Revolutionary Terrorism Research Articles

ЖИЗНЬ И СМЕРТЬ ВЛАДИМИРА ЗАЗУБРИНА

The purpose of research is to study the life and work of the first Soviet writer Vladimir Yakovlevich Zazubrin. His biography is described in detail and a brief description of his works is given. It is shown that the life of this person was full of bright and dynamic events. Zazubrin managed to be an underground revolutionary, a participant in the Civil War on both sides, a political worker and a Soviet writer. Impressed by the events of the Civil War, Zazubrin published his first novel, “Two Worlds,” which immediately gained popularity among Red Army soldiers, workers and peasants. After this, the writer becomes the editor of the Sibirskie Ogni (Siberian Lights) magazine and heads the Simbirsk Writers Union. However, in his works the writer tried to raise pressing problems of our time and, being a convinced communist, he remained an artist, trying to capture and show the unsightly picture of Soviet reality during the NEP (New Economic Policy) period. Many of his works, such as Shchepka (Sliver) and Blednaia Pravda (Pale Truth) raised the question of the appropriateness of revolutionary terror, the problem of unresolved social problems after the revolution, as well as the place and role of man in a post-revolutionary society. Unfortunately, the realistic picture of the post-revolutionary world by V.Ya. Zazubrin was negatively perceived by many Soviet party leaders, writers and literary critics. This became the reason for constant attacks on the writer’s work. In addition, in 1928, Zazubrin became a victim of group intrigues in the writing community and the beginning of the fight against the opposition, because of which he lost his post as editor of the Sibirskie Ogni (Siberian Lights) magazine and was expelled from the party. In all subsequent years, Vladimir Yakovlevich tried to rehabilitate his name before the party. Thanks to the intercession of M. Gorky, he managed to become a member of the USSR Writers' Union and publish his novel Gory (Mountains) about collectivization. However, despite his efforts, Zazubrin was never able to fit organically into the Soviet system, and then was crushed by it as an alien element.

Убийство В.В. Воровского и процесс Конради–Полунина 1923 года в восприятии российской социалистической эмиграции

The article dwells on the assassination of V.V. Vorovsky, head of the Soviet delegation at the international conference in Lausanne, on May 10, 1923 and on the trial of M. Conradi and A.P. Polunin as viewed by Russian socialist émigrés, i.e. members of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and social democrats (Mensheviks). This paper aimed to study the attitude of the socialist community of Russian émigrés towards individual political terror during the 1920s. The methodology is based on the principles of intellectual history, which allow us to shed some light on the perception of the 1923 Lausanne trial by analysing the confrontation and ideological struggle of certain political figures and civic groups for attention. The paper provides a brief description of the main works of Russian and foreign historians who studied the assassination of Vorovsky and the trial of his murderers. The context of the trial, the reaction of different émigré camps and the organization of Conradi and Polunin’s defence are analysed. The official response of the Foreign Delegation of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, reflected in the Revolutionary Russia journal, is noted. Particular attention is given to the unpublished article “Both Are Worse” (1923) by leader of the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party V.M. Chernov on the results of the trial in Lausanne. Chernov’s argumentation and his views on the fundamental differences between the pre-revolutionary Socialist Revolutionary terror and the assassination of Vorovsky are analysed. Chernov points out that Socialist Revolutionary and Narodnaya Volya’s terror stayed within a strict moral and ethical framework that forbade political assassinations on the territory of free democratic countries. Socialist Revolutionary terrorists had never followed the path of least resistance, proclaiming the idea of selfsacrifice. Chernov emphasizes that only those not involved in the White Terror can hold others accountable for the Red Terror. The paper considers the response of Russian social democrats abroad, in particular, leader of the émigré Mensheviks F.I. Dan’s article dedicated to the Lausanne trial. His thesis about the exclusive right of socialist parties to fight the Bolshevik dictatorship, without involving the White movement, is emphasized. A conclusion is drawn that Russian socialists abroad held a fundamentally unified position on resisting political terror.

Проблема использования практик революционного террора при обороне Царицына в 1918 г. (по материалам дневника К. А. Махровского и исторических дискуссий о «заговоре инженера Н. П. Алексеева»). Часть 1

The article examines the practice of using revolutionary terror during the defense of Tsaritsyn in 1918. An assessment is given of the role of I. V. Stalin in the development of these practices. A description and critical analysis of management methods is provided using the example of arrests of K. A. Makhrovsky`s expedition members. The structure and content of Makhrovsky's diary as an important historical source describing the events of the defense of Tsaritsyn during the Civil War are analyzed. The actions of the parties during a possible conflict between various representatives of Soviet power on the ground are described. The question is raised about the origins of the use of revolutionary violence during the Civil War and the possibility of the influence of this factor on the further development of the country.

The Sozonov Case, 1910: The Making of a Russian Revolutionary Martyrology

Abstract: On the night of 27 November (10 December) 1910, the Socialist-Revolutionary terrorist Egor Sozonov, renowned as the assassin of Minister of the Interior Viacheslav von Pleve in July 1904, committed suicide in his Siberian prison cell in protest at the use of corporal punishment against his fellow political prisoners. News of Sozonov’s death provoked an outcry across Russia: it was accompanied by questions in the Duma, widespread and hagiographical coverage in the liberal and revolutionary press, and student protests in the major university towns (and, conversely, by barely concealed joy from the Black- Hundredist right). This article serves two purposes. First, it reconstructs, in as much detail as the evidence allows, the events surrounding Sozonov’s death, which (despite their infamy at the time) have up to now received little scholarly attention and remain, to some extent, shrouded in mystery. Secondly, it explores how these events came to serve as the basis of a revolutionary martyrology — originally promoted by the SRs, and later appropriated by the Bolsheviks after 1917 — that glorified Sozonov as a ‘just assassin’, persecuted by a despotic government, who had ultimately sacrificed his own life in order that others might live. The article situates Sozonov’s death in the wider political, social and cultural context of the time, considering it in relation to contemporary discourses on suicide (as a transcendentalist political act), corporal punishment (long regarded as the gravest imaginable insult to the dignity of educated Russians), the ‘moral economy’ of revolutionary terrorism and the quasi-religious mythologies of the revolutionary underground.

The Internationalization of Left-Wing Terrorism and Counter-terrorism. The Role of the Past in Debates About Security and Liberty in Western Europe, 1968–1978

Abstract The rise of international left-wing, revolutionary terrorism confronted western democracies with a new challenge in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In particular, the relationship between security and human rights was contentious and changeable, and differences between European states are notable. Terrorism and reactions to it varied, not least according to the prevailing political, legal, and cultural traditions. Memories of the recent past played a particularly prominent role, especially with respect to the states that had been occupying powers during the Second World War. The counter-terrorist policies pursued by West Germany’s government met particularly intense suspicion in neighboring counties and even in the framework of alliances such as NATO and the EC. The specter of a Nazi-like police state haunted opponents of excessive police and intelligence operations within Germany and Italy, as well. They forged political alliances of like-minded foreign critics. All in all, strategies of historically legitimizing terrorism and counterterrorist proved multi-pronged and ambiguous. Texts such as laws and pamphlets represented this dimension of political and cultural history.

СУДЬБА И СВОБОДА НАТАШИ КАЛЫМОВОЙ: ТРАГЕДИЯ ЭСЕРОВ-МАКСИМАЛИСТОВ В РОМАНЕ М.А. ОСОРГИНА "СВИДЕТЕЛЬ ИСТОРИИ"

The article is devoted to the study ofM.A. Osorgin's understanding and comprehension of the problem of terrorism in the Russian liberation movement of the early 20th century on the material of the novel «Witness of History»; consideration of the image of the main character of the novel Natasha Kalymova and the evolution of her understanding of the problem of freedom; the study of the artistic expression of the idea of denying terrorism as an inhuman means of solving social and political problems. The relevance of the work is determined both by the subject of study itself (the phenomenon of freedom), which generates the alleged plurality of meanings and reflections, and by the search for new aspects of the study of the artistic space of the prose of the first wave of Russian emigration, the experience of solving the problem of freedom in Russian socio-political and literary thought of the early 20th century. The study is based on an integrated approach, including the use of historical-literary, biographical, cultural-historical, descriptive-analytical methods. It was established that M.A. Osorgin, well aware of the history of revolutionary terrorism in the Russian Empire and the fate of the prototypes of the heroes of his novel, rethought their life stories in accordance with his artistic goals. The evolution of the consciousness of the main character, her understanding of the phenomenon offreedom was studied and described. It was shown that the position of the author-narrator is convincingly expressed in the plot and compositional organization of the work, in the dynamics of circumstances, characters, searches of heroes and actualizes the axiological aspect of the perception of a literary text. It was proved that the novel clearly expresses the denial of both terror and violence, which bring neither solutions to social problems, nor personal happiness, and terrorism as an ideology.

Introduction to the special issue ‘The phenomenology of joint action’

The contributions collected in this special issue explore the phenomenology of joint action from a broad range of different disciplinary and methodological angles, including philosophical investigation (both in the analytic and the phenomenological tradition), computational modeling, experimental study, game theory, and developmental psychology. They also vastly expand the range of discussed cases beyond the standard examples of house-painting and sauce-cooking, addressing, for example, collective musical improvisations, dancing, work at the Diversity and Equity office of a university, and historical examples of collective violence such as the revolutionary Terror in France and the Nazis. In our introduction to this special issue, we group the contributions into three thematic areas – 1) the phenomenological fine-structure of joint action, 2) underlying mechanisms for joint action and 3) phenomenal preconditions for joint action. The first theme is discussed under a number of issues – a) components of the phenomenology of joint action, b) the I and the we in joint action, c) the effect of group size, structure and nature on the phenomenology of joint action and d) how do phenomenal relate to normative aspects of joint action?

Revolutionary, Terrorist, and Muse: Mariia Alekseevna Prokof’eva, 1883–1913

This article uses a variety of published and archival sources to reconstruct the life of Mariia Alekseevna Prokof’eva (1883-1913), a member of the Combat Organization (i.e. terrorist wing) of the Russian Socialist-Revolutionary Party. Largely overshadowed by her relationships with more famous male revolutionaries, including the terrorist-litterateur Boris Savinkov and, in particular, Egor Sozonov (the celebrated assassin of Viacheslav von Pleve in 1904), Prokof'eva’s revolutionary career has, to date, been overlooked almost entirely by historians. As this article shows, however, her biography serves as an exemplary microhistory of the origins, ascendancy and (after 1905) degeneration of Russian revolutionary terrorism, while shedding light on several interrelated (and still underexplored) issues: the role played by women in the Russian revolutionary movement generally and the terrorist subculture in particular, the moral and psychological profile of revolutionary terrorists, and the curious attraction such figures held for leading representatives of Russia’s literary and philosophical avantgarde.

Critiques of Violence: Arendt, Sedgwick, and Cavarero Respond to Billy Budd’s Stutter

ABSTRACT This paper examines how Adriana Cavarero extends and offers an alternative to Hannah Arendt's understanding of speech and its relationship to politics and violence through a re-reading of Herman Melville’s, Billy Budd, Sailor (1891). The novella was examined by Arendt in On Revolution (1963) where she considers the apolitical character of the French Revolutionary Terror and establishes a link between violence, mimetic contagion, and the failure of articulate speech. I suggest that whereas Arendt’s reading only offers two possible responses to violence—forgiveness or punishment (perpetuating violence)—a reading of the novella inspired by Cavarero’s work shows a third alternative, the prevention of violence, while equally revealing the blind spot of Arendt’s argument. The blind spot is Arendt's privileging of articulate speech and her failure to consider the embodied character of human expression. Cavarero’s ethics of inclination, however, allows for a response to, and responsibility for, the uniqueness of the human voice, and for the intention to convey meaning. To mediate between Arendt and Cavarero, the paper also reconsiders Nidesh Lawtoo’s understanding of mimesis, evokes Eve Sedgwick’s paradigm-setting queer reading of Billy Budd, and engages with Walter Benjamin’s and Giorgio Agamben’s contrary takes on the relationship between violence and language.

Revolutionary Terrorism- An Obsolete Nomenclature

The rise of revolutionary activities from the first decade of the 20th century gave an impetus to the freedom struggle and presented a strong challenge to the colonial power. Young revolutionaries particularly from the regions of Punjab, Bengal and Maharashtra dominated the political scene of the time through their heroism and infused a sense of pride for their motherland in their compatriots. Their activities not only gave a radical base to the national movement but they were also responsible for introducing various ideological strands like socialism, trade unionism etc. in the Indian freedom struggle thus permeating a fresh momentum against the colonial rule particularly at the time of political lull. Irrespective of these contributions and much more, the nomenclature which has been used for this branch of freedom fighters that defines them as “revolutionary terrorists”, takes away their due credit towards the freedom struggle. Often times the term terrorism which is loosely used for them presents them as rather negative elements of the national freedom struggle. This nomenclature has been used so frequently by historians so much so that the words revolutionary and terrorists are usually used as synonyms thus reinforcing the colonial narrative of branding Indian revolutionaries as ‘terrorists. Also, in the period post-independence and particularly in the recent years, the rise of anti-state elements is often justified by equating them with the revolutionary freedom fighters which takes away from the credibility and contribution of the young revolutionaries. The present paper focuses on the need to study this nomenclature in the context of that historical space and time for its exact understanding. It is also an attempt towards interpreting the nomenclature and highlighting if the nomenclature is still suitable or not. This paper further strives towards revisiting the remarkable contributions of Indian revolutionaries, placing them within the center stage of the freedom movement and acknowledging them for their due contribution to the cause of Indian freedom.

ОРГАНИЗАЦИОННО-ПРАВОВОЕ РАЗВИТИЕ СИСТЕМЫ ОХРАНЫ ИМПЕРАТОРСКИХ ПОЕЗДОВ В РОССИИ В НАЧАЛЕ XX ВЕКА

The purpose of the article is to analyze the organizational and legal development of the imperial train security system in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. The relevance of the study is conditioned on the need to analyze the forms and methods evolution of the activities of special services and units of state security bodies in the context of the terrorist threat intensification. This makes it possible not only to clarify the methodology of countering the Socialist Revolutionary terror, but also to draw a number of conclusions that are significant from the point of view of optimizing the work of modern counter-terrorism forces. The sources of this research include unpublished materials from the collections of the Russian State Historical Archive. The authors conclude that at the beginning of the 20th century serious measures were taken to improve the organizational and legal support for the protection of imperial trains. The paper shows that there was not only an active discussion of the draft guidance documents, but also amendments to the already adopted regulations and instructions. This was caused both by the identification of gaps and vulnerabilities, and by the interdepartmental struggle between the police and army structures that took part in protecting the emperor during his railway trips. The authors draw attention to the fact that the competition between the police, gendarmes and the army had not only positive consequences, expressed in improving the legal framework of the imperial guard and optimizing the law enforcement process, but also negative ones. The inconsistency of actions was the most disastrous. As a result, the authors conclude that the above-mentioned antagonism continued to have a negative impact on the organizational and legal development of the imperial train security system until 1917.

Особый отдел Департамента полиции и его участие в политической жизни Российской империи. 1900–1914 гг.

The most important of the internal functions of the state is the preservation of peace and order in society. Usually, this function is implemented by the forces of the political police, the effectiveness of which depends on many factors. An analysis of the work of the Special Department of the Police Department in the period preceding the First World War and subsequent social upheavals allows us to draw the following conclusions. Individual figures of the department took steps to build a corporate system as a response of conservatives to socialist movements and organizations, creating controlled workers’ organizations. However, the police provocation quickly outgrew the struggle with socialist movements, and the highest ranks of the Special Department of the Police Department became participants in the confrontation of the elites, which negatively affected the protection of public order. Moreover, the agents of the Police Department actually served as a catalyst for the formation of militant organizations of revolutionary terrorists actively arranging political assassinations of statesmen. This work not only provoked political confrontation and intensified the development of the revolutionary movement, but also morally and materially disarmed police representatives.

Writing the Landscape: Exposing Nature in French Women’s Fiction 1789–1815. By Christie Margrave

The feminist recovery project in francophone women’s writing is decades behind its anglophone counterpart and this book makes an important contribution to the field. Christie Margrave’s analysis of women writers’ feminist engagement with the ­Romantic vogue for natural landscape not only offers a fresh perspective on Romantic ­luminary Germaine de Staël; it also sheds light on the novels of Félicité de Genlis, Sophie ­Cottin, Barbara von Krüdener, and Adélaïde de Souza. These writers remain astonishingly under-researched, despite their considerable renown during the First Republic and First Empire, and notwithstanding vital work by scholars such as Gillian Dow, Isabelle Brouard-Arends, and Mary Seidman Trouille. Margrave illuminates the mutual influence of all five Romantic-era women and their canonical male contemporaries, demonstrating that the women reconceived fashionable landscape imagery to confront and challenge the patriarchal norms, restrictions, and prejudices which shaped the female condition and informed their writing. The subtitle, ‘exposing nature’, refers to Margrave’s analysis of natural landscapes but also to the centrality of what she calls, adapting Virginia Woolf’s famous phrase, ‘a landscape of one’s own’ (p. 1 et ­passim), a fictional topography representing the contours of women’s lived experience. Although the monograph would have benefited from a stronger feminist theoretical framework, Margrave’s work is rich in fascinating detail about the ­landscaping vogue and language of flowers, and this thorough research underpins persuasive and pivotal close readings. Occasionally, these readings are limited by her tendency to interpret the novelists’ commentary solely in terms of gender and sexual politics. In the case of Souza’s Adèle de Sénange (1794), for instance, the emphasis on gradual reform could easily be read as a political metaphor, especially in light of the recent Revolutionary Terror. On the whole, however, Margrave’s literary-critical acumen is impressive. Chapter 3, ‘Landscapes of Rebellion: Natural Madhouses’, is particularly effective, placing forensic analysis of the works of Cottin and Krüdener in the context of nineteenth-century attitudes to mental illness to demonstrate how landscapes function to portray female madness as feminist protest. Another highlight is Chapter 5, ‘Writing the Landscape: The Ossianic North and the Debate over ­Women’s Writing and Education’, which analyses Scottish landscapes as well as implicit and ekphrastic allusions to James Macpherson’s ‘Ossian’ poems in Cottin’s Malvina (1800) and Staël’s Corinne (1807). Connecting the eponymous heroines with the Ossianic female bard, Malvina, Margrave demonstrates that, even as Cottin and Staël depict ­women writers suffering social exclusion and psychological torment, they also engage in ­meta-commentary on their cultural importance. In a particularly innovative reading of Corinne, she argues convincingly that the love affair between the heroine and the British Lord Oswald models the synthesis of social independence (Corinne) and political liberty (Oswald) that could free future generations to live on terms of political and gender equality. She goes on to demonstrate that Staël depicts Corinne taking up the legacy of Ossian’s Malvina, making her the doomed prophet of this ideal. This is an insightful, valuable, and timely study bound to inform and inspire future ­scholarship in French women’s writing of the Romantic era.

The Evolution of the Tactics of the Social Revolutionary Terror in the Period of 1902–1907

The Evolution of the Tactics of the Social Revolutionary Terror in the Period of 1902–1907

Who edited the series “Избранные стихи русских поэтов” (Selected Poems by Russian Poets, 1914)

The article is concerned with the discovery of the author–compiler of the series “Избранные стихи русских поэтов” (Selected Poems by Russian Poets, 1914), compiled by the revolutionary terrorist Ksenia Pamfilova (1881–1957), a member of the Combat Organization of the Socialist Revolutionaries (nickname Irina), the wife of the famous Russian revolutionary Lev Zilberberg who was executed in 1907. After the provocateur Azef ’s denunciation and arresting group, which Pamfilova belonged to, she managed to slip out of the police hands and flee to the West. When she settled in Italy (Cavi di Lavagna), she prepared this collection with her comrades in arms, the “group of compilers” (most likely Boris Savinkov, Andrey Sobol and others). It was published in the capital of Russia (Mikhail Stasyulevych’s printing-house).

Žižek’s “Frankenstein”: Modernity, Anti-Enlightenment Critique and Debates on the Left

In this article, I examine Slavoj Žižek’s Freudian-Hegelian interpretation of Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein: or the Modern Prometheus (1818), and argue that Žižek’s critique of Shelley’s ambiguous and contradictory attitude toward the French Revolution and its regime of terror remains central to the debates about the revolutionary and Enlightenment ideals today. For Žižek, Shelley employs the family myth not only to obfuscate the social reality of the French Revolution, but also to subvert the bourgeois family from within, through its transgressive sexual politics. Although Shelley manages not simply to dismantle modernity, she expresses a radical commitment to a “pure Enlightenment subjectivity”. Nonetheless, Shelley fails to articulate the speculative identity of the Enlightenment and revolutionary terror. Žižek’s analysis of Shelley’s ambiguous position on emancipatory politics has major implications for his critique of Leftist debates about Muslim refugees in Europe and transgender sexuality. It is still urgent, Žižek correctly insists, to interrogate the ways in which identity politics and the human rights regime can be readily appropriated and commodified in late capitalism.

From revolution and terrorism to revolutionary terrorism: the case of militant Salafism

Abstract What is the relationship between revolution and terrorism? Much of the time, terrorism and revolution are taken to be distinct forms of political contention. This article argues that, to the contrary, their relationship is much closer than is often imagined. We show that a range of contemporary terrorist groups contain revolutionary elements: they seek to capture and hold territory, and see themselves as part of movements where the goal is to transform international as well as domestic orders. This provides two points of distinction: first, between ‘order-maintaining’ and ‘order-transforming’ goals; and second, between ‘minimalist’ and ‘maximalist’ tactics. The result is a taxonomy of different types of ‘revolutionary terrorism’. This analytic is used to dig deeper into the parameters of revolutionary terrorism, using militant Salafism as an example of a maximalist, order-transforming movement. A focus on transnational, order-transforming revolutionary terrorism generates a range of insights into the violent strategies, international dynamics and organizational forms used by Islamic State, al-Qaeda and related groups. The resulting research agenda, the article concludes, is rich in possibilities.

Foutu maximum: The political economy of price controls and national defense in revolutionary France

War necessitates both allocating real resources to defense and certain interest groups being in favor of the government raising resources to wage war. Price controls can be a tool for governments to mobilize additional resources while buying the support of certain key interest groups, hence making war politically viable. France during the revolutionary Terror, the first instance of widespread price controls used in times of war, is used to illustrate this hypothesis. Urban capitalists benefited from price controls on agricultural output combined with forced sales. At the same time, I estimate that in the six months preceding the abolition of price controls, the government saved, by using them (and in real terms), the equivalent of roughly 40% of the annual 1790 central government budget. Consistent with my theory, once the exigencies of the war attenuated and as collective action became more costly for the urban population, price controls were abandoned.

Rebel code? The transnational imaginary of ‘armed struggle’ in the fall of Southern European dictatorships

ABSTRACT This article focuses on armed organizations of the extreme left during and after the fall of Southern European dictatorships in the mid-1970s. It explores the transnational connections between revolutionary terrorist organizations of diverse background in Spain, Portugal, and Greece, looking at the ways in which political violence and its semantics ‘travelled’ across borders and beyond national characteristics and specificities. The article explores solidarity campaigns for so-called political prisoners of said organizations and the transnational impact of certain key texts, such as ‘Ogro’, the infamous record of the assassination of Franco’s right-hand man Carrero Blanco by ETA in 1973. Looking at how the latter’s translation was received in Greece and Portugal, the article traces elements of transnational circulation beyond borders, making a point about how the space of revolutionary knowledge dissemination operated. By focusing on both sympathizers and militants of groupings involved in revolutionary violence and their perceptions, the article attempts to highlight the existence of both imaginary and actual transnational links between the three countries, and the occasional lack thereof. While it demonstrates a lack of direct transnational channels of communication, the article argues that young people belonging to the far left across the post-authoritarian European South in the mid-1970s imagined themselves as parts of the same contour. In terms of actual spaces, the very revolutionary situation Portugal was going through, turned Lisbon into a very specific locus of both imaginary and actual revolutionary potential, including Spanish activists who finally crossed the border to militate.

The Social Contract Theory of Jean-Jacques Rousseau

The paper presents Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s social contract theory within the context of the period in which it was created, and also in relation to the previous, modern contract theories. The authors indicate the complexity and interconnection between the general will and sovereignty, which Rousseau saw as the basis of the contract which caused the exit from the natural state and the foundation of the political body based on civil liberty. Unlike his predecessors, Rousseau viewed the contract, as well as the republic, in a rather ethical context than a legal one, so he understood the political community as the creation which was founded on the morale of its citizens and integrated due to the civic virtue. Such an idea further led the author towards the consideration of education within the spirit of civil religion, which he saw as the moral base of a unique and undivided nation, in which all the individual and particular interests were declared as hostile and destructive elements of the social body. The collectivistic energy of Rousseau’s theory would soon become the main source of inspiration to the Jacobins and the revolutionary terror in France after the Revolution.