Right-wing Populist Research Articles

Losers of globalization? Politics in the Prosecco Hills region in Italy as a case of radical right-wing populism in a (wealthy) rural area

Losers of globalization? Politics in the Prosecco Hills region in Italy as a case of radical right-wing populism in a (wealthy) rural area

A spectre of democracy: are populist citizens less supportive of democracy?

In academic and public debates, populism has been portrayed both as a threat and a corrective to democracy. In the article, this debate is approached from the perspective of citizens’ attitudes and it is asked whether more populist citizens are less supportive of democracy. Using data from an original 6-country panel, robust evidence is presented that populism is indeed negatively related to democratic regime preferences. By disentangling populist attitudes, however, a more nuanced picture is offered and it is highlighted that not all forms and sub-dimensions of populism present a threat to democracy. It is primarily right-wing populism and the Manichaean outlook on society that are negatively related to diffuse support for democracy in the general public. This underlines the need for democratic societies to address the dangers of an exclusionary populism and the radical polarisation inherent in a Manichaean worldview.

“Here” Versus “There”: Authoritarian Populism, Environment, and Scapegoat Ecology Among Loggers of Northwestern Russia

This case study contributes to the research on the environmental beliefs of extractive industry workers in an illiberal populist regime. This research is based on semi-structured interviews with logging sector workers of the Russian Northwest—a severely understudied population directly involved in resource extraction. The data shows that these workers understand forestland as two separate localities: the northwestern region of Russia, in which the loggers have expertise and knowledge, and the rest of the country, in which workers don’t have any work or travel experience. This division facilitates a process of hybridization of populist environmental narratives on one hand, and loggers’ science-supported knowledge and experiences on the other. This hybridization of the workers’ beliefs is anchored in, and perpetuated by, Russia’s state-controlled media and its modern authoritarian populist regime. This research offers policy implications and encourages future studies on the politicization of the environment and resources in authoritarian populist states.

Moral panic and (in)security

Abstract This study examines Trump’s depiction of Hispanic and Latinx immigrants, highlighting his use of moral panic to activate fear and thereby deepen societal divisions within a broader right-wing populist agenda. Analyzing nearly half a million words from Trump’s tweets using corpus-assisted critical discourse analysis, the research reveals that he portrays Hispanic and Latinx immigrants as the ‘object of offence,’ amplifying their perceived threat while ‘scapegoating’ political adversaries and other nations. As a ‘moral entrepreneur,’ he and his allies position themselves as protectors against this perceived danger, warning of severe ‘consequences’ for national security and the economy if left unaddressed. Their ‘corrective action’ involves implementing strict immigration policies, with the ‘desired outcome’ being enhanced security and economic prosperity. The study demonstrates how the deployment of moral panic generates public fear and insecurity, legitimizing anti-immigrant sentiments and justifying stringent measures. This, in turn, reinforces right-wing populism narratives with significant societal implications.

Further evidence that system justification decreases among extreme conservatives and the role of national populism

AbstractThis article replicates and extends previous results indicating that system justification, in a pool of non‐American samples, decreases at the extremes of the political continuum. Data came from 29 European countries enrolled in nine rounds of the European Social Survey from 2002 to 2018. Results indicated that right‐wingers were more likely to support the existing social system than left‐wingers. However, a significant and negative quadratic effect emerged indicating that system justification decreased among extremists in both left and right‐leaning poles. Findings also revealed that the level of national populist voting moderated the relationship between political orientation and system justification so that the difference between extreme leftists and extreme rightists was further reduced when national populist voting was higher. Results seem to confirm that extremists can be critical of the existing social system and that this trend is affected by the level of the rise in populism in those countries. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement.

Socialism's legacy: the impact of political socialization on citizens’ conceptions of democracy

ABSTRACT Political culture literature asserts that congruence between the existing democratic system and citizens’ views and expectations of democracy is crucial for democratic stability. Consequently, citizens’ conceptions of democracy not only influence political attitudes or vote choice, but also the endurance of democracy. For the German case, research has shown that differences in political socialization in East and West have caused differences in what conceptions of democracy citizens hold, suggesting that attitudes of young generations socialized in re-unified Germany are converging. However, persistent disparities between East and West and a surge in support for the right-wing populist AfD, especially in East Germany, raise the questions of how sustainable political socialization effects are, and how a populist conception of democracy might be related to political socialization. Using ESS 10 data, the article tests cohort effects on a liberal, a social democratic, and a populist understanding of democracy in Germany. The results show that cohorts socialized in a socialist system are more committed to a socialist, but also to a populist conception of democracy, while attitudes of young people are indeed converging.

Anti-Immigration Agenda in the Rhetoric of European Right-Wing Populism: The Case of the “True Finns” Party

Anti-Immigration Agenda in the Rhetoric of European Right-Wing Populism: The Case of the “True Finns” Party

Why Populism is the Sugar, Salt, and Fat of Our Politics. . . with Variations: A Reflection

Populism is hard to contain in across democracies because it is the sugar, salt, and fat of contemporary politics. I borrow from research on ultraprocessed foods to develop this metaphor. The modern food industry creates ultraprocessed foods by oversupplying naturally occurring macronutrients (sugar, salt, and fat) and recombining them to create new foods that are distortions of the real thing. These new pretend foods are both addictive and toxic. Likewise, I argue that authoritarian-populist leaders take natural tenets of democracy—for example, policies to help the voiceless (sugar), competition against opponents (salt), and reform agenda saturation (fat)—and supply them in combinations and quantities that end up distorting democracy. The result is a new regime that veers easily into authoritarianism (toxicity) while in the process generating hard-core followership (addictiveness). I also discuss the way authoritarian populists from both the left and the right have emulated each other since the 1980s, while introducing their own tweaks to their steals. In the end, despite important differences, both left and right-wing populism are far more similar to each other than they each care to recognize.

The anti-gender movement and the populist radical right in Italy: a symbiotic relationship

The political landscape of Italy experienced a seismic shift in the September 2022 elections, marking a watershed moment. Giorgia Meloni, the leader of the populist radical right party (PRRP) Brothers of Italy, was elected as Italy’s head of government. This event highlighted a significant development in the country’s gender politics, reflecting the ascent of PRRPs across Europe, marked by their reactionary politics, emphasis on traditional values and staunch opposition to gender equality. This study focuses on the dynamics between PRRPs (Brothers of Italy and the League) and the anti-gender movement in Italy. Through a qualitative content analysis of the primary sources of political parties and movements, the research explores their symbiotic relationship, the linkage and adjustment mechanisms employed by both actors, and the political outcomes of their interactions, offering insights into the mobilization of anti-gender actors and their alliance with PRRPs. It contributes to understanding how the organized opposition to gender equality is mainstreamed within political spheres, especially in contexts where right-wing populists hold power.

Unravelling anti-feminist social network in Turkey: An Analysis of Actors, relationships and political influence

ABSTRACT The surge of right-wing populism and illiberalism has fuelled the rise of anti-feminist movements in the past decade. This phenomenon has been particularly prominent in Turkey under President Erdoğan and his conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP). However, until the past few years, existing research has largely neglected the role of social actors in Turkey, especially due to the top-down perspective of anti-feminism. Contributing the burgeoning studies, our aim is to explain anti-feminist social mobilization in the context of a strong top-down anti-feminist stance. Our findings revealed the existence of an anti-feminist social network in Turkey, which effectively exercises political influence through creating social reactions and mobilizing a broader public. This mobilization also confers legitimacy to the anti-feminist policies. Additionally, political actors shape network dynamics and interrelationships by creating exocentric hubs within the social network. Importantly, our research shows the significance of social actors in complementing strong top-down stances, even in environments characterized by pervasive ideological undercurrents.

Uncovering the uncoverers: identity, performativity and representation in counter-disinformation discourse

ABSTRACT Treating counter-disinformation activities as a discursive practice producing knowledge in specific cultural and historical contexts, this article brings a vital cultural studies perspective to an incipient Critical Disinformation Studies agenda. At the same time, it cautions against inadvertently aligning that agenda with the ‘bad faith’, right-wing populist critique of counter-disinformation practices, acknowledging their genuine potential to enhance democratic culture. It proceeds by interrogating the communicative strategies informing the proliferating Western counter-disinformation initiatives which have mushroomed in response to what is widely perceived to be one of democracy’s most potent threats, and which border on a ‘moral panic’ serving to conceal key ideological tensions. Grounded in Critical Discourse Analysis methods, a close reading of mission statements and related materials from the websites of four leading counter-disinformation units demonstrates how these texts interweave three functions – identity construction, performativity, and representation – to generate the overarching ‘discursive formation’ or ‘articulation’ constituting counter-disinformation as modern liberal democracy’s core, but also exposing its fault lines. Specifically, it shows that a failure to reconcile competing accounts of truth (as scientific rationality and normative value) indexes deeper contradictions pitting the liberal emphasis on individual freedom and capitalist efficiency against the democratic prioritizing of popular power, dispassionate observation against civic participation, and the promotion of transparency against the creeping power of surveillance. It concludes that the absolutist epistemology – a vestige of disinformation’s Cold War conceptual origins – designed to cover over these paradoxes masks the complex roles played by truth and deception in politics, thereby hindering the emergence of alternative, oppositional forms of knowledge capable of embracing truth in its radical contingency and plurality and facilitating democratic renewal.

CONJUNCTURES OF DEMOCRACY EROSION

The paper aims to examine and understand the recent developments in Brazilian democracy in a sociological perspective. It offers an analysis of the conjunctural preconditions for the recent rise of authoritarian populism, presenting ways in which Brazil can be viewed as paradigm of democratic erosion and/or resilience. The article describes the foundational premises that made the development of contemporary democracies possible, and it proceeds from this description to explain how features common to authoritarian populist movements in Brazil and elsewhere are detrimental to these premises. It is argued that democracies are likely to thrive when welfare provisions and access to human rights are open to increasing sectors of the population, generating an inclusionary citizenship effect. The political polarization regarding the Brazilian welfare system and the discourse against international human rights, culminated in the weakening of the Brazilian welfare net and setbacks in the recognition of human rights by courts. These processes preceded, and were aggravated by, the rise of authoritarian populism in Brazil, generating an exclusionary view of citizenship that tended to intensify social conflict, with increasing militarization at both governmental and social levels. Arguably, the absence of warfare or an imminent warfare threat in the most recent democratic transition in Brazil reduced the capacity of welfare and constitutional human rights provisions to limit the influence of the military on democracy. While the efforts to build up the welfare system and protect human rights are still ongoing, the militarization element remains latent, posing a constant threat to democratic consolidation in Brazil.

THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT OF A DEMOCRATIC STATE ON THE BACKGROUND OF CRISIS POLITICAL AND INSTITUTIONAL DESIGN

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of the form of government as a structural basis for the exercise of power, formed within the framework of constitutional law, under the condition of representation of the main socio-economic groups of society. The purpose of the study is to establish the peculiarities of the form of state government as a factor in the formation of democratic institutional design. Features of the form of government as a factor of institutionalization of relations between authorized centers of power are characterized. It was emphasized that the modernization of the form of government in the political agenda may indicate a lack of deep consensus regarding the development of the political system. The significance of changes for institutional design within the evolution of the form of state government, which depends on the level of satisfaction of the requirements and needs of key political players, is analyzed. The significance of the political experience of Ukraine, which during the last decades has shown that political expediency is a more significant principle than considerations of preserving constitutional stability, is revealed. It was found that the existence of the current form of government in Ukraine is the result of the evolution of certain institutions, first of all, the institution of the presidency. In the context of the experience of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the assessment of the crisis phenomena of 2008 and 2010 becomes important, in particular the pressure of the demands of socio-economic balancing, which caused the “internal national reading” of the functioning of the form of government. It is revealed that the use of the existing potential of the form of government to ensure advantages in political competition led to the authoritarianization of the institution of the prime minister in modern Hungary. It has been proven that the international community’s fixation on the deterioration of the state of human rights protection has become a clear evidence of the influence of the form of government on inter-institutional interactions, in particular, in increasing the pressure of public authorities on civil society. It was established that the contradictions between high standards and the demands of the consumer society caused the support of right-wing conservative populist political forces. It was found that the situation in modern Slovakia shows that the parliamentary republic as a form of government also ensured the transition to democracy and the observance of democratic procedures. It was established that the trends of “non-normative” use of the power potential of the form of state government may indicate the search for a national model of balance between branches of government and key officials. It was concluded that a high level of self-regulation in the political system corresponds to a high level of civil political activity, responsibility and consensus of political elites, professionalism of the political class as a whole.

Organizations, Neoconservativism, and New Chauvinism: Organizational receptivity to right-wing political strategies

The first quarter of the 21st century is witnessing an efflorescence of right-wing populism that is flourishing in a period of heightened precarity, global trauma, anxiety, and gross inequalities. One branch of right-wing populism, neoconservatism, aims to restore patriarchy; entry into organizations would help it achieve those ends. This article uses an extreme case study of a profession in which chauvinism flourishes to examine organizations’ receptivity, at “shop-floor” level, to neoconservative political ideologies and the restoration of patriarchy as an entry-route. Using Judith Butler’s work and psychoanalytical theory for theoretical inspiration we develop a theory of “chauvinizing”—that is, the performative constitution of chauvinism. This incorporates a contrast between “old” and “new” chauvinism and the conscious and unconscious allure of misogynistic practices to practitioners. We argue that chauvinizing practices may offer neoconservatism both a means of entry into organizations and opposition to its infiltration. This article contributes to political organization studies an understanding of how organizations may be permeated by unwelcome political activities, and a warning for organizations of the need for both wariness and strategies of resistance.

Can religion be rescued in the 21st century? On Erich Fromm’s religious humanism in an age of authoritarian populism

Can religion be rescued in the 21st century? On Erich Fromm’s religious humanism in an age of authoritarian populism

The affective economy of removal: ethnographic perspectives on deportation and (In)voluntary return

ABSTRACT The removal of undocumented migrants has become a widespread preoccupation of current European migration politics and one of the most emotionally contentious state practices of our times. Not only right-wing populists and their constituencies demand an increase in expulsions, but also mainstream society. Others accuse these positions of being racist or lacking humanism and instead promote solidarity to help people seeking protection in Europe. These divisive views and migrants’ often long-term experience of being ‘unwanted’ and deportable provoke strong and often irreconcilable emotions. The ethnographic explorations assembled here zoom in on the ‘affective economies’ inherent in the arbitrary processes and unpredictable experiences of removals of people from Europe to different parts of the world. This special issue puts forward a twofold argument: First, conceptually, we argue that a focus on affects is indispensable in order to fully unearth the complexities of removal processes. And second, methodologically, we contend that an ethnographic approach, with its deep and often long-term commitment of researchers to their respective field(s) including multiple actors, is essential to comprehensively grasp the affective economy of removal.

Bureaucratic militarization as a mode of democratic backsliding: lessons from Brazil

ABSTRACT This article analyses bureaucratic militarization in Brazil under the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro as illiberal transformation from within, constituting a specific modus of democratic backsliding. Quantitative data about the presence of military members in civil organizations over time and qualitative data from interviews with civil servants directed by “military men” show how military networks infiltrated the Brazilian civil service and how they increased their power over time, thus creating an illiberal alliance with the populist presidency. The article contributes to the debate about authoritarian populists in government and the perils of autocratization by identifying bureaucratic militarization as a particular mode of democratic backsliding to which young democracies appear especially vulnerable.

The Trump Effect? Right-Wing Populism and Distrust in Voting by Mail in Canada.

Do Donald Trump's attacks on voting by mail influence how some Canadians view mail-in ballots? The Trump effect on views and behaviors surrounding voting by mail has been well documented in the United States. North of the border, more Canadians than ever voted by mail in the last general election. In this study, we consider how right-wing populism is associated with trust in voting by mail among Canadians. Specifically, we seek to test two main hypotheses. First, we consider whether Canadians holding populist views-and, in particular, those holding right-wing populist views (would-be Trump supporters)-are less trusting of voting by mail. Second, we consider whether political media exposure amplifies this association. We analyze data from both the 2021 Canadian Election Study and Democracy Checkup Survey. We find that those who hold populist views clearly have less trust in voting by mail. This is especially true among right-leaning individuals. Furthermore, as in the United States, this effect is moderated by one's level of political media exposure, with higher levels of political media exposure amplifying the effect of populist views on trust in voting by mail. Our findings, therefore, suggest that the politicization of mail-in voting by President Trump has important implications for the legitimacy of the electoral system not only in the United States, but also in Canada and potentially in other parts of the world.

Do Different Types of Right-Wing Populism Reflect Different Types of Right-Wing Populist Voter Bases?

Abstract In this article, we compare the voter profile of Trump, Erdogan and Bolsonaro voters to decipher if the voter profile for any of the three leaders matches their type of right-wing populism. Through original survey research in the US, Brazil and Turkey conducted in October 2021 with 1000 participants in each country, we find support for this proposition; that is, the voter profile for any of the three presidents is distinct with the exception that voters of all three populists are morally conservative in terms of their views on homosexuality and abortion. Trump voters tend to be ethnically driven and reject minorities. For Bolsonaro voters, moral conservativism and their increased age are their main features. Finally, the Erdogan voter is culturally motivated rather than ethnically motivated and younger.

Trust in Governmental Health Communication on Covid-19

Trust in governmental communication is critical to the successful containment of public health crises. However, in highly politicised crises, trust varies as a function of partisanship. This research report examines the relationship between political preferences and trust in governmental health communication during the Covid-19 pandemic in Germany. We pay particular attention to the interaction between (a) different dimensions of vulnerability to the virus and (b) distrust rooted in partisan preferences. Using original data from a representative, four-wave online survey conducted in Germany in 2020 and 2021, we found moderate to low levels of trust in information from the government. Whereas belonging to a vulnerable age group (65+) and fear of infection were significantly associated with trust, identification as a member of a risk group was not. Voters of the right-wing populist AfD were less likely to trust government information. Finally, the association between fear of infection and trust was stronger among AfD voters than among voters of established parties. We conclude that public health campaigns should account for the fact that politicised individuals may not trust communicators in prolonged crises. Messages targeting members of risk groups and partisans of populist parties should make health risks relatable to them as individuals.