National Revolution Research Articles

Ukrainian military-theoretical opinion 1920-1939: the first attempts to form a military doctrine

The urgency of the article is due to the need to develop new approaches to increasing the effectiveness of the Armed Forces of Ukraine at the present stage of their development and designing new methods and tasks in the military policy of the state. These approaches, according to the authors, should be based on the basis of the best and most promising achievements of world military thought and take into account their own historical experience of Ukrainians. In the context of studying this experience, the authors of the article consider the theoretical contributions of some representatives of Ukrainian military emigration, whose ideas and opinions formed the basis for the design of the military doctrine of the modern Ukrainian state. The purpose of the study is to analyze the conceptual approaches to the foundations of military construction during the period of the national revolution of 1917-1921 in the writings of military historians, to clarify the place and role of Ukrainian military authors in the elaboration of the theoretical norms of the military doctrine set forth in the pages of scientific works on the issue of national construction armed forces. The article describes the state of military construction of the period of the national revolution of 1917-1921. Shows the main problems of military-theoretical nature, which are presented in the writings of military historians of the interwar period. It is shown how the representatives of military emigration considered the problems connected with the future world armed conflict and the possibility of rebuilding their own army. The novelty of the study is to comprehensively study Ukrainian military-theoretical thought in the interwar period, to distinguish between conceptual differences in the views of military theorists on ways of forming a military doctrine.

The local and provincial archival collections on Java from the colonial era; The preliminary results of the inventorization project

The National Archives of Indonesia and the National Archives of the Netherlands have been collaborating on the Java Archival Guide Project. This project, which initially ran from 2016 to 2017, will be continued in a second phase. It will provide insight into the size and richness of the local and provincial archives formed on Java during the colonial period after the dissolution of the Dutch East India Company (1800-1949). The whereabouts of these archives in Indonesia have been unknown to many researchers, preventing access to academics, local historians and family researchers. The collections encountered during the research for this project date from the last days of the Dutch East India Company to the Japanese invasion and the years of the Indonesian National Revolution. The completed phase of the project was limited to the repositories of local and provincial governmental agencies on Java. In some cases the colonial collections seem to have disappeared, and in others, the records seem to have survived the years almost intact.

ЦВЕТ ИМЕЕТ ЗНАЧЕНИЕ VS ЦВЕТ НЕ ИМЕЕТ ЗНАЧЕНИЯ (СИМВОЛИКА ЖЕЛТОГО ЦВЕТА В РЕПРЕЗЕНТАЦИИ СОЦИАЛЬНЫХ ДВИЖЕНИЙ В ЕВРОПЕ)

Within the framework of pragmatics, the article considers the features of the symbolic interpretation of yellow colour in relation to social protests in Europe of the XIX-XXI centuries by the material of the Russian, English and French languages. The authors illustrate the appearance of new economic terms based on the symbolism of yellow colour. The change of the association focus is shown in the diachronic aspect. The modern understanding of colour symbolism in protest movements, trade union actions and national revolutions is complemented by the analysis of the intersection of colour symbolism with metaphors, neologisms and phraseological units, axiological assessments of the current social movement in Europe.

Original Nation Approaches to 'International' Law (Onail): Decoupling of the Nation and the State and the Search for New Legal Orders

Original Nation Approaches to 'International' Law (Onail): Decoupling of the Nation and the State and the Search for New Legal Orders

Revolution is a Force of Guardian: Mikhail Lifshitz and Andrey Platonov

In the introduction of the article, there is an inspired by Hegel’s Elements of the Philosophy of Right proposition that the Russian revolution was in world history the second attempt after the French revolution to build the real and, consequently, reasonable state. At the same time, unlike French one, the Russian revolution relied not on subjective opinion of crowd but on objective scientific research – on political economy of Karl Marx. In the process of revolution the people of Russia, having taken the power in their own hands, started conscious transformation of a way of life and, in a short period of time, achieved such a level of education that any people in the world had not achieved before. That gave ground to Mikhail Lifshitz and Andrey Platonov to treat the revolutionary events that started in Russia with the revolution of 1917 as the great national revolution. The article demonstrates a fundamental difference between reactionary and revolutionary conservatism. Based on the works of Lifshitz and Platonov, it is proved that they were revolutionary conservatives. For this reason, they understood revolutionary denial of the old regime as a way of conservation of positive achievements of world and Russian culture. In the conclusion, the author reveals the reasons of curtailment of Russian national revolution in the 1990s. The author argues that the continuation of reunion of high and popular cultures in Russia is impossible without education system that needs to be created on the basis of logical philosophy as a result of the historical development of classical philosophical thought from Thales to Hegel.

Postcolonialism, Anti-colonialism, Nationalism and History

One of the most outstanding historical developments of the twentieth century was the gaining of national independence from imperial rule by most of the formerly colonized countries, especially in Africa, Asia and the Pacific. Yet, rather surprisingly, many of the leading contributors to postcolonial theory, including Edward Said, Gayatri Spivak, Homi Bhabha and others, tend to minimize the significance of national independence and take a dim view of the nationalist movements, leaders and ideologies that struggled for it. The aim of this article is to probe the reasons for this, canvassing postcolonial theorists’ main arguments and outlining certain intellectual currents and commitments, notably poststructuralism, deconstruction and postmodernism, that have contributed to these negative stances. Some counterarguments are presented, as it is suggested that the achievements of nationalist revolutions in the former colonies should be reassessed more favourably. This could be a way of resisting the current hegemonic power of the ideology of globalization.

Етнічний чинник національно-визвольних змагань 1918–1921 рр. і російсько-українського протистояння 2014 р. в інтерпретаціях сучасників

Етнічний чинник національно-визвольних змагань 1918–1921 рр. і російсько-українського протистояння 2014 р. в інтерпретаціях сучасників

De Valera's Gains: The Masculine Body in Irish Political Cartoons, 1922–39

De Valera's Gains:The Masculine Body in Irish Political Cartoons, 1922–39 Timothy Ellis (bio) Éamon de Valera was unquestionably one of the most significant political actors in twentieth-century Ireland. His political career, spanning almost six decades from the Easter Rising in 1916 to his death in 1975, makes him a fascinating subject for study. Indeed, de Valera's time in high office was arguably one of the longest of any democratically elected leader in history. Perhaps his most significant political achievement was the 1937 Irish Constitution. Controversially, this document proclaimed that "mothers shall not be obliged by economic necessity to engage in labour to the neglect of their duties in the home,"1 inviting the following question: What connects gender and political power in de Valera's career? How, for instance, was the representation of de Valera's masculinity used to confer political legitimacy? Conversely, how were representations of his perceived lack of masculinity used to denigrate his legitimacy? This essay analyzes the representation of de Valera in the period 1922–39 through the medium of political cartoons. It argues that cartoons demonstrate how discourses of masculinity were central to the construction of political power in the Irish Free State, using de Valera as a case study. The years 1922–39 represent a period of postrevolutionary consolidation in Ireland. It was during this time that the Irish state gradually achieved sovereignty from Great Britain, but also introduced a series of legislation that sought to limit the role of women in public life. The analysis of masculinity offers a useful entry point from which to consider the political culture of these years. Indeed, few historians [End Page 61] would disagree that the political culture of the Irish Free State privileged masculinity over femininity.2 Legislation limited women's participation on juries in 1924 and 1927. It also limited their access to contraception in 1929 and 1934. Moreover, while not a result of formal legislation, between 1923 and 1932 only two women took their seats in Dáil Éireann (Margaret Collins O'Driscoll, who served 1923–1933, and Kathleen Clarke, who served briefly in fall 1927).3 This was the result of a pro-Treaty victory in the Irish Civil War. Most politically active women supported the anti-Treaty side, which was ridiculed by its opponents as "the women and Childers party."4 The way in which political life is represented as masculine has long roots in political history. As Wendy Brown argues, "politics has been more exclusively limited to men than any other realm of endeavor and has been more intensely self-consciously masculine than most other social practices."5 As a state that had emerged from a nationalist revolution, the Irish Free State was particularly marked by a masculine political culture. To quote Joan Scott, emergent rulers have often sought to legitimize "domination, strength, central authority, and ruling power as masculine . . . , and [have] made that code literal in laws . . . that put women in their place."6 As Nira Yuval-Davis argues, gender is heavily implicated in constructions of nation.7 Nationalist revolutions are therefore especially imbued with a rhetoric of masculinity. Drawing on the theories of Ashis Nandy, Gerardine Meaney argues that in these circumstances, of which Ireland offers a classic example, "colonized peoples, often long after colonization itself has ended, tend [End Page 62] to observe or impose strictly differentiated gender roles in order to assert the masculinity and right to power of the (male) subjects."8 Moreover, recent scholarship has demonstrated the intellectual potential of the study of masculinity as a lens for analysis of Irish society and politics. Since the 1990s, scholars of Irish studies have increasingly demonstrated an interest in this subject. Caroline Magennis and Raymond Mullen have written on the role of masculinities in Irish literature and culture.9 The discipline of history has also shown encouraging signs of coming to terms with the complex relationship between masculinity and political life. Patrick McDevitt's work on sport and masculinity in the British Empire has recognized the significance of Gaelic sport in constructing an Irish nationalist masculinity.10 Fearghal McGarry's biography of Eoin O'Duffy has demonstrated how masculinity and virility...

"Революция во всех сердцах": развитие кризиса в русско-польских отношениях накануне польского восстания 1863-1864 гг.

Based on a complex of sources of personal origin, the article analyzes a special stage in the development of Russian-Polish relations in the second half of the 1850s - early 1860s, which has become a kind of “transition zone”, saturated with numerous conflicting and rapidly changing events. It is concluded that in the first years of the reign of Alexander II, the Russian administration in the region was not able to develop a clear line of behavior regarding the challenge of Polish “revolutionary nationalism”, limiting itself to minor concessions, which the Poles perceived as political weakness.The imperial authorities could neither offer the Polish society a new effective compromise program for the development of Poland as a part of Russia, nor suppress the manifestations of revolutionary nationalism in the bud. The trajectory of mutually beneficial cooperation gave way to the confrontational behavioral model that has become familiar to both sides, which made another Polish uprising inevitable.

Чехословаччина в період національної та соціальної революції (1918-1919): суспільно-політичний аспект Словаччини

Чехословаччина в період національної та соціальної революції (1918-1919): суспільно-політичний аспект Словаччини

Alianzas efímeras: izquierdas y nacionalismo revolucionario en la revista Política. Quince días de México y del Mundo (1960-1962)

La revista Política. Quince días de México y del Mundo (1960-1967) aglutinó a diversas corrientes de la izquierda junto con un grupo significativo de nacionalistas revolucionarios cercanos a Cárdenas. Unos y otros se adhirieron a las causas de la revolución cubana, el tercermundismo y la lucha en contra del imperialismo, generando el equívoco de que entre ellos no existían diferencias de fondo. Este ensayo plantea que los intelectuales que participaron en Política entablaron alianzas efímeras, buscando hacer coincidir elementos que eran difícilmente conciliables. Si bien en sus páginas es clara la denuncia de la falta de democracia que existía en México a través de una crítica innovadora hacia la revolución mexicana, la revista mantuvo posturas muy ortodoxas –e incluso retardatarias– frente a algunos de los acontecimientos más relevantes del periodo de la Guerra Fría. Por otra parte, a la manera del nacionalismo revolucionario, los colaboradores de la revista reivindicaron la figura de un “pueblo” abstracto fusionado al poder, considerado como el eje de la legitimidad revolucionaria. La revista mantuvo una posición acrítica frente a la ortodoxia comunista y dejó de lado la propuesta contracultural. En base a todos estos elementos, este ensayo plantea que Política no conformó una corriente de Nueva izquierda, y que ésta apareció hasta los años setenta y ochenta con la propuesta de una generación más joven de la izquierda mexicana.

World Literature and the Geographies of Resistance by Joel Nickels

MLR, .,   third part of Cohen’s study argues that, although European literature aer the fieenth century took on a decidedly imperial cast, ‘the central mode of representation of empire in Renaissance literature is nonrepresentation’ (p. ). Erich Auerbach’s Mimesis () is both touchstone and counterpoint here as elsewhere in this study. e nineteenth-century European novel is presented as inseparable from its non-mimetic engagement with empire, resulting in what Cohen calls ‘the severing of the relationship between the European novel and the world beyond Europe’ (p. ), though, as later chapters argue, this is not necessarily the case for nineteenth-century poetry. In the study’s final part, Cohen offers a superb chapter which persuasively argues that Jewishness constitutes modernism’s most significant demographic component, before claiming Jewish modernist literature as the demarcation point of European literature’s return to ‘world literature’. If the study’s final chapter on ‘world literature’, with its survey of contemporary Anglophone and translated literature, feels flat compared with earlier chapters, this is perhaps indicative of the conceptual limitations of the frequently all too nebulous term ‘world literature’ itself, such as the tendency of an infinitely capacious approach to obscure the specificities of literary works and languages. Cohen’s remark that ‘if prose fiction from around the world now draws centrally on Western forms, and especially on the novel, why not see all of it as Western literature?’ (p. ) may be troublingly worded, but is answered with the declaration that European literature’s expansionist vocation leads to its simultaneous fulfilment and abolition in the category of ‘world literature’ (p. ). e future viability of both ‘European literature’ and ‘world literature’ as hermeneutic categories is thereby put into question. Especially in the current political climate, however, this monograph is a timely intervention, which emphasizes the enduring significance of European culture within a wider context without shying away from its troubled history. Cohen succeeds admirably in delineating and magnifying the story he sets out to tell—one version of events, to be sure, but a compelling and insightful one. His championing of comparative literary criticism that pays attention synchronically and diachronically to the formal properties of languages in literary works is also welcome. Even at the risk of fragmentation, reading widely and deeply remains as rewarding as ever. U  L I E World Literature and the Geographies of Resistance. By J N. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. . ix+ pp. £. ISBN ––– –. at world literature is read as an embodiment of liberal cosmopolitan universalism is well known. at postcolonial literature is approached as a critique of colonialism and as an embodiment of nationalist revolution is equally familiar. But to read world literature as resistance literature and postcolonial texts as more than a corollary of nationalist revolution is less common. For that reason, this monograph by Joel Nickels makes a significant contribution to the field of world literature.  Reviews Nickels’s book is a continuation of the project of subaltern studies, in that it deals with areas le out of traditional approaches to world literature, reading world texts and authors as offering alternatives to existing state-controlled, capitalist , and communist spaces. To illustrate his new approach, Nickels argues that world literature, read as a site of resistance, can help us to imagine alternatives to existing hegemonic systems. In this study he is able to establish a connection between various forms of non-state space in the twentieth century and their counterparts in the twenty-first. His contention is that there is no clear rupture when the world mutates from older moments of colonialism into neocolonialism. e main focus of the book is on various fiction and non-fiction texts that help us to imagine non-state space—sites of self-government and resistance that are external to state-centric forms of power—as represented in workers’ organizations , mass strikes, alternative governance systems, and mutual aid networks, all of which contribute to challenging international power relations, institutions, and their bureaucracies. To explore such ideas, Nickels deals with the works of writers representing different parts of the world and different periods: Patrick Chamoiseau, Ousmane Sembene, Miguel Ángel Asturias, Claude McKay, Arundhati Roy, T. S...

TO THE BIOGRAPHY OF AMET OZENBASHLY

The article is devoted to the public and political activity of Amet Ozenbashly who was one of the leaders of the Crimean Tatar national movement in the first half of the XX century. His public activity during the period of the national liberation movement (1917-1920) is characterized in the article. Amet Ozenbashly’s participation in convening and conducting the Constituent Assembly of the Crimean Tatar nation (the first Kurultai), his activity within the Directory and the Central Committee of the Crimean Tatar national party “Milliy Fyrqa” is also emphasized in the work. A. Ozenbashly didn’t immigrate after the defeat of the national revolution. At the beginning of the 1920s he participated in the establishment of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic and was the member of its Central Executive Committee. He also held the position of the headmaster in the Crimean pedagogical college, the Deputy People’s Commissar of Finance; he practiced as a neurologist in Simferopil and was engaged in the literature activity. He was repressed in 1928. He was sentenced to death but his verdict was changed to 10 years of imprisonment. He was released from prison prematurely in 1934. A. Ozenbashly’s activity during the period of the German occupation is characterized in the study. He wrote the memorandum about the collaboration with the German although the document was not manifested. He made covert public statements against the collaboration with the German. He urged the Crimean Tatars to choose the third way (neither Hitlerism nor Stalinism) and value their own national interests above all. Because of risk of being arrested he had to hide. According to H. Porokhovsky’s (the former colonel of the UNR army, the leader of the Ukrainian military emigration in Romania, the employee of the Romanian special information service) archive-investigation file A. Ozenbashly moved to Odesa and then to Romania with his assistance. Being in this Balkan country he established linkages with the leaders of the Crimean Tatar emigration in Turkey, helped the refugees from the Crimea to settle in Romania and got ready to move to Istanbul. However he was arrested and repressed by the Soviet intelligence agency for the second time in spring 1945. Key words: Amet Ozenbashly, the Crimea, the Crimean Tatars, Milliy Fyrqa, Romania, Hnat Porokhovsky.

1946년『인기학소론(人紀學素論)』의 출간과 그 의의

This study examines the authorship of the book《The basic discourse of Sinhomismo study》 published in 1946 by Sinhomismo study society and its contents and implications.BR This book was written by a co-work of the Minjok-kunyang-hoe(民族建揚會) including Park Jin, Cho Yoon-je, Kim Chang-Sook under the leadership of Lee Jong-Ryul.BR The philosophical basis of Lee Jong-Ryul`s national revolutionary theory had come from the contents of this book. Marx thought that the kingdom of nature would only be possible if the post-socialist productive forces were highly developed. In this book, however, Marx`s view is right in the advanced region, but in the backward region like Korea, it starts with the national revolution and can be accomplished as the completion of the national revolution. Based on Marx`s theory, he focused on the relative uniqueness and importance of human consciousness and tried to present a new human philosophy called Sinhomismo study.BR The publishment of this book aimed to establish ideal social order and ethics necessary for new country.

Constitutional values: from theory to practice. For the 100th anniversary of the constitution of the Ukrainian People's Republic

The origins of the formation and development of the newest Ukrainian constitutionalism in close connection with the process of state-building in Ukraine at the initial stage of the Ukrainian national revolution of 1917-1921 are analyzed in the article. The development of the constitutional process of this period and the influence on its evolution of the political situation associated with the adoption of the main state acts - I-IV Universal by the Ukrainian Central Rada are revealed. The main stages of the work of the Constitutional Commission on the Constitution of the newly formed Ukrainian statehood are disclosed. A key turning point in the creation of the Constitution was the proclamation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in January 1918 of its independence. There was a sharp ideological struggle around the main provisions of the constitutional act, in particular, the consolidation of the form of the future Ukrainian statehood, was a reflection of the distribution of political and class forces in the main state body – the Ukrainian Central Rada and in society as a whole. June 1917 - April 1918 was the period of birth of the Basic Law of the Ukrainian statehood at the beginning of the twentieth century. April 29, 1918, the draft Constitution of the Ukrainian People's Republic was approved by the Little Rada on the last day of its existence. Through a coup, the Constitution of the UPR has not entered into force. But its development and adoption have become an outstanding milestone in the development of national constitutionalism. The Constitution of the UNR accumulated the best achievements of national constitutional thought and the advanced European standards. The principles of the division of state power, the functioning of a developed institution of human and civil rights and freedoms, and the existence of an institution of local self-government were put in the basis of the Constitution of the UNR. The Basic Law of the Ukrainian People's Republic enshrines the system of government bodies, defines their main functions and powers. However, the Constitution had serious drawbacks. It did not solve one of the main issues of the revolution – the issue of land ownership, did not fix the strategic directions for the implementation of the state’s domestic and foreign policy; outside the constitutional limits, there were problems of clearly defining the territory of the UPR, its symbolism – the coat of arms, anthem, flag, etc. The UPR was an outstanding monument of national statehood and domestic constitutionalism, its theoretical ideas had a great influence on the development of the following constitutional acts in Ukraine

Pergeseran Politik Hukum Zakat dari Era Soekarno Menuju Soeharto

Regarding Indonesia as non-islamicstate, discourse of almsgiving management is very important to be discussed. Islam tends to argue that The State has to manages almsgiving. But in other hand, NKRI as non-islamicstate tends to avoiding intervention in religious practical event. When Soekarno taok rules, national revolution gave full attention, so the dinamics of almsgiving management has no intention. But when Soeharto took rules, intention to The State to manage almsgiving get bigger number. In other hand, The State gave counter-attack, the best it can. Based on bibliotical research, this paper displays the dinamics of almsgiving management law-policy in those eras and describes how far the shift was happened.
 Kata kunci: politik hukum zakat, pengelolaan zakat, UU Pengelolaan Zakat,

The Colour of Hope: The Legacy of the ‘Green Cadres’ and the Problem of Rural Unrest in the First Czechoslovak Republic

This article addresses the divided memory and contested meaning of the Great War in interwar Czechoslovakia. Focusing on the legacy of a loose and short-lived movement of army deserters called ‘Green Cadres’ that appeared in 1918, it suggests that the Czechoslovak nation building project faced challenges not only from sizable ethnic minorities within the fledgling state, but also from the restive Czech peasantry. As elsewhere in East Central Europe, many peasants regarded the Green Cadres as liberators and representatives of a more radical, rural oriented national revolution. These unfulfilled hopes resonated through the interwar period. This article thus sheds light on an important social and cultural fault line that has been neglected in histories of the world wars in Europe.

El otro lado de la modernidad boliviana. "Vuelve Sebastiana" y la reconfiguración de las coordenadas espacio temporales para pensar la Nación

Este artículo analiza el film Vuelve Sebastiana (1953) de Jorge Ruiz, centrándose en sus dimensiones estéticas e ideológicas. El propósito del análisis es poner en diálogo la idea de “nación” propuesta por el film en el marco de las transformaciones culturales que vinieron de la mano de las políticas económicas y sociales impulsadas por la Revolución Nacional de 1952, y la forma en que la comunidad chipaya es representada. La hipótesis central del artículo establece que el film de Ruiz debe ser entendido no sólo como expresión de la nueva identidad nacional que empieza a articularse bajo el proyecto revolucionario, sino sobre todo como expresión de un nuevo imaginario nacional que empieza a configurarse en relación con las comunidades indígenas del altiplano. El artículo sostiene que la representación de la nación, con base en las nuevas cartografías espacio temporales del proyecto modernizador revolucionario, visibiliza las tensiones y contradicciones de este proyecto y el lugar que en el nuevo imaginario nacional ocupan las comunidades indígenas. En este sentido, Vuelve Sebastiana permite leer, desde estos desencuentros, la reconfiguración del imaginario que ha redefinido las relaciones entre el Estado y las comunidades indígenas del altiplano a lo largo de la segunda mitad del siglo XX.

Ukrainian intelligentsia 1920's: un(commonness) of needs and problem of choice

The article deals with the problem of the life choices of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in the conditions of the defeat of the national revolution of 1917-1921 and establishment of the Soviet government; the analysis is carried out from the point of historical-anthropological and sociological approaches.Researching problems of intelligentsia as a social phenomenon are analyzed in the article. Іntelligentsia and its functions is considered in the structure of public activity. The author describes principal approaches and tries to uncover possibilities of philosophical study of this theme. The article describes the heteronomous and autonomous strategies of self-realization of the intellectuals, different types of ideological positioning and behavioral reactions in the conditions of loss of freedom and forming a totalitarian regime, the resources of resistance and revival were highlighted.

Beyond the Arab Cold War: The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962–68

Beyond the Arab Cold War: The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962–68