History Of Revolution Research Articles

Playing Chess in Public: Recreational Traditions in a Time of Crisis

Based upon a series of ethnographic vignettes, interviews, participant observation, and archival research, this article profiles public chess playing in Greenwich Village, New York City.  I focus upon the famed public spaces for chess players like Washington Square Park and Union Square, and the atmosphere of anxiety and unrest due to the Covid-19 Pandemic and systemic racism surrounding the protests of the summer of 2020.  The long artistic and revolutionary history of Greenwich Village provides an intriguing context for public chess playing and the informal economy of hustling.  As the majority of the chess enthusiasts and table hosts are African American men and, given the metaphoric explanations of “chess as life,” sociopolitical context is critical.  In particular, political artistic displays and protests against police violence and systemic racism are no mere backdrop for chess playing, but intimately felt and entangled within the sense of place and public participation in downtown Manhattan.As New York City, during 2020 and throughout the Covid-19 Pandemic era, faced multiple crises along with their sociopolitical responses; iconic staples of Greenwich Village life embodied by the area’s chess enthusiasts persist.  In order to illuminate the everyday life of chess playing in public, I focus on two players: Mr. Black in Washington Square Park and Alfred in Union Square.  These ethnographic vignettes reveal downtown chess playing as an activity inseparable from its urban context – uniquely and importantly a New Yorkers’ pastime and entangled within the socioeconomic, political, and artistic landscapes that color downtown New York City. 

The entanglement of constitutional government and revolution in modern China

There is a tendency in the study of modern Chinese history to seek uniqueness in the history of modern China while attempting to identify differences from some presumed universality. However, modern Chinese history research that emphasizes uniqueness is likely to be used to create a negative image of China in the minds of the Japanese general public, given that China has become a major power and Sino-Japan relations have become unstable in the 21st century. As China is becoming a major power and an increasing global presence, the Japanese view that China is becoming distanced from universals and is instead becoming something entirely different from the “norm” is likely to amplify misunderstanding and prejudice regarding China. Therefore, we have to consider how to study the history of modern China. I believe it is only natural to study it based on the political problem that was the constant theme throughout the history of modern China. It is the history of constitutional government and revolution. From these two keywords, this paper reconsiders the universality and uniqueness of modern Chinese history, and also presents a new perspective on the relationship between China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan.

Racialized Visions: Haiti and the Hispanic Caribbean ed. by Vanessa K. Valdés

Reviewed by: Racialized Visions: Haiti and the Hispanic Caribbean ed. by Vanessa K. Valdés Gabriel Bámgbóṣé (bio) Vanessa K. Valdés, editor. Racialized Visions: Haiti and the Hispanic Caribbean. SUNY, 2020, Pp. 275. US $95 (hardcover) / $24.95 (paper). One of the most powerful elements of Vanessa K. Valdés' scholarship is the incisive comparative lens she deploys, one which reimagines the Black literary and cultural geographies of the Americas. Her monograph, Oshun's Daughters: The Search for Womanhood in the Americas, is a clear example of how this approach advances a greater understanding of the contributions of peoples of African descent in the imagination of the Americas. In the same vein, Valdés' recent edited collection, Racialized Visions: Haiti and the Hispanic Caribbean, uses this comparative perspective to rethink the place of Haiti in the Hispanic Caribbean space, with broad implications for resituating the historical meanings and cultural significance of Haiti in the Americas. The contributor Mariana Past articulates the main problem twelve diverse scholars engage with in the collection: "Haiti, independent since 1804—and whose original constitutions abolished slavery and guaranteed universal liberty to all citizens of Hispaniola, who were defined as free, equal, and Black—remains a perpetual outlier in the Caribbean context" (161). Thus, questioning the racialized othering of Haitians in the Caribbean imagination, the collection argues that, notwithstanding the disavowal of Haiti's Blackness, its revolutionary history and culture play a central role in the symbolic and material envisioning of decolonial struggle against multiple colonialities in the Americas. In her preface to the collection, Myriam Chancy notes that, despite the linguistic differences among the Caribbean nations, their "makeup and realities have overlapped and cannot truly be understood fully without one another" (xiv). The quest to map out these overlapping realities and histories of Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Cuba, and Puerto Rico is at the center of the collection's eleven chapters. Each chapter explores different but related dimensions of Haiti's fundamental yet denigrated influence on the Caribbean imagination through compelling critical analyses of fictional narratives, poems, short stories, historical texts, and films. Valdés' introduction situates the collection in the problematic of the field, posing the crucial question of how to reread Haiti and its complex relationship with other nations in the Hispanic Caribbean, whereas most studies have often concentrated on Haiti's representations in Anglophone Caribbean literature (15). Valdés contextualizes three key moments that the collection evocatively interrogates and that [End Page 177] signify the tragic consequences of anti-Haitian sentiments: the 1937 massacre of Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent in the Haitian-Dominican border under the dictatorship of Rafael Leónidas Trujillo (1930–1961); the 2010 earthquake that foregrounded the racialized perception of Haiti as a space of disaster; and the 2013 law instituted by the Dominican Republic Constitutional Tribunal that stripped many Dominicans of Haitian descent born between 1929 and 2007 of their citizenship. Six chapters focus on the problematic relationship between Haiti and the Dominican Republic; they critique the colonial racialization of geography and Blackness/Africanness that produces the border tension within the island of Hispaniola. In "The Border of Hispaniola in Historical and Fictional Imaginations since 1791," Claudy Delné's sharp analysis of Jacques Stephen Alexis' General Sun, My Brother, René Philoctète's Massacre River, and Edwidge Danticat's The Farming of Bones shows how Haitian writers articulate the experience of border crossing as simultaneously tragic and liberating. Ángela Castro's chapter focuses on the same Danticat novel through a symptomatic reading of time, trauma, and the repetition of historical violence on the Hispaniola border. Drawing attention to Junot Díaz's figuration of implicit "Haitianism" in The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao, Mohwanah Fetus' chapter reads the historical trauma and violence in the novel through the lens of the cane field racialized as "a 'Haitian space' in the Trujillo's nation-state" (211). Carrie Gibson's chapter, "The Dictator's Scapegoat," turns to conservative Dominican historians' ideological roles in propagating the anti-Haitian discourse that occurred during the Trujillo regime. By analyzing Emilio Rodríguez Demorizi's historical writing, Gibson demonstrates how the production of historical texts legitimizes anti-Haitian and anti...

Bread Winner: An Intimate History of the Victorian Economy, by Emma Griffin

Reviewed by: Bread Winner: An Intimate History of the Victorian Economy by Emma Griffin Sarah Winter (bio) Bread Winner: An Intimate History of the Victorian Economy, by Emma Griffin; pp. v + 389. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2020, $35.00, £20.00. Emma Griffin's Bread Winner: An Intimate History of the Victorian Economy tracks the impact of the male breadwinner wage on the economic and emotional lives of Victorian and Edwardian British working-class families through a multifaceted analysis of 662 working-class autobiographies (443 written by men, and the rest by women), some published but many existing exclusively in archives or as recorded interviews. Griffin notes that the proportion of male and female autobiographers evened out among those born after 1890 (9–10). Revising her account of the Industrial Revolution's positive effects on male workers' personal freedom and economic opportunity in Liberty's Dawn: A People's History of the Industrial Revolution (2013) through a focus on gender inequality, Bread Winner also expands Griffin's research on autobiographies to understand working-class Britons' economic lives in ways that quantitative methods cannot fully capture. She observes that, while working-class autobiographies have been intensively studied, they have not been used "to understand 'big' problems like the extent and meaning of economic growth" in the nineteenth century, or why this growth failed to eliminate widespread poverty (296). Griffin interprets the male breadwinner wage—"a bargaining concept that was successfully deployed by several campaigners and trade unions throughout the [nineteenth] century" (4)—as an ideology that disqualified women from entering the labor market; as a gendered structural element of the economy; and as a narrative scaffolding for working-class writers to organize their retrospective stories and assess the financial successes or struggles of their families (229). Bread Winner is constructive for its use of personal narratives as historical evidence that can generate new interdisciplinary methods of interpretation in economic history. The book's chapters study the structural effects of the breadwinner wage through a range of topics derived through close analysis of the autobiographies, including women's and girls' lifelong "drudgery" at housework and their restricted opportunities for employment outside the home due to lack of skills (86); the reinforcement of masculinity, agency, and financial independence gained by men and boys through work; the resulting family dynamics in which a working boy contributing income was "somebody" (82), while girls were "nobodies" (83); hunger and the distribution of food within the household by gender and work status, and in urban and industrial versus rural areas; autobiographers' judgments of their fathers as breadwinners and their mothers as caregivers and household managers; writers' reflections on their family's emotional life; changes over time in the autobiographical format and in writers' attitudes toward gender and self-expression; and men's growing access to political participation and citizenship versus women's mostly muted public lives. By extrapolating from her sources, Griffin shows how rising male wages in urban, industrialized areas limited wage growth for women, thus intensifying the economic gender inequality produced by the breadwinner model. These developments made women dependent on a male wage and reinforced a domestic power dynamic that maintained their social subordination. Griffin also adopts as an analytical tool the autobiographers' own benchmark of provision, used to evaluate their fathers as successful or inadequate breadwinners (110). [End Page 528] She highlights that almost half of the autobiographers' families lacked a reliable breadwinner (153). As many recounted, when fathers abandoned the family, became ill or disabled by work, or succumbed to alcoholism, mothers or wives who entered the workforce were often unable to earn a living wage and were still responsible for housework and childcare. The wage differential facilitated by the male breadwinner model also served as a gendered "form of control" within the family. For girls who hoped to attain secondary schooling but were retained by their parents at home to help with housework, "low female wages were thus an important structural element of society, playing a vital role in ensuring that all families had access to the unpaid domestic work that they required in order to function" (58). The autobiographies also provide Griffin with convincing evidence for a...

An Interpretative View of the Origin of the Early Chinese Revolution from the Perspective of Secret Societies: Retrospect and Reflections from the History of Social Thought, Part II

Abstract The development of the Chinese revolutionary movement in the early twentieth century absorbed cultural resources from traditional secret societies and associations. The White Lotus, the Tiandihui, the Gelaohui, the Triad, and the various secret societies that had emerged in the Taiping and the Boxer rebellions were all incorporated into the discourse system of revolutionary history. The secret societies’ slogans of “overthrow the Qing and restore the Ming” and “rob the rich to help the poor” merged with the revolutionaries’ platform of “drive out the Manchus” and “relief for people’s livelihood,” and finally advanced the success of the Xinhai Revolution and was turned into a coherent historical narrative. After the founding of the Republic of China, Sun Yat-sen and Song Jiaoren carefully assessed the function of secret societies and distinguished them from modern political parties. On the other hand, leaders of the Communist Party, such as Mao Zedong, Qu Qiubai, Yun Daiying, and Chen Duxiu, emphasized the ideological transformation of secret societies and the suitable role they could play in the revolution, thus showing a dynamic strategy of allying with these organizations. The history of the relationship between the Chinese revolution and secret societies reflects the changing characteristics and logic of the underclass of Chinese society.

Revolution, State Building, and the Great Famine in China

In a strong authoritarian state, what mechanisms hold political elites accountable and contain the state’s predatory tendencies? We examine China’s Great Famine of 1958–1961 to understand the variation of predatory behaviors across Chinese provinces. By exploring the Chinese Communist Revolution history and probing into over four hundred biographies of political elites in the newly founded communist state, we first document the revolutionary legacies on state building particularly political power configurations at the provincial level. We then employ a generalized difference-in-differences design and find that local representation—the extent to which local cadres were represented in the provincial authorities—enhanced provincial leaders’ accountability to the general public and thus was associated with lower mortality rates, whereas central connections—the political ties between provincial leaders and powerful political elites in the central state—reinforced the accountability to higher-level political leaders and were associated with higher mortality rates.

Bernard Bailyn's Eulogy for Pauline Maier (1938–2013) October 29, 2013

Bernard Bailyn's Eulogy for Pauline Maier (1938–2013) October 29, 2013

The New Old-School American Revolution

The New Old-School American Revolution Francis Russo (bio) Woody Holton, Liberty Is Sweet: The Hidden History of the American Revolution. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2021. 800 pp. Illustrations, maps, tables, notes, bibliography, and index. $37.50. When it came to self-immolations, Richard Wagner could stomach exactly one: the heroine Brünnhilde, who rides her loyal horse to flames in the fifteenth and final hour of Wagner's epic opera cycle, Der Ring des Nibelungen, Historian John Murrin, by contrast, identified three in the saga of American Revolution historiography. Independence origin stories by schools Imperial, Progressive, and Whig had each, "in a pattern of self-immolation," swelled over time into tangled morasses of "accumulated inconsistencies."1 The tale goes that since the late nineteenth century, professional historical writing on the American Revolution had been dominated by roughly three major interpretive schools, each associated with contrasting approaches to the past. These were not just academic arguments but implicit convictions about how history and contemporary politics conjoined. Whigs looked to ideology and stressed consensus among elite actors, Progressives looked to social history and economics and stressed a polity riven by class conflict, and Imperial historians looked to institutions and stressed that the entire British Empire had to substitute a parochial view of the thirteen colonies if the Revolution's causes were to be understood. In 2007, Murrin—a famed fixture at Princeton for three decades and a dean essayist of early American history—had traced the history of these schools and argued that whatever insights they had originally claimed, they had grown so capacious and complex that their interpretive luster had faded. Murrin supposed these immolations unique to historical writing on the American Revolution. In fact, he put his finger on a repetitive historiographical asymmetry: empirical proliferation, explanatory contraction.2 Yet by the time Murrin's essay reappeared in an edited collection in 2018, his perspective was eclipsed by a new way of viewing early American history that placed a premium on expanding the field's boundaries rather than continuing to play within the confines of antique schools. Mark Peterson recently predicted "imaginative failure" if historians obsessed over fitting together Murrin's a priori schools rather than approaching archives with "questions [End Page 264] generated by our current predicament," like climate change, information technology, or global authoritarianism.3 Meanwhile the Oxford Handbook of the American Revolution (2012) had declared the end of school-based Revolution history altogether. Editors Jane Kamensky and Edward Gray lamented a previous generation's alienating battles between intellectual (neo-Whig) and social (neo-Progressive) historians whose "irreconcilable interpretations" amounted to "ever more Manichean and absolute postures."4 The Handbook set out instead to capture what many historians now refer to as "vast early America": plural views west (from London and Bengal), north (from the West Indies), east (from Indian country), and inward (from port cities of thirteen rebel colonies), all in longue durée perspective and with bricolage interpretation "methodologically pluralist, even promiscuous."5 The sun never set on the new bounds of the American Revolution, except on its old historiographical schools. Here was a summa that recalled not the immolation flames of Wagner's last Ring opera, but its more portentous title: Götterdämmerung—"Twilight of the Gods"—a complete washing away of the old wars in favor of a fresh start. But were Murrin's hoary gods really gone? David Waldstreicher rejected the Handbook's "declaration of historiographical independence" and claimed that deep continuities with the traditional schools persisted in the new.6 Despite real losses for the Whig camp, Waldstreicher argued, the Handbook displayed a "neo-Imperial" stance (billed "Atlantic"), which paired well with a Progressive inclination for social conflict. The best essays were those whose authors acknowledged their lineage without becoming shills for calcified camps. Waldstreicher likened an old school to a jazz standard that could "get you out on the dance floor if it's played a bit differently and doesn't nod too sagely to your grandparents."7 And the "trophies," Waldstreicher suggested, "will go to those who know the old steps as well as the new ones."8 Woody Holton knows both the old and the new steps and...

Revolutionary Greece in Victorian popular literature

Revolutionary Greece in Victorian popular literature

Writing Revolution as if Women Mattered

Abstract Women took part in revolutions and appear in their historical sources with more frequency than our interpretations of revolutions-as-revolutions reflect. Sources are replete with women who both moved through spaces of revolution and shaped these spaces through their movements, spaces without which revolutions as movements of people—and not just production and consumption of ideas—would be impossible. This article argues that writing revolutions as if women mattered not only is about the inclusion of women but also is the gateway into a more capacious understanding of revolutions. To do so requires an analytical shift away from revolution as intellectual work to revolution as political work. Using Iran's armed struggle movement in the lead up to the 1979 revolution, this article demonstrates how this distinction brings into focus aspects of revolutions that were formed in the ephemerality of action and, at times, inaction, thus expanding what counts as revolutionary history, valid methods for historical inquiry, sources, and interpretation.

Decolonizing History

Abstract The borders between North and South quickly erode when we study the history of anti-colonial revolutions. This is perhaps especially true of France, where the Palestinian revolution has been a rallying cry in the struggle for migrant rights for the past half century. This article investigates the reactivation of anti-colonialism in the postcolonial era, tracing the decades-long “postcolonial anti-colonial” movements born in migrant circles in France, from the 1970s to the present. What happens to the notion of anti-colonial revolution when it is brought back to the metropole? How does it change when it is brought to bear on the migrant question? First posed by the Palestine committees forged by migrant workers, foreign students, and Maoist militants in the wake of the September 1970 massacre of Palestinians in Jordan, these questions have shaped discourses around migrant rights in France for the past fifty years. In conclusion, this article revisits the archive of the migrant theater collective Al Assifa as it is remediated in Bouchra Khalili's 2017 film The Tempest Society, and speculates on the current place of migration in world historical discourses of decolonization.

The Battle Rages On

The Battle Rages On

The Vendee Rebellion and Its Place in the History of European Regional Antirevolutionary and Counterrevolutionary Movements

The western French department of the Vendee occupies a special place among the regional counterrevolutionary and antirevolutionary movements in the history of European revolutions. The Vendee peasant royalist rebellion, between 1793-1796, under the leadership of the nobility and Catholic clergy, has made the region a synonym for mass lower-class counterrevolutions. This article examines several aspects of the Vendee rebellion in the history of the French Revolution. The accusations of certain scholars about a policy of genocide by the Jacobin government of the region’s population arouses heated debates among contemporary historians. Many historians do recognize the massiveness of the repressions but they object to use of the term genocide. The Vendee rebellion has elements of similarity with many other regional counterrevolutionary and anti-revolutionary movements emerging already in the first months after the taking of the Bastille on July 14, 1789 and with the many revolutionary «federalist» movements of the departments in 1793 against Parisian and local Jacobins. All these movements contained elements of civil war between different groupings of the population, especially between opponents and supporters of the revolution. A deeper study of the Vendee rebellion helps us more objectively understand the questions of regional identities, the consolidation of the French political nation, civil wars within revolutions, the dynamics of antirevolutionary and counterrevolutionary movements, and the diversities of mass violence.

Waves Across the South: A New History of Revolution and Empire, by Sujit Sivasundaram

Waves Across the South: A New History of Revolution and Empire, by Sujit Sivasundaram

Charles Francis Sheridan on the Feudal Origins and Political Science of the 1772 Revolution in Sweden.

Gustav III's royal coup in 1772 reestablished strong monarchy and ended the Age of Liberty (Frihetstiden) in Sweden. The event attracted much interest and commentary across Europe. The most detailed account of the episode and sophisticated analysis of its causes was Charles Francis Sheridan's now forgotten History of the Late Revolution in Sweden (1778). Sheridan used Enlightenment history and political science to argue that the reasons for the Swedish revolution went beyond its flawed constitution and could be traced to the Swedish national character and the circumstances of its orders, determined by its longue durée history, laws, geography, and climate.

Interdisciplinary Teaching Activities for High School Integrated to Vocational Education Promoting Reflections on Industry 4.0 Technologies and Their Implication in Society

The educational system in Brazil, especially the high school level, is characterized by a division, offering a general and humanist formation for the economic elite, and direct preparation for labor, for the working-class. Aiming to overcome this duality and contribute to the polytechnic formation of vocational education students, this paper presents and analyzes interdisciplinary teaching activities that discuss the relationships between Industry 4.0 technologies, production systems, and education. The educational product, developed and applied based on the action research methodology, consisted of identifying the students' prior knowledge, three units of teaching activities, and a final evaluation questionnaire. According to the students' background and their suggestions, the content and didact methodology of each unit was selected, including the history of industrial revolutions, technologies arising from Industry 4.0 (internet of things, data mining, and cloud computing), the challenges of the fourth Industrial Revolution on the economy and labor. Didact methodologies include dialogic lecture based on slides, hands-on practical activity experimenting Industry 4.0 technologies through free online applications, and debate. Interdisciplinary activities were developed at the Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology of São Paulo, involving students of the 4th year (last) of high school integrated into vocational education with a qualification in Industrial Automation. During the application it was observed that the use of educational product led to considerable levels of motivation and promoted reflections related to the impact of the Industry 4,0 technologies in society and employment. Also, it has been verified that the didact sequence increases the student capacity to: identify problems and propose possible solutions; understand labor different dimensions (technology, employment, politics, and economics); use strong argumentation based on reliable sources, proposing possible interventions. Thus, the interdisciplinary approach of technological development, considering not only the technical concepts but also the historical and sociological issues related to the application of technologies in the productive system, contributes to a critical teaching-learning process and the omnilateral formation in vocational education.

Comparatıve Analysıs of Afghanıstan Hıstory Books Wıth Turkısh Revolutıon Hıstory Textbook

Education is the most basic structure that shapes the future of a state and strengthens the existence awareness of the nation to which it belongs. The application area of this is shaped according to the content of the textbooks, the structure of the program the philosophies of education adopted and the policy of the states. In this study, Turkey-Afghanistan Revolution history and history textbooks contents, unit structure, were compared in terms of educational status. The research was designed in qualitative research design and descriptive analysis was done by using document analysis technique. Textbooks that have been in effect since 2017-2018 in both countries have been examined. This context, the textbook 7 in Turkey; There are 4 units in Afghanistan and the contents are prepared in accordance with the expanding environmental approach. Teaching methods are mostly used in the definition, explanation method, question-answer and group discussion techniques that address listening skills.

When the local encounters the global: aesthetic conflicts in the Chinese traditional music world

Through a case study of the Chinese traditional music world, this study explores how artists in different specializations within an art world working on an indigenous art form make sense of divergent aesthetics. By adopting both Becker’s (Art worlds: 25th anniversary edition, updated and expanded, University of California Press, Berkeley, 2008) view of art worlds as substantially existing communities shared by artistic individuals and Bourdieu’s (Poetics 12(4–5):311–356, 1983) emphasis on artistic divergences stemming from broader social structures, I build a theoretical framework regarding how implicit aesthetic conflicts coexist with explicit collaborations in an art world. Under the impact of cultural globalization, the Chinese traditional music world’s conventions have experienced a historical revolution. Since then, music performers enact frames to defend the aesthetics that they consider “traditional” that emphasize stability in terms of the musical content but that have highly idiosyncratic styles of performance. However, other types of musicians—namely those involved in composing, conducting, theoretical research—are more likely to enact frames defending aesthetics that express a willingness to “Westernize” based on their understandings and emphasize on innovation in terms of musical content and systematic and routinized styles of performance. Their framings shape their different reactions to their art world’s conventions. By analyzing this process, I show how local–global dynamics constitute aesthetic conflicts in an art world that is often considered highly local and traditional.

Антиурядовий рух на Катеринославщині доби Гетьманату Павла Скоропадського (травень – грудень 1918 р.)

The problems of history of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 and the first post-revolutionary years are actual today and occupy one of the leading places in modern domestic historiography. Despite this, there is a considerable number of insufficiently deeply studied episodes on this topic. The anti-government activities of members of the irregular combat formations of Katerynoslav region during the period of Hetmanate Pavel Skoropadskyi (spring–winter 1918) refers to such episodes. The article considers the course of the rebel-partisan movement in the Katerynoslav region in May–December 1918. The source base of the study consists of archival and published materials, in particular, memoirs, articles of periodicals, regulatory legal acts. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and social approach. Also, have been used the analytical, comparative-historical, periodization, problem-chronological and typological methods. Tthe main driving forces of the rebel-partisan movement in the territory of Katerynoslav region in the mentioned period are defined in this article. These were supporters of anarchism, Bolshevism and the pro-Ukrainian government represented by the Central Rada and later the Directory, as well as representatives of apolitical peasant, workers' and gangster movements. The activities of the Bolshevik, pro-Ukrainian, and anarchist combat formations were aimed at overthrowing the existing government and seizing power in the region into their hands. The main form of their combat activity was partisan struggle. Local Bolsheviks were among the first to start an armed struggle against the existing regime. The main areas of their influence were the left bank of the region as well as industrially developed Kryvyi Rih region and Nikopol. Representatives of the pro-Ukrainian movement were members of the Free Cossacks and the Zaporozhian Sich. Their zone of influence was Katerynoslav and the central part of the region. The anarchist partisan anti-government movement covered the southern part of the left bank of the Katerynoslav region. As a result of active military activity in mid-December 1918, the Katerynoslav region came under the control of these three politico-ideological forces. At the same time, most of the region was covered by apolitical peasant, workers and bandit movements. But, their participants did not oppose the overthrow of the existing government. Thus, the peasant rebellions were directed against the restoration of landlordism.

Iconic figures in the history of the Algerian revolution

Iconic figures in the history of the Algerian revolution