National Revolution Research Articles

ГЕРОЇКА НАЦІОНАЛЬНОГО ДЕРЖАВОТВОРЕННЯ 1918–1919 рр. У ФОРМУВАННІ ІДЕЙНОГО ПІДҐРУНТЯ ЗБРОЙНОГО ЧИНУ ОУН (б) У ГАЛИЧИНІ (друга половина 1943 р. – початок 1944 р.)

У матеріалах статті йдеться про тяглість традиції національної державотворчої боротьби у 20–40-х рр. ХХ ст. Представлено окремі аспекти використання етосу визвольних змагань українських збройних формацій 1917–1921 р. Організацією українських націоналістів (бандерівців) у Галичині в період Другої світової війни. Окреслено особливості вжитку керівництвом націоналістичного крила вітчизняного національно-визвольного руху Опору героїки військового чину національних мілітарних формацій періоду Західно-Української Народної Республіки та Української Народної Республіки для створення ідеологічного підґрунтя процесу розгортання власних збройних сил – Української Народної Самооборони та Української Повстанської Армії.
 Простежено паралелі у означенні кінцевої мети збройної боротьби нації. Вказано також на відмінності у концепції та тактичних засобах осягнення національного суверенітету. Відзначено, що дослідження представленої теми уможливлюють глибше сприйняття загалом вітчизняного соціуму процесу відстоювання національних прав, а, зокрема, державної незалежності.
 У ході висвітлення теми зроблено акцент на використанні матеріалів підпілля та джерел мемуаристичного характеру.

Pro-Ukrainian Students at the Kyiv Theological Academy From the 1890s to 1907

The article analyzes the main preconditions for the formation of pro-Ukrainian views among students of the Kyiv Theological Academy and determines their percentages among the graduates from the 1890s to 1907. When in the late 1850s and the early 1860s the Ukrainian intelligentsia carried out semi-legal cultural and educational work within Ukrainophile communities (the hromadas), few students of the Academy took part in their activities, with only 4 participants being active members in the Kyiv Hromada. Later, when students from the 1890s to 1907 at the Kyiv Theological Academy joined the national movement, pro-Ukrainian activities became more popular with the clergy. According to statistical and biographical data gathered by the author, the percentage of nationally-minded graduates among Ukrainian-born students at the Academy varied from 5 to 38% depending on the year of graduation. They engaged in educational work in schools, popularized Ukrainian-language literature, collected ethnographic materials, studied the history of their native land, and translated religious literature. Moreover, 11 students left their mark in the history of the hromada movement. Such well-known public figures as Oleksandr Lototskyi, Volodymyr Durdukivskyi, Serhii Lypkivskyi, and Volodymyr Chekhivskyi, who all played a significant role in the events of the national revolution and the struggle for the independence of Ukraine, deserve special mention. Active participation of Academy graduates in Ukrainian public life challenges the general view of the Kyiv Theological Academy as a highly reactionary educational institution that trained cadres who served only the interests of the Russian Empire.

The Comparative Dialectic of Islam, Politics, and Government in Indonesia and Thailand

The religion particularly Islam has a considerable influence on the politics and governmental system in a country generally. But of course the role of Islam in politics and government will be different when Islam as the majority religion compared when Islam became a minority religion. It becomes interesting to be explored further, so as to see concrete evidence the authors determined to compare the dialectic of Islam in the politics and government in Indonesia and Thailand. The results of research showed that there is a significant imbalance between the role of Islam in Indonesia and Thailand for politics and government. In Indonesia since the struggle until independence era, the Muslim leaders and activists are aware that in order to improve the condition of the country, it takes a political struggle to deal with attempts to obtain power to influence government and public policy making. This can be evidenced by the existence of Islamic party or Islamic mass-based party from the first general election to date. In addition, at the level of government the role of Muslim activists and scholars are also greatly affected. Instead, in Thailand show that Islam has a small portion in politics and government. This is evidenced by the lack of political access and opportunity to participate in the governmental system. Even in a particular regime, Muslims get very discriminatory treatment. Like as in the administration of Prime Minister Phibul Songkhram and Thaksin Shinawatra. This condition is supported by the prevailing political system in Thailand, where the authority of the regime is absolute and inviolable. As an impact, insurgents groups in Southern Thailand namely National Revolution Row (BRN) and Pattani United Liberation Organization (PULO) continued to express special autonomy. With the special autonomy it is expected that the conflict in Southern Thailand will subside.

Argentine Left Parties and the 1967 Six-Day War through the Prism of Global Networks and South-South Connections

La guerra de junio de 1967 entre Israel y los ejércitos de Egipto, Siria y Jordania tuvo un importante impacto sobre la izquierda argentina, que se alineó con los países árabes. El Partido Comunista de Argentina (PCA), que tenía una influencia significativa dentro de la comunidad judía, defendió la política de la Unión Soviética, mientras que Política Obrera (PO) y el Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores (PRT), dos corrientes trotskistas, fueron críticos de la política soviética y vieron en el proceso político del Medio Oriente una revolución nacional en curso que se podía convertir en una revolución socialista. Aunque los tres partidos repudiaban abiertamente al antisemitismo y denunciaban los llamados a expulsar a la población judía de Israel/Palestina, no estuvieron exentos del uso de tropos antisemitas (y orientalistas). Describían a Israel como un mero ‘peón del imperialismo estadounidense’, carente de agencia y, con la excepción del PCA, ignoraron la existencia de los Palestinos como un grupo nacional en sí mismo. El debate sobre la cuestión de Israel/Palestina en la Conferencia Tricontinental celebrada en La Habana en 1966 influyó a la izquierda en su conjunto, y parece haber servido de insumo a las posiciones de PO, organización que se convirtió en el primer partido marxista del mundo en plantear la destrucción política del Estado de Israel, la cual se suponía sería llevada a cabo por la alianza revolucionaria de las masas árabes y judías del Medio Oriente. Por el contrario, tanto el PCA como el PRT defendían el derecho de Israel a su existencia.

Panislamist and Pantyurkist Motion of Crimean Tatars at the Beginning of XX Century

A problem which is examined in the article before was not the article of scientific illumination. It served reason of appeal of author to the archived sources which are first entered in a scientific turn. Actuality of the article consists in that displays of panislamizm and pantyurkizm, having deep roots in the past, in one or another degree take place and now. Research is based on the documents of the Record Office of Republic Crimea, which were at one time geared-up Department of police and his Crimean structures. An author comes in to the conclusion, that in Crimea, as well as in other regions of the Russian empire, where a moslem population lived compact, panislamist and pantyurkist motion was got by development. This motion was headed the representatives of intelligentsia, well-off and influential persons. One of them was IsmaelGasprinskiy, leader of pantyurkist motion of all-russian scale. Panislamizm in Crimea was organizationally designed as organizations of «Conscience». This structure can be considered the first national political party of Crimean Tatars. Crimean pantyurkists and panislamists had regular connections with the centers of Russian, Turkish, Romanian moslem motions. The fact of organization of group of the Crimean national revolutionaries in the capital of Turkey deserves attention. It is the important certificate of the close interlacing revolutionary and panislamist activity.

Hospitality's Prowess: Performing Sahrāwī Sovereignty in Refugee Camps

AbstractThe Sahrāwī movement for national liberation—known as the Polisario Front—has been organizing into the Sahrāwī Arab Democratic Republic in refugee camps since 1976. This article describes rhetorical and administrative strategies that muster the labor of hospitality carried out in Sahrāwī households to advance the legitimacy of the Polisario Front. The khayma (tent, household, or family), a customary domain of female power and symbol of hospitality among the Sahrāwī (and beyond), bears a metonymic relationship with the project of a Sahrāwī revolutionary nationalism. Examining how hospitality serves as a nexus of articulation between different orders of the political, it argues that practices of hospitality among Sahrāwī refugees constitute the expression of a form of popular sovereignty and revolutionary practice.

Not Just a Man of Guns: Chen Jiongming, Warlord, and the May Fourth Intellectual (1919–1922)

AbstractInstead of assuming “warlords” as a homogeneous counter-force to the May Fourth enlightenment while imagining Chinese intellectuals as a natural alliance for the “anti-warlordism” National Revolution, this article examines the prevailing idea exchange and political collaboration between Chen Jiongming, the Cantonese military strongman, and the May Fourth intellectual within and beyond regional borders. Between 1919 and 1922, Chen Jiongming not only fostered his anarcho-federalist blueprint, but also garnered support from prominent thinkers hailing from across different ideological camps such as Liang Bingxian, Chen Duxiu, and Hu Shi. Focusing on the ideological and intellectual aspects of warlord rule, this article attempts to situate the study of warlordism against the backdrop of the Chinese enlightenment, to downplay the differences between the man of guns and the man of letters, and thereby to redefine, re-characterize, and reappraise “warlords” as active agents—the initiators—of China's renewals during this formative period.

On the Activity of Bodies of National Self-Government of the Crimean Tatar People in 1919 and the Problem of Dating the Crimean Tatar Revolution

The article discusses the concept of the Crimean Tatar Revolution, which began in 1917; the problem of determining its upper chronological boundary; and the activities of the Crimean Tatar national authorities in 1919. As a result of the Russian Empire’s policy, in the early 20th century the Crimean Tatar people faced dramatic challenges in the sociopolitical, socioeconomic and ethnodemographic spheres: in their historical homeland, in Crimea, they became a repressed minority, threatened by degradation and assimilation. The 1917 revolutionary events in Russia gave a chance, used by the Crimean Tatar representatives. At that time, the new national elite, formed, first of all, from the nation’s intelligentsia, moved the old leading strata (murza and clergy), facilitated the mobilization of the masses around the ideas of national self-organization and the realization of the right for self-determination. The starting point of the Crimean Tatar Revolution was the holding in December 1917 of the Crimean Tatar constituent assembly – Kurultai – which approved the National Constitution, put forward the idea of creating the Crimean People’s Republic, and became the national parliament for a period of one year. In 1918, it worked under the difficult conditions of shifting political regimes in Crimea. In early 1919, during the confrontation with the Crimean Provincial Government of S. Kryma and the Volunteer Army, elections were held for a new convocation of the parliament – Majlis Mebusan, which briefly worked in March. At the same time, much attention was paid to the Crimean Tatars’ national self-government bodies in the election campaign of the Crimean Sejm, but the capture of Crimea by the Red Army in April 1919 made it impossible to hold elections. The left-radical regime led by the Bolsheviks in Crimea, proclaimed in the spring of 1919 by the Crimean Soviet Socialist Republic, did not last long, but it did show intentions to take into account the Crimean Tatar factor. The dictatorial regime of A. Denikin, who established control over Crimea in the summer of 1919, pursued repressive policies against the Crimean Tatar authorities. According to the author, the violent cessation of self-government in August 1919 marked the end of the Crimean Tatar National Revolution.

UKRAINE AND THE SOVIET EXPORT OF THE COMMUNIST REVOLUTION TO EUROPE IN 1919

Summary. The aim of the research is to determine the role of Ukraine in disrupting the plans of the Russian Bilshovyks, concerning the export of the communist revolution to Central and Western Europe and the Balkans in 1919. The research methodology is based on: the general scientific methods (analytical and synthetic, inductive and deductive); the general historical – (historical-comparative, problem-chronological, retrospective, synchronistic, diachronic). The scientific novelty consists in the fact that for the first time in the newest Ukrainian historiography there has been analyzed the attempt disruption of the Russian Bilshovyks to export the communist revolution to Europe across the territory of Ukraine in 1919. Conclusions. In 1919 there was a real threat of the Russian Bilshovyk troops invasion to Central and Western Europe, as well as the Balkans. Hungary was to be their first victim. The preparation for the invasion was carried out under the slogans of «an international assistance», given to the Hungarian proletariat. There was no common border between Russia and the countries of Central and Western Europe, so the success of the military operations depended on the circumstance – how quickly the Russian troops would pass across Ukraine, which was seized by the national revolution, and would break through to Hungary. This attempt failed. The massive anti-Bilshovyk uprisings in Ukraine, a stubborn resistance of the army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR), the refusal of the government of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic (ZUNR) to conclude an agreement with the Bilshovyks, A. Denikin’s attack on Ukrainian lands was diverted by the significant Soviet military forces. It made the invasion plans for Hungary via Bukovyna into an impracticable project. As a result, the export of the communist revolution from Russia to Europe failed. So, the main obstacle on the path of communism to Europe was Ukraine, which stopped the Russian communist invasion in 1919.

“There Is NoNewBlack Panther Party”: The Panther-Like Formations and the Black Power Resurgence of the 1990s

“There Is No<i>New</i>Black Panther Party”: The Panther-Like Formations and the Black Power Resurgence of the 1990s

Reclaiming an Irish National Hero: Seamus De Búrca’s Biography of Peadar Kearney, The Soldier’s Song (1957)

ABSTRACTAnalyses of musical biography have, understandably, largely focused on well-known composers with an established place in the national myth. To explain why particular events or individuals become incorporated into national narratives, historical research on memory has increasingly turned to the analysis of both forgetting and remembering. Likewise, biographical studies must look beyond great composers to those not deemed worthy of the national myth. Irish playwright Seamus de Búrca attempted to create a canonical space in the national myth for his uncle, Peadar Kearney (O Cearnaigh), in a biography he titled The Soldier’s Song: The Story of Peadar O Cearnaigh. From an Irish nationalist family, de Búrca revered Kearney, a nationalist revolutionary and lyricist of the national anthem, “The Soldier’s Song.” The biography was, however, strikingly unsuccessful, and Kearney remains largely forgotten. A reception history of de Búrca’s biography and an analysis of why Ireland’s national narrative excluded Kearney facilitates an understanding of its ideological underpinnings. A study of de Búrca’s work indicates the value of looking beyond biography itself, not only to reception but to commemoration and processes of social and institutional forgetting.

The Lessons of Yên Bái, or the “Fascist” Temptation: How the Đại Việt Parties Rethought Anticolonial Nationalist Revolutionary Action, 1932–1945

To fully understand the complexity of ideological commitments in Vietnam between 1945 and 1975, it is useful to return to the 1930s, when the attraction of the Vietnamese nationalists for the Fascist European regimes led a number of them to publicly celebrate the figure of Adolf Hitler. Within the context of the Popular Front in France and a certain political openness in Indochina, the intellectual and organizational turmoil of the nationalist parties gave substance to a doctrine nourished by Western models but that nevertheless remained uniquely Vietnamese. This article addresses the question of the “fascist temptation” of the prewar nationalist Đại Việt parties, which is rarely addressed by historiography.

THE POLITICS OF PEACE AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE GENEVA AGREEMENT IN HOI AN, QUANG NAM, AFTER 1954

In pursuit of American policy, the Saigon administration carried out extremely reactionary policies, such as refusing general consultation, refusing to reestablish normal relations between the North and the South, refusing the election of the Constituent Assembly (March 31, 1956), the promulgation of the Constitution (October 26, 1956), the establishment of the Can Lao People's Party, the National Revolutionary Movement and the Republican Youth. The Saigon government tried to terrorize peace advocates, resistance fighters and those who fought for the Geneva Accords (1954). The conspiracy and tactics that the US and Diem Ngo Dinh government as ways of refusing to negotiate with the general election made ethnic conflicts and social conflicts increasingly severe. Thus, a political fight for peace and the enforcement of the Geneva agreement between the people of Hoi An and the United States and the Saigon government became inevitable.

제1차 國共合作 결렬 이후 국민당 改組派의 國民革命 이해와 사상적 전환 - 陳公博의 國民革命論을 중심으로 -

제1차 國共合作 결렬 이후 국민당 改組派의 國民革命 이해와 사상적 전환 - 陳公博의 國民革命論을 중심으로 -

Problems of international governance in the middle east during the cold war period

The article is devoted to little-known aspects of the political and military developments in the Middle East during the Cold War – from the division of Palestine into two states and until the mid-1950s. The focus is on the confrontation between the two superpowers of the United States and the USSR for their influence on Arab countries.&#x0D; This article uses little-known documentary material, as well as the display of some of the described international events in contemporary film documentaries.&#x0D; It was clarified that in the investigated period the first steps of the policy of large foreign military aid and cooperation on development issues in the Middle East were carried out, first of all, on the part of the USSR and the USA. It was emphasized in particular that then two international coalitions were formed – the monarchical Arab regimes and Israel were supported by the official Washington, and the national revolutionary regimes, where the military forces came to power (Egypt, Syria), cooperated with Moscow.&#x0D; Keywords: Middle East, Great Britain, USA, USSR, Israel, Egypt, Lebanon, Cold War, supply of weapons, digital cinema collections

Medical Aesthetics in the Twilight of Empire: Lungrik Tendar and The Stainless Vaiḍūrya Mirror

This article introduces the life and medical histories of the luminary Khalkha Mongolian monk, Lungrik Tendar (Tib. Lung rigs bstan dar; Mon. Lungrigdandar, c. 1842–1915). Well known for his exegesis of received medical works from Central Tibet, Lungrik Tendar was also a historian of the Four Tantras (Tib. Rgyud bzhi; Mon. Dörben ündüsü). In 1911, just as Khalkha Mongolia began separating from a flailing Qing Empire, Lungrik Tendar set out to append the story of Mongolia and of Mongolian medicine, political formation, and religious life to the Four Tantra’s well-known global histories. In addition, he provided an illuminating summary of how to present the Four Tantras to a popular audience in the twilight of the imperial period. This article introduces the life of Lungrik Tendar and analyzes his previously unstudied medical history from 1911, The Stainless Vaiḍūrya Mirror. On the basis of this understudied text, this article explores ways that monastic medicine in the frontier scholastic worlds of the late-Qing Empire were dependent upon aesthetic representations of space and time and of knowledge acquisition and practice, and how such medical aesthetics helped connect the religious, political, legal, economic, and social worlds of Asia’s heartland on the eve of nationalist and socialist revolution and state-directed erasure.

Cuban Cultural Heritage: A Rebel Past for a Revolutionary Nation, by Pablo Alonso González

Cuban Cultural Heritage: A Rebel Past for a Revolutionary Nation, by Pablo Alonso González

D. O. Laboure. Gospel and revolver: Social and psychological foundations of the Bulgarian national revolution in Macedonia and Thrace in the late XIX – early XX century

D. O. Laboure. Gospel and revolver: Social and psychological foundations of the Bulgarian national revolution in Macedonia and Thrace in the late XIX – early XX century

KYIV SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF FORENSIC EXPERTISE: A REVIEW THROUGH THE PRIZM OF HISTORY

The article analyzes the main milestones of the Kyiv Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Expertise during one hundred and five years of activity, selected scientific developments of the Institute, and highlighted the contribution of the employees of this institution to the development of forensic science and the formation of the methodological foundations of forensic expertology. It is disclosed the legal basis for the creation of the Cabinet of Scientific and Forensic Expertise under the Prosecutor of the Kyiv Judicial Chamber in 1913, its activity in first years are described, which confirms the national significance of the expert institution. The article reveals the stages in history of the Kyiv Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Expertise related to the national revolution of 1917-1921 years, World War II on the territory of Ukraine, update of the criminal and criminal procedural legislation in the 1960s, proclamation of the Ukrainian independence. The author made conclusions about the role of the Kyiv Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Expertise in the implementation of justice in Ukraine. Key words: Cabinet of Scientific and Forensic Expertise, Kyiv Scientific Forensic Expertise, Kyiv Scientific Research Institute of Forensic Expertise, expert institution, criminalistics, forensic examination.

Gender and the politics of decolonization in early 1960s French cinema

In a recent monograph, Todd Shepard has implored us to examine the ways in ‘which the Algerian War modified the form and the content of debates surrounding contemporary sexuality in France’, from the nationalist revolution spearheaded by the FLN in Algeria, to the sexual paradigm shift of May ’68 (2017: 21). An important injunction, undoubtedly. But also an injunction that, as I will show, could also be inverted to examine how, in the world of cinema, the radicalization of identity politics catalysed by decolonization found itself similarly distorted by a tendency among male directors to imagine the war through the lens of their own androcentric preoccupations, fantasies and anxieties: anxieties that, in the case of Jacques Rivette’s Paris nous appartient (1961), Louis Malle’s Le Feu Follet (1963), and Jacques Dupont’s Les Distractions (1960), ricochet erratically between masochistic and misogynistic tales of impotence and carnal retribution; anxieties that subtly twist the dynamics of the decolonial debate into strange shapes, places and meanings.