Roh Moo-hyun Administration Research Articles

지방선거에서 중국인 등 외국인 영주권자 선거권 배제 필요성에 관한 연구

In 2005, during the Roh Moo-hyun administration, South Korea gave foreigners the right to vote for local council members and heads of local governments. Koreans living in China cannot cast a single vote in elections held in China. Foreign permanent residents residing in South Korea can vote after only three years. The number of Chinese permanent residents in South Korea is approximately 150,000, and the number of permanent residents who are foreigners and can participate in elections in 2026 is expected to be 181,251. This can be said to be an example of deviating from the principle of reciprocity in that one can vote in Korean local elections even if one does not have Korean nationality. The current law has some unreasonable aspects and is not fair from the perspective of reciprocity. Additionally, there have been attempts by China to interfere in elections in Australia and Canada, and voices of concern about Chinese political intervention are growing. These laws that violate reciprocity must be revised. Based on the principle of reciprocity voting rights for foreign permanent residents including Chinese should be excluded.

1980년 언론기본법에 대한 헌법적 평가

The Basic Act on Press of 1980 is widely regarded as the most repressive law of the 5th Republic of Korea, and this is unsurprising since it was enacted by the new military government that seized power though a coup. However, upon closer examination of the Basic Press Act's detrimental impact, the assessment becomes less straightforward. The clause on registration cancellation is the key factor leading to its classification as highly repressive, as granting the government the power to cancel media organizations' registration for overly broad reasons is inherently unconstitutional. Nevertheless, apart from this provision, it becomes difficult to label the remaining aspects of the Basic Press Act as entirely repressive.
 From the perspective of press freedom, the evaluation of the Basic Press Act is as follows: Firstly, the Basic Press Act makes a distinction between “freedom of expression,” which applies to individuals, and “freedom of the press,” which pertains to media entities. It is based on the theory that the state has an obligation to establish a system that grants privileges and responsibilities to mass media to safeguard press freedom. This theory was known as “the public function theory of the press” or “the institutional guarantee of free speech” at that time. Secondly, the Basic Press Act recognizes the growing influence of broadcasting as a major medium for achieving press freedom and institutionalizes the public broadcasting system. Thirdly, the Basic Press Act formally recognizes the right to know, which is a relatively new and highly commendable addition.
 A significant part of the Basic Press Act's framework still exists today. The functions of the Press Arbitration Commission and the Broadcasting Commission were even strengthened in the new laws that replaced the Basic Press Act in 1987 when the authoritarian government was collapsing. This indicates that the Basic Press Act deserved positive evaluations with respect to its content. The press freedom theory adopted by the Act bears the most similarity to the Newspaper Law and Press Arbitration Law enacted during the Roh Moo-hyun administration. The Basic Press Act's pursuit of the public function theory of the press found realization through the Newspaper Law, while the Basic Press Act's provisions for addressing media damage were implemented through the Press Arbitration Law. However, due to advancements in information and communication technology, the media landscape has undergone significant changes, rendering the inheritance of the Basic Press Act by the Newspaper Law outdated. It is commendable that the Newspaper Law was amended in 2010 to guarantee freedom of the press after the Constitutional Court ruled basic clauses of the Newspaper Law unconstitutional.
 The public function theory of the Basic Press Act was carried over to the Broadcasting Law. Considering the level of broadcasting and communication technology at the time of the 1987 replacement legislation, it was reasonable to incorporate the public function theory into the Broadcasting Law. However, despite technological advancements eliminating the unique characteristics of broadcasting, such as frequency limitations, it is also anachronistic that the Broadcasting Law still adheres to the public function theory. In today's media environment, where anyone can disseminate their thoughts, there should be no distinction between an individual's freedom of expression and the media's freedom of the press. It is time to bid farewell to the theoretical foundation of the Basic Press Act, the public function theory of the press.

한국과 일본의 지역정책 비교연구

Purpose: The purpose of this study is to draw implications by comparing and analyzing the development process,institutionalization process, and characteristics of regional policies in Korea and Japan. Research design, data, and methodology: As for the research method, the literature analysis on the developmentprocess of regional policy in Korea and Japan after 1945 and the development process of regional policy in Koreaafter the 1997 IMF economic crisis were comparatively analyzed. Results: The results of this analysis are as follows. First, in the regional gap between Korea and Japan, low fertilityand aging and population decline acted as major background factors. Second, in the course of regional policydevelopment, Korea's deregulation policy became common along with global liberalization, globalization, and opennessafter the 1990s, and as economic deregulation in the metropolitan area progressed, the gap with the provinces wasfurther aggravated. However, in the National Comprehensive Development Plan Government in 1961, Japan promotedregional development policies based on strengthening international competitiveness and corporate rationality as aplan to prevent urban overcrowding in order to narrow the gap between industrial regions and underdevelopedregions in the high-growth period. Third, in the process of institutionalizing Korea-Japan regional policies, in Korea,the Roh Moo-hyun administration, which was launched in 2003, set the region as an agent of innovation andreorganized regional policies to develop regional industrial policies. In Japan, the division of roles between thegovernment and local governments was greatly revised in accordance with the enforcement of the ‘Batch Act onDecentralization’ in 2000, and local independence was systematically guaranteed. Fourth, Korea's regional policy setbalanced national land development as a mid- to long-term strategic goal and encouraged regional-led establishmentof sources of knowledge and technology, thereby resolving regional disparities and promoting balanced developmentof the entire country. In Japan's regional development policy, regional decentralization of factories and educationalinstitutions, the growth of central core cities, and social capital were rearranged. Implications: IIn conclusion, since Korea and Japan have strong centralized characteristics, there is a similarity thatregional development policies achieved economic development centered on the metropolitan area. However, it turnsout that there are fundamental differences between the regional policies of Korea and Japan to resolve such regionaldifferences. In Japan's regional policies, regional policies are being pursued with an emphasis on welfare policies forthe elderly in order to reduce regional disparities. However, in Korea, the cultural and economic disparities betweenregions are so large that they focus on constructing cultural welfare services and creating jobs.

권력관계 변동에 따른 자활사업 제도 변화 연구

This thesis analyzed how the objectives and functions of the self-sufficiency institution changed according to the changed dynamics. The timing of the thesis was classified according to the tendency of marketization. The first period is from 2001 to 2007, from the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Roh Moo-hyun administration. The second period is from 2008 to 2016, from the Lee Myung-Bak administration to the Park Geun-hye administration. During the first period, workfare was implemented, which led to low-income workers. And while standardizing the program, it emphasized economic goals. The delivery system has diversified the service providers into the state, market, and civil society. In the second period, participants were concentrated on projects aimed at employment and market entry. The work oriented programs were extended and performance management programs were adopted. Strengthened economic evaluation of self-sufficiency center and established control system. This thesis interpreted these changes as historical institutionalism. In the first period, the institution has changed as the goal of social self-sufficiency through self- sufficiency project continues and the emphasis on economic self-sufficiency layering. The new rules partially modified the institution without completely replacing the existing system. Therefore, this thesis interpreted the institutional changes in this period as layering. In the second period, the basic framework of the institution was maintained. But the goal of the institution has shifted to achieving economic performance. And the self-sufficiency policy of the conservative government which tried to evaluate the effectiveness of the institution only by market entry, operated differently from the original purpose. This was analyzed as a conversion of the institution.

권력관계 변동에 따른 자활사업 제도 변화 연구

This thesis analyzed how the objectives and functions of the self-sufficiency institution changed according to the changed dynamics. The timing of the thesis was classified according to the tendency of marketization. The first period is from 2001 to 2007, from the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Roh Moo-hyun administration. The second period is from 2008 to 2016, from the Lee Myung-Bak administration to the Park Geun-hye administration. During the first period, workfare was implemented, which led to low-income workers. And while standardizing the program, it emphasized economic goals. The delivery system has diversified the service providers into the state, market, and civil society. In the second period, participants were concentrated on projects aimed at employment and market entry. The work oriented programs were extended and performance management programs were adopted. Strengthened economic evaluation of self-sufficiency center and established control system. This thesis interpreted these changes as historical institutionalism. In the first period, the institution has changed as the goal of social self-sufficiency through self- sufficiency project continues and the emphasis on economic self-sufficiency layering. The new rules partially modified the institution without completely replacing the existing system. Therefore, this thesis interpreted the institutional changes in this period as layering. In the second period, the basic framework of the institution was maintained. But the goal of the institution has shifted to achieving economic performance. And the self-sufficiency policy of the conservative government which tried to evaluate the effectiveness of the institution only by market entry, operated differently from the original purpose. This was analyzed as a conversion of the institution.

Администрация Но Му Хёна: новый взгляд на развитие альянса РК-США в 2003-2008 гг.

Администрация Но Му Хёна: новый взгляд на развитие альянса РК-США в 2003-2008 гг.

Why Declaring a Symbolic End to the Korean War? The Significance of Dual-Track Evolutionary Processes and the Importance of Contents and Participants

The issue of a declaration to end the Korean War, first proposed by the Roh Moo-hyun administration, was elevated to a crucial status by the Moon Jae-in administration. However, the ambiguous nature of the declaration in terms of international law gave it a space for different understanding and interpretation for the parties concerned, causing the USA to worry about North Korea’s stretched interpretation of the declaration. Therefore, the declaration has been given different political implications by North Korea, South Korea, and the USA, making the parties concerned almost impossible to reach a consensus. From the perspective of constructing a long-running peace mechanism on the Korean Peninsula, there are many limitations and hidden dangers in signing a declaration only in a symbolic manner. A valuable declaration should be signed and implemented in tandem with the process of creating a peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula. I argue that the timing for the declaration should come when the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula proceeds from the stage of “freezing” to that of “dismantling.” The declaration should include key participants playing an active role in the process of denuclearization and three major elements: the end of the war, the direction of peace, and the principle of denuclearization.

Policy Value in University Admissions Policy: Focused on Roh Moo-Hyun, Lee Myung-Bak and Park Geun-Hye Administration

본 연구의 목적은 정책가치 이론을 토대로 노무현·이명박·박근혜 정부의 대학입학정책에서 추구된 정 책가치와 약화된 정책가치에 대해 분석하고, 이를 바탕으로 통시적 관점에서 우리나라 대학입학정책에서 추구되어온 정책가치와 정책가치 간 상충관계에서 드러난 특징을 분석하는 것이다. 이를 위해 문헌 연구 의 방법을 사용하였으며, 선행 연구 검토를 통해 평가의 공정성, 대학교육 기회 제공의 형평성, 대학의 입 시 운영 자율성, 평가 도구의 변별성, 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 평가 내용의 타당성 등 우리나라 대학입 학정책의 여섯 가지 주요 정책가치를 도출하였고, 이를 기준으로 각 행정부의 대학입학정책의 정책목표 와 정책수단을 검토하여 추구된 정책가치와 약화된 정책가치를 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 노무현 정부에서 는 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 대학교육 기회 제공의 형평성, 평가 내용의 타당성 정책가치가 추구되었 고, 평가 도구의 변별성, 대학의 입시 운영 자율성 정책가치가 약화되었다. 이명박 정부에서는 대학의 입 시 운영 자율성, 평가 내용의 타당성 정책가치가 추구되었으며, 평가 도구의 변별성 정책가치도 암묵적으 로 추구된 한편, 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 평가의 공정성 정책가치가 약화되었다. 박근혜 정부에서는 고등학교 교육과의 연계성, 평가 내용의 타당성, 대학교육 기회 제공의 형평성 정책가치가 추구되었고, 평가 도구의 변별성, 평가의 공정성 정책가치가 약화되었다. 통시적 분석의 결과, 대학입학정책의 교육적 기능 관련 정책가치들이 강조되어 추구되어 왔고, 고등학교 교육과의 연계성 정책가치와 평가 도구의 변 별성 정책가치 간에 상충관계가 존재했으며, 이 정책가치들은 세 정부를 거치는 사이 순환되는 모습이 나타났다.The purpose of this study is to analyze the pursued and the weakened policy values in university admissions policies of Roh Moo-Hyun, Lee Myung-Bak and Park Geun-Hye administrations based on policy value theory. Diachronic analysis on characteristics of pursued policy values and policy value conflict is followed. For the research, literature review method was used. Through reviewing prior research, major policy values in university admissions policy are identified. Based on the identified values, policy goals and means are reviewed and policy values in university admissions policy of each administration are analyzed. The results show that, in the Roh Moo-Hyun administration, the relevance to high school education, the equity of providing university education opportunities, and the validity of evaluation were pursued while the differentiation of the assessment tools and the autonomy of universities on admissions process were weakened. In the Lee Myung-Bak administration, the autonomy of universities on admissions process and the validity of evaluation were pursued, and the differentiation of the assessment tools was implicitly pursued while the relevance to high school education and the fairness of the evaluation were weakened. In the Park Geun-Hye government, the relevance to high school education, the validity of evaluation, and the equity of providing university education opportunities were pursued while the differentiation of the assessment tools and the fairness of the evaluation were weakened. Diachronic analysis shows that the policy values related to the educational function of university admissions policy have been mainly pursued. Policy value conflict between the relevance to high school education and the differentiation of the assessment tools exists and these policy values show cycling act throughout the three administrations.

Political activities and anti-communism of Korean Protestant conservatives in the 2000s

Korean Protestant Conservatives began political activities against the government when the Roh Moo Hyun administration took office. Conservative Protestants have long been obedient to the government and kept silence on socio-political issues since the foundation of the Republic of Korea. Those politically active conservative Protestants were called the Christian Right. Their sudden political activism came from a sense of crisis they felt about the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Ryun governments’ progressive policies. It arose in a “power vacuum” that even though the progressive governments took political power, the “Cold War structures” still dominated many sections of Korean society. The Christian Right, just like the ideological right, was formed due to a sense of ideological crisis. It thought that the Kim and Roh administrations were pushing Korea, the rightist republic as it believed, into a crisis by adapting leftist policy measures. Their key values were pro-Americanism and anti-communism. Just like American Religious Right, their anti-communism was connected to Manichaean dualism, fundamentalism, and a belief in the providential role of the United States in fight against evil. However, unlike the American counterpart, the Korean Christian Right paid little attention to ethical issues, while making issue of ideological and socio-political matters only.

Has childcare become less of a burden in South Korea? Exploring the nature of pre-and post-reform childcare provision

This paper aims to explore whether any changes in institutional settings and the conditions for care practice have occurred in South Korea following a notable policy shift in childcare provision that took place during the Roh Moo-hyun administration (2003–2007). In order to assess the changes, two dimensions of care provision are introduced: affordability and adequacy. Empirical evidence of what has transpired is discussed in the way of data from large scale national surveys and census reports. By comparing changes in employing childcare services on a longitudinal basis for the period 2002 to 2009, the paper critically evaluates the limitations of the policy changes with respect to these two dimensions. The comparison of the changes in the institutional settings and conditions in care practice for each year assist in evaluating where the policy has and has not altered the burden of childcare in Korea.

Evaluation of Decentralization Policy of Roh Moo Hyun Administration

Evaluation of Decentralization Policy of Roh Moo Hyun Administration

Korean exchange rate and FTAs under the Roh Moo-hyun administration

Korean exchange rate and FTAs under the Roh Moo-hyun administration

A Study on the Policy Change of Sejong City Construction from a Path Dependency Perspective

This paper analyzed the limitation of policy change of Sejong City Construction in perspective of path dependency, the core logic of historical institutionalism. Path dependency means that prior institution continues to affect next policy change or to regulate it. Path dependency is useful methodology to analyze how Sejong City Construction Policy pushed ahead by Roh Moo-hyun Administration affected it of Lee Myung-bak Administration. In characteristics of path dependency, the Administrative Capital Relocation Policy failed because of lock-in of the institution through the 600 year of the Capital Seoul`s history. The Sejong City Construction Policy of Education-Science based City(under amended Sejong City Construction Policy) failed because prior policy affected it. In types of path dependency, the Administrative Capital Relocation Policy was failure of policy change through the increasing returns, and the Sejong City Construction Policy of Multifunctional Administrative City(under Sejong City Construction Policy) was success of modified policy change through the reactive sequences. The amended Sejong City Construction Policy was also failure of policy change through the increasing returns.

The Relations between Two Koreas under Roh Moo-hyun Administration: Matter-Energy and Information Flow

Under the Roh Moo-hyun administration(2003 – 2008), two Koreas continued improvement in relations begun by the previous Kim Dae-jung administration. The flow of matter-energy and information between two Koreas consistently expanded during these administrations. Comparing growth rates in information and matter-energy, we find that the growth rate in information ran faster than that in matter-energy from 1989 to 1994; since 1995, both have run at a similar rate. This shows that the two Koreas recognized the relative advantage of information in relation to matter-energy, but focused on the flow of matter-energy. The two Korean governments recognized the significance of the state of affairs in the region surrounding the Korean Peninsula. At the same time, external pressure had a significant influence on the two Koreas’ relationship. Historically, the two Koreas’ relationship has been dependent on external pressure from the big powers.

An exploratory analysis of unification policy governance of Roh Moo-Hyun's administration: focusing on the relation between government, market and civil society

An exploratory analysis of unification policy governance of Roh Moo-Hyun's administration: focusing on the relation between government, market and civil society

Civil society and local activism in South Korea's local democratization

Recent studies on causes of intergovernmental transformation in old and new democracies have found that decentralization is often the outcome of negotiations between national and local political interests. South Korea is commonly believed to be an exception because local elections and institutions introduced in the early 1990s were, by and large, the product of negotiations among political elites at the centre, without significant inclusion of local actors. However, this article attempts to explicate a hitherto ignored aspect of decentralization reform in Korea: the role of civil society and local activism in the politics of decentralization. In the 2000s, several ‘triggering events’ such as economic instability, democratic consolidation, emergence of civilian leaders, and the growth of civil society provided a strong momentum for the decentralization movement. We demonstrate how civic organizations at both national and local levels have played significant roles in proposing and pushing for decentralization, and argue that the bottom-up movement for decentralization under the Roh Moo-hyun administration was surprisingly well mobilized and institutionalized, especially at the agenda-setting stage.

“Institutional Dimensions of e-Government Development

Why do similar e-government initiatives, implemented by different nations but aimed at achieving similar policy goals, produce different outcomes? To answer this question, this study examines institutional arrangements for e-government development during the Bush administration in the United States and the Roh Moo-hyun administration in Korea. The results of this study demonstrate how different institutional arrangements for e-government developments in terms of the concentration of authority based on differing legal frameworks and the development of diverse and powerful managerial tools for control and coordination contributed to producing different outcomes with regard to building Business Reference Models (BRM) in the two nations.

Allied to Race? The U.S.-Korea Alliance and Arms Race

The Republic of Korea has rapidly increased its defense budget in recent years. Last year's spending of 26.6 trillion won represents a twofold increase from ten years ago. Now the Ministry of National Defense projects an annual average increase of 7.6 percent to 53.3 trillion won by 2020, another doubling over the next decade. South Korea, notably, raised its defense spending at a higher rate than North Korea at a time when Seoul was taking a more conciliatory policy of engagement. While the Roh Moo-hyun administration increased defense spending ostensibly in response to its policy goal to build a more autonomous military, the U.S.-Korea alliance motivated and shaped South Korea's military transformation. This article examines the degree to which external threats, domestic interests, and the alliance have affected the South's military spending and transformation. Key words: East Asian security, South Korea, military spending, South Korea-U.S. relations, arms race Introduction The Republic of Korea (South Korea) has increased its defense budget fourfold in less than twenty years, from 6.6 trillion won in 1990 to 26.6 trillion won in 2008. Last year's spending represents a twofold increase from ten years ago; and now the Ministry of National Defense's (MND) Defense Reform 2020 projects an annual average increase of 7.6 percent to 53.3 trillion won by 2020, another doubling over the next decade.1 Is Seoul engaged in defense-budget doubling projects every ten years? Why has South Korea's military spending increased so much in recent years, and especially under the liberal governments of the past ten years? Why does it keep growing? Is there any pattern that we can discern in South Korea's military spending? South Korea has continuously increased its military spending since 2000 at a rate higher than conventional explanations would expect. Its spending grew 200 percent for the past ten years, higher than would be warranted by the growth of its economy or government budget over the same period. South Korea also, notably, raised its defense spending at a higher rate than North Korea did at a time when Seoul was taking a more conciliatory policy of engagement, commonly dubbed the sunshine policy. Its defense spending increased ostensibly in response to its policy goal to build a more autonomous military under the Roh Moo-hyun administration. But closer examination shows that the U.S.-Korea alliance in fact strengthened during this period and served as driver of South Korea's military transformation. Furthermore, Roh's predecessor and successor have, despite their opposite political orientations, strengthened the military in a way that dovetails with changes in American strategy and military. This article examines how the South's military transformation, in quantity and form, is attributable at least partly to the pressure that its alliance with the United States keeps on Seoul to maintain military readiness and interoperability. This article critically examines three main groups of factors that affect Seoul's military expenditure, showing their contributions and shortcomings. First, it shows that the conventional North Korea threat explanation is more effective in dealing with the past than with more recent periods. Second, it argues that internal factors go far toward explaining some cases of weapons acquisitions. Finally, it suggests that the quantitative growth and qualitative change of South Korea's military are closely correlated with the requirements of alliance readiness, although the alliance produces countervailing effects on Seoul's military spending. External Threats According to realist conventional wisdom, a state allocates resources to the military as a means to provide for survival. Since the minimal goal of a state is its survival against potential threats, the amount of its military spending is proportional to the level of threat it faces. A state in a benign strategic environment may keep its security expenditure to a minimum so it may allocate more resources to internal welfare, even if it may not be able to completely eliminate the military for fear that today's friends should become tomorrow's enemies. …

Roh Moo-hyun Administration's Security Policy and its Domestic Determinants: Opportunities and Challenges for the “Cooperative Self-Reliant National Defense”

Roh Moo-hyun Administration's Security Policy and its Domestic Determinants: Opportunities and Challenges for the “Cooperative Self-Reliant National Defense”

The Roh Moo-hyun Administration and Realignment of US Forces in Korea

The Roh Moo-hyun Administration and Realignment of US Forces in Korea