Rival Factions Research Articles

Family Model and Mystical Body: Witnessing Gender through Political Metaphor in the Early Modern Nation-State

FRANCE BEFORE SUNRISE: TWO POLITICAL THEORIES MEET The sixteenth century in France was a “constitutional moment”—a time when political theorists and jurists articulated a full and rich iteration of the value of constitutionalism and legal-parliamentary authority in relation to the monarch. It was also a moment to “witness” in many senses. It was a time to witness history—Henri II died in a jousting match, only to be followed by three degenerate sons who died in short succession; Catherine de Medici incited the hatred of rival factions; and thousands of Huguenots were massacred in Paris on St. Bartholomew’s Day in 1572. It was also a time of witnessing in a religious sense, as the Wars of Religion tore France apart and the powerful Catholic Ligue targeted the French Calvinists; and it was an instance when witnessing gained new associations related to a striking growth in France’s judicial infrastructure caused by the sale of new offices. By the end of the century, this tremendous political and social instability resulted in the development of a different perspective on political organization and absolutist theory came into circulation, bringing with it a significantly different sense of witnessing. During the first half of the seventeenth century these two political theories vied for the right to define the terms of engagement. For women, this battle between political perspectives was especially important. Each theory, constitutionalism and absolutism, represented a distinct vision of sovereignty—the former emphasized the need for strong judicial governance and the latter the need for a strong monarch—and affected whether women witnessed in a religious sense or in a legal one, as rightsholders and members of the political community. Framing the theoretical conversation about sovereignty were two distinct political positions regarding the nature of kingship and what—if

Darfur: Covering the “forgotten” story

There is no issue in Arab journalism today that is more controversial than how the region’s media cover Darfur. Not Iraq, where, according to a new report from the Arab Archives Institute, 52 Arab journalists have lost their lives since 2001; not Palestine, where journalists are caught between Israel and the Palestinians and between Fatah and Hamas; nor Lebanon, where reporters have been in the cross-hairs of rival factions and governments. Darfur is a hot-button issue in the newsroom not because of the physical danger but because the issue bores right to the heart of the mission of Arab journalism and the self-identity of those who practice it. That was vividly apparent at a one-day workshop on the crisis organized by the International Crisis Group and hosted by the Center for Electronic Journalism at The American University in Cairo in April this year and it was evident again, two weeks later, at the 2007 Arab Broadcast Forum, the annual gathering of Arab television executives. The central issue: “The Arabs see the victims are not Arabs, and we don’t care,” Khaled Ewais, Al Arabiya’s political producer, told the Cairo gathering, which brought together reporters and editors from across the Arab world. Fayez el Sheikh Saleik, Khartoum correspondent of Al-Hayat, concurred: “Sudan is a marginal country when it comes to the Arab region.”

The survival of popular blood sports in Victorian Ulster

Despite legislation making pastimes such as cock-fighting and animal-baiting illegal in Victorian Ireland, these activities persisted through the nineteenth century and beyond. In part, their survival in Ulster reflected the inadequacy of the law and the problems associated with its enforcement. However, the enduring popularity of such practices might also have been a product of the socio-economic conditions of the province during that period. Ulster remained a predominantly rural society, in which animals and their sufferings were familiar to the majority of the population; and where both religious and secular ideas of treating animals with humanity received little popular support. Moreover, the failure of the authorities to suppress these pastimes, and the refusal of many in the population to abandon them, may indicate much about prevailing attitudes to the law. Catholic estrangement from the criminal justice system in Ireland has been asserted by many historians, who argue that it resulted from Protestant manipulation of the processes of the law and domination of the organs of the state. In this case, however, it may be that while opposition to the law was affected by sectarian considerations, innovations in legislation ran contrary to established cultural norms, and were just as important in generating resistance to it. In essence, substantial numbers of the Irish population saw the law as irrelevant and illegitimate, not because it was the tool of a rival faction, but because it required them to act in ways that were contradictory to established traditions, and for reasons with which they had no sympathy.

The survival of popular blood sports in Victorian Ulster

Despite legislation making pastimes such as cock-fighting and animal-baiting illegal in Victorian Ireland, these activities persisted through the nineteenth century and beyond. In part, their survival in Ulster reflected the inadequacy of the law and the problems associated with its enforcement. However, the enduring popularity of such practices might also have been a product of the socio-economic conditions of the province during that period. Ulster remained a predominantly rural society, in which animals and their sufferings were familiar to the majority of the population; and where both religious and secular ideas of treating animals with humanity received little popular support. Moreover, the failure of the authorities to suppress these pastimes, and the refusal of many in the population to abandon them, may indicate much about prevailing attitudes to the law. Catholic estrangement from the criminal justice system in Ireland has been asserted by many historians, who argue that it resulted from Protestant manipulation of the processes of the law and domination of the organs of the state. In this case, however, it may be that while opposition to the law was affected by sectarian considerations, innovations in legislation ran contrary to established cultural norms, and were just as important in generating resistance to it. In essence, substantial numbers of the Irish population saw the law as irrelevant and illegitimate, not because it was the tool of a rival faction, but because it required them to act in ways that were contradictory to established traditions, and for reasons with which they had no sympathy.

The survival of popular blood sports in Victorian Ulster

Despite legislation making pastimes such as cock-fighting and animal-baiting illegal in Victorian Ireland, these activities persisted through the nineteenth century and beyond. In part, their survival in Ulster reflected the inadequacy of the law and the problems associated with its enforcement. However, the enduring popularity of such practices might also have been a product of the socio-economic conditions of the province during that period. Ulster remained a predominantly rural society, in which animals and their sufferings were familiar to the majority of the population; and where both religious and secular ideas of treating animals with humanity received little popular support. Moreover, the failure of the authorities to suppress these pastimes, and the refusal of many in the population to abandon them, may indicate much about prevailing attitudes to the law. Catholic estrangement from the criminal justice system in Ireland has been asserted by many historians, who argue that it resulted from Protestant manipulation of the processes of the law and domination of the organs of the state. In this case, however, it may be that while opposition to the law was affected by sectarian considerations, innovations in legislation ran contrary to established cultural norms, and were just as important in generating resistance to it. In essence, substantial numbers of the Irish population saw the law as irrelevant and illegitimate, not because it was the tool of a rival faction, but because it required them to act in ways that were contradictory to established traditions, and for reasons with which they had no sympathy. Introduction As early as 1714 there seem to have been suggestions that blood sports in Ulster were facing some opposition. A pamphlet published in Belfast in that year noted that, for some, hunting was 'a compound of noise, dirt and fatigue, danger and expense'.1 Fifteen years later, the Bishop of Deny wrote to a confidante that the obsession of the Ulster gentry with shooting and hunting was such that his 'aversion to misery' prevented him from 'joining in the amusements of the place'.2 In 1756 an article in the Belfast News-Letter condemned the 'barbarous and inhuman custom of throwing at cocks and hens' as 'a practice shocking to humanity'.3 John Tenant, the son of a dissenting clergy* Author's e-mail: n.garnham@ulster.ac.uk 1 Arthur Stringer, The experienced huntsman (Belfast, 1714, repr. 1977), 142. 2 James Dallaway (ed.), Letters of the late Thomas Rundle, LL.D. Lord Bishop of Derry in Ireland to Mrs Barbara Sandys, ofMiserden, Gloucestershire (Dublin, 1789), 103-4. 3 Belfast News-Letter (henceforth BNL), 24 February 1756. Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy Vol. 107C, 107-126 © 2007 Royal Irish Academy This content downloaded from 157.55.39.231 on Wed, 05 Oct 2016 04:08:44 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

COMMUNITY POLITICS IN LIVERPOOL AND THE GOVERNANCE OF PROFESSIONAL FOOTBALL IN THE LATE NINETEENTH CENTURY

This article studies the political significance of the schism that occurred at Liverpool's single professional football club in 1892 and which led to the incorporation of two clubs, Everton FC and Liverpool FC. Significantly, the management and direction of professional football had become bound up with community politics and identity at a time of important change in municipal politics when the tories' ascendancy faced a Liberal challenge partly predicated on the success of a virulent moral crusade over the influence of alcohol, social decay, and corruption in local government. At its simplest, the dispute at the club concerned allegations of commercial exploitation by the largest financial stakeholder. More fundamentally, rival factions were championing competing models for the role they believed a successful football club should be performing within the community which, in turn, embraced attempts by the political parties to engage male, working-class voters. Interestingly, the schism was within Protestant ranks for, despite the prominence often assigned to the role of sectarianism in Liverpool politics, differences between Catholics and Protestants played very little part in the dispute. This case study highlights the complexity of Liverpool political activities and alliances and reveals the importance of a multi-layered interplay of local and national issues.

Industry-Wide Information Systems Standardization as Collective Action: The Case of the U.S. Residential Mortgage Industry

Vertical information systems (VIS) standards are technical specifications designed to promote coordination among the organizations within (or across) vertical industry sectors. Examples include the bar code, electronic data interchange (EDI) standards, and RosettaNet business process standards in the electronics industry. This contribution examines VIS standardization through the lens of collective action theory, applied in the literature to information technology product standardization, but not yet to VIS standardization, which is led by heterogeneous groups of user organizations rather than by IT vendors. Through an intensive case analysis of VIS standardization in the U.S. residential mortgage industry, VIS standardization success is shown to be as problematic as IT product standardization success, but for different reasons. VIS standardization involves two linked collective action dilemmas-standards development and standards diffusion- with different characteristics, such that a solution to the first may fail to resolve the second. Whereas prior theoretical and empirical research shows that IT product standardization efforts tend to splinter into rival factions that compete through standards wars in the marketplace, successful VIS standards consortia must encompass heterogeneous groups of user organizations and IT vendors without fragmenting. Some tactics successfully used to solve the collective action dilemma of VIS standardization (e.g., governance mechanisms and policies about intellectual property protection) are also used by IT product standardization efforts, but some are different, and successful VIS standardization requires a package of solutions tailored to fit and jointly resolve the specific dilemmas of particular VIS standards initiatives.

Soldiers, the Frontier and the Politics of Command in British India

The defence of India in general and the North West Frontier in particular was central to strategic debate within the late Victorian army, creating one of the fault lines between rival factions competing for key commands and appointments. After a discussion of the varying strategic options debated within the British and Indian armies, the article examines the impact of Indian defence upon the ‘politics of command’ with particular reference to the appointment of Commanders-in-Chief in India between 1876 and 1892.

Papers of John Adams. Volume 12: October 1781-April 1782 (review)

Papers of John Adams. Volume 12: October 1781-April 1782. Edited by Gregg L. Lint, Richard Alan Ryerson, Anne Decker Cecere, C.James Taylor, Jennifer Shea, Celeste Walker, Margaret A. Hogan. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2004. Pp. 533. Illustrations. Cloth, $85.00.)Reading John Adams's writing in this twelfth volume of the Papers of John Adams has been both pleasurable and instructive. Adams's abilities have long been recognized: his intelligence, his mental energy, his broad knowledge, his capacity for work. He had less attractive traits as well: vanity, hypersensitivity to slight, and, in his later years, an obsession with reputation. In the seven months between October 1781 and April 1782, which this volume covers, Adams and his correspondents produced enough writing to fill 500 pages of printed text. Throughout, Adams's unique qualities of personality and character that make him such a notable and interesting person are vividly displayed.The papers published in volume 12 continue the story of Adams's diplomatic assignment in the Netherlands begun in volumes 10 and 11. The items cover a variety of subjects and include most importantly Adams's correspondence with Congress arid secretary for Foreign Affairs Robert R. Livingstoii; with U.S. envoys John Jay, Benjamin Franklin, and Francis Dana; with various Dutch and French officials and notables; with Dutch bankers about an American loan; and Adams's letters critiquing a recently published history of the American Revolution.Adams was alone in the Netherlands, without wife or sons, commissioned by Congress to negotiate treaties of commerce and alliance with the Dutch States General. Although at war with Great Britain, the Netherlands had not recognized U.S. independence, and Adams was in the awkward position of serving as an informal envoy of the United States without official recognition. As such, he could talk informally with Dutch authorities but could not conduct official business. On his own initiative, without instructions, Adams insisted that formal recognition of U.S. independence must precede any treaty negotiation. To this end, Adams wrote and dispatched memorials, lobbied Dutch officials, courted the French ambassador at The Hague, cultivated Dutch and French politicians and newspaper editors, and wrote and circulated anonymous articles advocating recognition. Success finally came in the spring of 1782 when the States General officially recognized the independence of the United States and received Adams. This set the stage for subsequent Dutch loans that provided crucial financial aid to Congress during the Confederation era.Adams's quest for his country's recognition was the more complicated because of Holland's decentralized government. Power was exercised by an oligarchy of mercantile and financial elites and by the stadtholder, William V, Prince of Orange, George Ill's pro-British nephew. Power was diffused both at the top and throughout the provinces where local assemblies and municipal governments were key. Complicating matters further was the existence of rival factions of Patriots and Orangists predisposed for and against the United States. Adams thus had to deal with a bewildering array of authorities, bodies, officials, and groups, all of whom had to approve whether the United States should be recognized. …

Über die Schärfe in intellektuellen Kontroversen

The intellectual world works by oppositions. New ideas emerge in rival networks. But there is a limited “attention space” which confines intellectual success to between 3 and 6 rival factions. This is a situation which inevitably produces rivalry and by that an — often productive — acrimoniousness among the struggling parties.

"Murther, By a Specious Name": Absalom and Achitophel's Poetics of Sacrificial Surrogacy

"MURTHER, BY A SPECIOUS NAME": ABSALOMAND ACHITOPHEVS POETICS OF SACRIFICIAL SURROGACY Gary Ernst Roger's State University d; ,uring the late 1670's and early '80s, English political satirists 'participated in the endeavors of the rival factions, Dissenter or Whig and Royalist or Tory, to effect judicial violence. While juries condemned and the hangman executed Catholics as traitors during the Popish Plot persecution, John Oldham suggests in the "Prologue' to his Satires upon the Jesuits that he writes to stoke the mass hatred fueling the slayings (2: 19-22). Such animosity powered this initial Dissenter effort to exclude Charles II's Catholic brother, James Stuart, Duke ofYork, from the throne, and left more than two hundred dead.' And Dryden's vituperative response to the striking of a medal to celebrate the grand jury's dismissal of high treason charges against Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury, The Medall (pointedly subtitledA Satire againstSedition) seems to have a clear purpose of inciting Royalists to redouble their efforts to dispatch the opposition leadertothe gallows.2 Judicial slayings ofthis kind are perhaps not surprising in these years ofcrisis and fear. Dissenters like Oldham believed that English Catholics plotted to assassinate Charles, put James on the throne, martyr Protestants with the help of foreign Catholic armies, and destroy both the Protestantfaith and English culture itself; Royalists, on the other hand, saw as ever-looming Dissenter insurrection and another catastrophic civil war to take away their property, power, and perhaps the ' For studies ofthe Plot in this political context, see Miller 169-82; Jones 197-217; Greaves 5-32, and Kenyon's complete volume. 2 Harth studies The Medall as an example of Tory propaganda against the Whigs and supportive of Royal efforts to deliver the earl to the gallows (161-9). 62Gary Ernst life ofthe king.3 Duringthe bloodshed ushering in the two party system, the fatal goals ofsatirists seem quite realistic—and indeed may have been so. Thejudicial persecution ofCatholics consumed victims until the fervorthat Oldham labors to feed burnt out; and, in November 1682, eight months after The Medall found its first audience, Shaftesbury, accused by the crown of new treasons, went into hiding soon to flee England in mortal terror of successful Royalist prosecution. The greatest political satire of this turbulent period, Absalom and Achitophel, responds directly to the recent efforts of Charles's beloved, eldest natural son, the Protestant James Scott, Duke of Monmouth—now "Fir'd with near possession of a Crown " (684)—to displace York in the line of succession. The satire revolves around a depiction ofMonmouth's "War in Masquerade," his recenttour through the west ofEngland to gauge and gain support (682-725). Despite the factthatthe satire clearly posits the threat of national catastrophe, it hardly seems at first as intent upon the death ofthis target as either The Medall or Oldham's Satires seem oftheirs. But, to be sure, it is, although Dryden—committed firstly to York and secondly to king4—carefully conceals both his methods and his intentions against Charles's son. For the purpose ofleading his audience to imitate his attack and carry it from the printed page into the world of action and the courts, he conceives apoetics ofsacrifice that screens his hostilities toward Monmouth from the eyes ofthe very persons he undertakes to mobilized. By appropriating for his satire the cultural phenomenon defined by René Girard as the "scapegoat" or "sacrificial mechanism,"5 Dryden arouses and 3 According to Kenyon, in late 1678, the Commons' inflammatory speeches and addresses to the king gave the impression in the House of Lords that the members of the Commons "seemed intent on fighting the Civil Wars all over again" (129) 4 For a fuller discussion ofDryden's commitmentto York, see McFadden 91, 111 -202; Winn 243-75, and Erskine-Hill 22-5. Daly argues that Mac Flecknoe, written some three years before the beginning ofthe Exclusion Crisis of 1679-81, is an oblique but sustained attack upon Monmouth, a result ofthe laureate's concerns about the king's bestowals ofpower upon Monmouth and the possibility ofthe bastard's eventual succession (655-76). For another discussion that focuses upon Dryden's targeting ofMonmouth m Absalom and Achitophel...

Towards dissolution of the is research debate: from polarization to polarity

The debate between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ research approaches continues in the IS field, but with little prospect of resolution. The debate is typically characterized by tendentious arguments as advocates from each approach offer a somewhat one-sided condemnation of the counterpart from the inimical research tradition. This paper begins by relating two fictitious tales which serve to highlight the futility of research conducted at the extremity of each research approach. The dichotomies which characterize these rival factions are also summarized. The debate is then framed in terms of the polarization problem whereby IS researchers are divided geographically and paradigmatically into ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ camps. A variety of different strategies have been proposed for resolving the debate and these are discussed in detail. They are grouped into four categories, referred to as supremacism, isolationism, integration, and pluralism. Finally, the paper contends that the debate cannot be resolved, and offers the metaphor of magnetic polarity as a means of reflecting this. The paper concludes by arguing that it would be more appropriate to recast the debate at a macro level in order to accommodate different research agenda and recognize the strengths within each tradition.

Towards Dissolution of the is Research Debate: From Polarization to Polarity

The debate between ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ research approaches continues in the IS field, but with little prospect of resolution. The debate is typically characterized by tendentious arguments as advocates from each approach offer a somewhat one-sided condemnation of the counterpart from the inimical research tradition. This paper begins by relating two fictitious tales which serve to highlight the futility of research conducted at the extremity of each research approach. The dichotomies which characterize these rival factions are also summarized. The debate is then framed in terms of the polarization problem whereby IS researchers are divided geographically and paradigmatically into ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ camps. A variety of different strategies have been proposed for resolving the debate and these are discussed in detail. They are grouped into four categories, referred to as supremacism, isolationism, integration, and pluralism. Finally, the paper contends that the debate cannot be resolved, and offers the metaphor of magnetic polarity as a means of reflecting this. The paper concludes by arguing that it would be more appropriate to recast the debate at a macro level in order to accommodate different research agenda and recognize the strengths within each tradition.

'Big Men' in Corinth

J.H. Neyrey's use of Douglas's 'Grid and Group' matrix to analyse differing atti tudes to the body in 1 Corinthians is contested. An analysis of the social situation underlying the letter reveals that the apostle should be 'high group / low grid', with a strong emphasis on corporate identity and rejection of the surrounding culture, while the Corinthians should be 'low group / high grid', with a lack of group cohesion and a readiness to integrate with the surrounding culture. In the light of Douglas's portrait of the 'Big Men' in New Guinea, it is suggested that the local leaders of the rival factions of 1.12 were competing with each other and with Paul himself for followers, and that 1 Cor. 1—4, 9 should be read as Paul's attempt to reassert his apostolic authority by defending himself against the attacks of the leaders of the local factions, and by appealing directly to the loyalty of the greater number of disadvantaged members of the church

The Divided Elite: Economics, Politics, and Anglo-Jewry, 1882-1917

This is a study of the Victorian Anglo-Jewish ruling elite, the 'Cousinhood', and of its economic, political, and Jewish interests. Based on a comprehensive theoretical discussion of the notion of a Jewish economic elite, and focusing on the activities of the two leading turn-of-the-century Anglo-Jewish families, the Rothschilds and the Montagus, Daniel Gutwein challenges the current monolithic image of the Cousinhood. The facade of homogeneity, built on common social and class traits, in reality masked a serious division among the rival factions, each with its own economic and political interests, along the same lines that divided the Victorian ruling class as a whole. These rival policies came to the fore on such issues as the absorption of the East European Jewish immigrants, communal and synagogal organization, the reaction to the expulsion of the Jews from Moscow in 1891, and the Balfour Declaration.

From delinquency to counterrevolution. Subcultures of Soviet youth and the emergence of Stalinist pedagogy in the 1930s

The rise of Russian progressive education in the 1910s and 1920s and its violent repudiation in the 1930s and after constitute some of the most dramatic episodes in the modern history of education. Prevailing explanations for the “failure” of Russian progressivism have emphasized either its inhererent Utopian impracticality and/or the rejection of its egalitarian and libertarian values by the increasingly conservative and repressive Stalinist regime.The thesis of this article is that an important aspect of the repudiation of Russian educational progressivism lay in the perceived “crisis” of Soviet youth subcultures that erupted in the mid-1930s. Unable or unwilling to admit that regime policies were contributing to social problems such as child abandonment and delinquency, rival factions of professional educators and their party-state patrons were forced to play out their power struggles through artificially narrow discussions of curricula and instruction. Hard-line Stalinist educators and party officials...

Orthodoxies in Massachusetts: Rereading American Puritanism

Re-examining religious culture in 17th-century New England, Janice Knight discovers a contest of rival factions within the Puritan orthodoxy. Arguing that two distinctive strains of Puritan piety emerged in England prior to the migration to America, she describes a split between rationalism and mysticism, between theologies based on God's command and on God's love.

Pakistan: Hope Amidst Turmoil

Pakistan:Hope Amidst Turmoil Rasul Bakhsh Rais (bio) After enduring a spell of military rule that lasted from 1977 to 1988 under the late General Mohammad Zia ul-Haq, Pakistan has in recent years been making substantial progress toward a reasonably representative form of democracy. Its march down this road, however, has often run into minefields that the military regime laid down in a series of amendments to the Constitution of 1973. Since the latter half of 1979, General Zia had been experimenting with a variety of quasi-democratic modifications of his basically authoritarian regime: staging "partyless" elections, reintroducing a controlled form of civilian government, holding a referendum on his "Islamization" program, and even declaring the official termination of martial law at the end of 1985. The general's death in a mysterious plane crash on 17 August 1988 came less than three months after he had used his power as president to dismiss his own handpicked civilian prime minister, Mohammad Khan Junejo, and dissolve the 237-member National Assembly, the lower house of Pakistan's bicameral Federal Legislature, with a promise of "free, fair, and independent" elections in November. Twice since Zia's death—first in 1990 and then again in 1993—his successor as president, Ghulam Ishaq Khan, has used the same authority to bring down a government that enjoyed the support of parliament and to force new legislative elections. In a departure from past practice, the army did not react to the ensuing uncertainty by stepping in to assume power. Instead, it remained content on both occasions to act as a major force behind the scenes, lending quiet support to presidential actions. To understand what is going on in Pakistan today, one must realize [End Page 132] that the problems of transition which the country has been experiencing since 1988 flow as much from the legacy of recent military rule as they do from feudal political traditions and the deficiencies of a civil society that remains seriously underdeveloped. As a rule, the growth of a democratic order depends on the presence of freely competing political parties, the recognized supremacy of representative institutions, the protection of basic civil rights and liberties, and the observance of constitutional norms. Clearly, none of these can flourish under a martial-law regime with little or no popular legitimacy. Indeed, such regimes usually find it necessary to undermine systematically the development of such practices and institutions, often by suspending, distorting, or abrogating constitutions and by suborning or oppressing democratic movements and leaders. The National Assembly dissolutions of recent years have greatly reinforced the sense that the democratic transition remains highly tenuous and sadly incomplete. The Pakistani president—who holds an office that is conceived of as largely honorary in most other parliamentary forms of government—enjoys the authority to dismiss premiers and send legislators back to the hustings as a result of constitutional amendments that General Zia pushed through in the autumn of 1985, just before the official end of martial law. To a large extent, it is the asymmetry of power between the president and the prime minister that makes the system dysfunctional; this asymmetry is the direct legacy of Zia's authoritarian rule. In 1947, when the British accepted the partitioning of the subcontinent prefatory to their own withdrawal, Pakistan boasted a level of institutional development similar to India's, and its founders were no less committed to secular democracy and the rule of law than their Indian counterparts. Nevertheless, the new state (carved out of the heavily Muslim but noncontiguous northwest and northeast corners of the old British Raj) suffered a precipitous slide into military-bureaucratic authoritarianism. The country's failure to consolidate a democratic political process was due more to domestic factors than to its precarious security situation. At a minimum, working parliamentary democracy needed disciplined parties, a federal constitution, and a measure of consensus on sensitive issues concerning representation and provincial autonomy. Unfortunately, the Muslim League—the party that led the struggle for the creation of Pakistan—disintegrated into rival factions. Disputes over how to divide power between the central government and the provinces delayed the drafting and adoption of a constitution for the new republic. These and...

MARKETING IN THE FUTURE: A REPORT FROM THE FRONT LINES

The world in which libraries are and will be operating for the next ten years seems much like the former Soviet Union. Constituencies multiply and subdivide; players enter and exit with astonishing speed; rival factions strive for ascendancy; stability and predictability seem distant memories. Change, that familiar nemesis, is at work here, but with a speed, intensity, and on a scale that are literally stunning. How does this battleground look from a marketing perspective?

A Major Schism in the Early Isma'ili Movement

The Isma'ili movement was rent by a major schism in the year 286/899, shortly after 'Ubayd Allah ('Abd Allah) al-Mahdi, the future Fatimid caliph, had succeeded to the central leadership of the Isma'ilis. As a result of this schism, brought to the attention of modern scholars by the recent progress in Isma'Ili studies, early Isma'llism was split into two rival factions, which later became generally designated as Fatimid Isma'ilism and Qarmatism. This article aims to investigate the circumstances and issues surrounding this schism, which centred around the variations in the doctrine of the imamate upheld by the early Isma'ilis. The origins of Ismd'ilism as a separate branch of Im~mi Shi'ism may be traced to the dispute over the succession to Imam Ja'far al-Sadiq (d. 148/765). Often living clandestinely, and conducting their da'wa or missionary activities secretly, in order to escape persecution at the hands of their numerous enemies, the Ismd'llis have nevertheless had a very eventful history, extending over some twelve centuries and through many Muslim lands from North Africa to Central Asia and the Indian sub-continent. The Isma'ilis twice succeeded in establishing important states of their own, the Fatimid caliphate (297-567/909-1171) and the Nizarl state of Persia and Syria (483-654/1090-1256), in addition to winning many Muslim dynasties and individual rulers to their side. Ism'lilism has also undergone several major and minor schisms. The schism of the year 286/899 was the first major one in the Ism'lili movement, and it had important consequences for the history of Ismd'ilism.