Foundation. In 2011, he was awarded the Japan Foundations prestigious Japanese Studies Fellowship, and in 2012, elected Foreign Member of the National Academy of Educational Sciences of Ukraine. He is the winner of the inaugural Robert H. Donaldson prize of the International Studies Association for the best paper study of the post-communist region. He sits on the Board of the Global and International Studies Program, University of Salamanca, Spain. Dr. Molchanov has published extensively on comparative politics and international relations of the post-communist states. He has authored and co-authored 7 books and nearly 120 articles and book chapters, including, most recently, Eurasian Regionalisms and Russian Foreign Policy [Molchanov 2016a], and Management Theory for Economic Systems [Molchanov, Molchanova 2018], as well as Eurasian Regionalism: Ideas and Practices [Molchanov 2015], Russias Leadership of Regional Integration in Eurasia [Molchanov 2016b], The Eurasian Economic Union [Molchanov 2018a], New Regionalism and Eurasia [Molchanov 2018b], Russian Security Strategy and the Geopolitics of Energy in Eurasia [Molchanov 2019], and Eurasian Regionalisms and Russias Pivot to the East: The Role of ASEAN [Molchanov 2014]. In his interview Dr. Molchanov talks about the formation of Eurasian studies in the U.S., Europe and the post-Soviet states, leading scientists in this area and periodicals. Special attention is paid to the perception of the Eurasian space in Western countries, to the prospects for further institutionalization of the Eurasian Economic Union, to the partnership between Russia and China and to Russia - EU relations.