Democratic Revolution Research Articles

Was Pushkin the Enemy of Democracy?

“Be subject to a king, be subject to a nation - Is it not all the same to us?” Like the meaning of these verses in the poem “From Pindemonte”, A. Pushkin was opposed to democracy, considering it as a tyranny the same as czarism. But, indeed, was Pushkin the constant enemy of democracy? The aim of this work is to illuminate Pushkin s complicated attitude toward democracy in his liberalism, and to discuss its meaning from the point of view of democratic political philosophy. Pushkin rejected democracy, citing the dangers of the tyranny of the majority inherent in democracy, as seen in Tocqueville’s “Democracy in America”, besides the revolutionary dictatorship brought about by the radical democratic revolution. What Tocqueville s book raised as a problem of democracy above all for Pushkin is the ideal of equality that governs society. Through Tocqueville, Pushkin was convinced that an egalitarian society that leads to the annihilation or corruption of freedom must be rejected. However Pushkin did not unconditionally deny equality. Revealing his thoughts on democracy, he expressed the ideal of democracy in which equality and inequality are in harmony. In the name of ‘true equality’, he sought a new approach to equality rather than uniform equality and therefore a new understanding of democracy. The ‘true equality’ that Pushkin refers to is nothing but the ‘equal opportunity’ pursued by modern political liberalism. He spoke of the moral imperative of equality of opportunity through the position that inequality is justice. In this way, Pushkin s understanding of democracy meets with modern liberal political philosophy through the defense of inequality, which speaks of the logic of equal opportunity.

Reexamining the Politics of “Developmental State” in Ethiopia: Was/Is Ethiopia a Developmental State in EPRDF Regime? A Study From 1991-2018

The core theme of the article is focused on reexamining the "developmental state" politics in Ethiopia. Conceptually, a developmental state is a state which follows the development approach of a state-led economy. It is characterized by the existence of development oriented-political leadership, autonomous bureaucracy, production-oriented private sector, and performance-oriented governance. Based on this notion, the study aims to prove whether Ethiopia (from 1991-2018) is a developmental state or not in the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime by employing a qualitative research approach with secondary sources of data. Hence, EPRDF's economic-political realities are examined using theoretical frameworks and features of the developmental state. Accordingly, the study has found, first, that the rhetoric of creating efficient development-oriented political leadership in Ethiopia is aborted due to the prevalence of the economic-political culture of corruption, organized theft, and rent-seeking. Secondly, the EPRDF regime has failed to build autonomous and efficient bureaucracy. Thirdly, the private sector had forced so as not to be productive, competitive, and strong. Fourthly, through achieving high economic growth and reducing the level of poverty, the regime has relatively succeeded in performance-oriented governance even though debt crisis, high level of unemployment, and huge income disparity, the concentration of national resources prevailed amidst the poor level of industrialization. Thus, empirically, EPRDF's Ethiopia in the study's time frame has exceedingly remained as a predatory state and marginally continued as a developmental state. Accordingly, the study recommends succeeding regimes that strive to achieve sustainable economic development to take lessons from the failure of EPRDF in functioning development-oriented political leadership, production-oriented private sector, and meritocratic bureaucracy, plus realizing performance-oriented governance.

DINAMIKA KONFIGURASI POLITIK TERHADAP KARAKTER PRODUK HUKUM ERA PEMERINTAHAN DEMOKRASI DI INDONESIA

The history of political configurations appears to be alternating between democratic and authoritarian political configurations. Likewise, the character of the legal product produced is responsive or autonomous with repressive or conservative or orthodox character. The resulting legal product is a reflection of the political configuration that gave birth to it. The purpose of this research is to know the history of the development of political configuration on the character of Indonesian legal products. This type of research is normative showing that politics is influential in Indonesia's democratic system. The development of the political vision of the community will determine the character of the legal product. A regime that shows that it is more responsive and aspirational for the legal products it produces will create a more democratic life of the nation and state. Period I 1945-1959 During the Liberal Democratic Revolution, the political configuration was democratic, the character of legal products was responsive, the role of political parties as parliaments was very prominent. Period II 1959-1966 During the Old Order of Guided Democracy or Parliamentary political configuration, the character of orthodox legal products, there were deviations from constitutional democracy which showed people's democracy. Period III 1966-1998 The New Order period of Pancasila Democracy was configured with authoritarian politics with the character of orthodox legal products, constitutional democracy, namely Pancasila, with a prominent presidential system. Period IV 1998 The Constitutional Democratic Reform Period has a democratic political configuration, with the character of responsive legal products, the hope of upholding a democratic system of political freedom.

Demystifying the causes of the Amhara people’s protest in Ethiopia

For nearly three decades, Ethiopia has been ruled by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) regime. Under this regime, the Amharas were subjected to many cases of abuse. Since 2016, the Amharas have been protesting against this regime. This article shows the EPRDF regime’s structural problems and shows how these are the causes of the Amhara people’s protest. It argues that the EPRDF regime’s severe structural engagements have instilled a sense of victimhood in the Amharas. This sense of victimhood is the result of the mobilisations of the diasporas and other actors. The article concludes that in the post-2018 Ethiopian politics, the country’s constitution, the state structure, and some EPRDF officials and practices that abused the Amharas during the EPRDF regime are still in place.

The Government and Politics of Poland in the Light of the Constitutional Perspective since 1989

The article analyses the characteristics of the Polish constitution and government since 1989. This study empirically discusses the dynamics of the constitutional framework and Polish political system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections and the formation of the government in the Republic of Poland. The article describes Samuel P Huntington‘ s theoretical-speculative theory as the primary level of political development in Poland. According to Samuel P Huntington, between 1989 and 1990, several countries from Central, Eastern and Southern Europe moved from totalitarian rule to the democratic forms of government. The constitution was formulated according to the rule of the law and is based on democratic norms. This democratic revolution is probably the most important political trend and Poland was also affected by this wave of democratisation in 1989. The main purpose of this study is to describe the political transformation which is resulted in the democratic government. How does Poland establish the rule of law and a sustainable popular government that follows constitutional norms? The result of this article is that the political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must propose a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, in particular by tackling the compromise of a democratic system on the basis of the Constitution of 1997, e.g. distribution of powers, elections, party politics, the position of the Constitutional Court and functioning of the judiciary in the country.

The Party's Understanding and Enlightenment of Farmers' Subjectivity in Yan'an Period

The basic problem of the Chinese revolution is the peasant problem, especially since modern times, the key to the success or failure of each movement to save the nation for survival or revolution, and whether the main role of the peasantry has been brought into full play, has an inevitable connection. During the Yan'an period, the Chinese Communists represented by Mao Zedong not only deeply recognized the importance of the peasant problem, but also closely integrated the characteristics of the peasants, established and improved the peasant regime, and ensured the peasants' subjectivity. This has also provided good experience and inspiration for the victory of China's new democratic revolution, the many achievements made over the past 70 years since the founding of the People's Republic of China, and the promotion of farmers' subjectivity in the new era.

В ожидании интервенции: образ стран Антанты и США в небольшевистской периодической печати востока России в ноябре 1917 -августе 1918 гг.

Under the conditions of society's movement towards a civil war at the end of 1917 - the first half of 1918, the images of “Others” (allies or opponents) acted as meaningful elements of the constructed identities of its potential participants and influenced the ideas they put forward. An analysis of the formation of the image of the UK, France, Japan and the USA in the non-Soviet periodical press of the East of Russia in the period from the end of 1917 to the summer of 1918 reveals the peculiarities of the foreign policy context's influence on public sentiment and the content of propaganda discourses of political opponents of the Bolsheviks. The aim of this work is to determine the content of the image of the Allies, constructed in the periodical press of the East of Russia, and to identify its influence on the ideological aspect of the formation of the anti-Bolshevik movement at this stage. The main source for the study were non-Soviet newspapers and magazines - party, cooperative and private publications published in the Urals, Siberia and the Far East in the period from November 1917 until August 1918. The author comes to the conclusion that the image of the Entente countries and the United States, which was formed in the non-Bolshevik periodical press of the East of Russia at that time, was distinguished by the duality of content. The change in value judgments, which were elements of this image, depended on a number of factors - the incoming information about the policies of the allied countries and the course of the World War, the perception of the external and internal political actions of the Bolsheviks, the peculiarities of the functioning of the information field itself. According to socialists (Social Democrats and SocialistRevolutionaries), the “imperialistic” Entente and the United States were no longer allies and helpers of Russia, which was sometimes expressed in the using of the term “former allies”. The analysis of the vicissitudes of international relations from the point of view of the class approach seriously forced the Siberian “revolutionary democracy” to fear an invasion from the East, which undoubtedly promoted to the formation of an opinion about the allies as a threat in the relevant publications. Liberals, in particular, the publications of constructive democrats, did not agree with their opponents from the left and viewed allies more as a potential helper, although they expressed concerns about the consequences of a possible intervention. At the same time, the key value-based attitude of the anti-Bolshevik forces was also being formed - the necessity of rallying society and creating a firm government capable of starting the revival of the country. Both socialists and liberals persistently sought to root in the minds of readers the idea that the unity of the whole society around the Constituent Assembly would create a new government - more effective than the Soviet one, thereby ensuring peace and avoiding the intervention of the Entente and the United States.

Between Fear and Respect: Vocabulary and Meanings of the Dead Body in Urban China from the Late Qing to the Early Republican Era

This article explores the meanings and emotions attached to dead bodies in urban China during the late Qing and early Republican periods, through studying the vocabulary for the dead body. A range of words - shi, qu, ti - were used to denote corpses in the Late Imperial period. These words, with their different connotations, reflected how the corpse always held emotional and spiritual influences over the living, either by arousing a negative emotion of fear, or by bringing a positive meaning of respect. During the late Qing and early Republican era, political revolution, medical development and religious influences imposed new meanings on dead bodies in urban China. Words for dead bodies were reconfigured to adapt to such new meanings. Traditional notions of fear attached to corpses had to be mitigated to pave the way for post-mortem medical study. The new vocabulary did not use invented scientific terms that objectified bodies, but rather incorporated reconfigurations of old words that connoted respect. This reflected a continuity in the meanings and emotions attached to corpses. Dead bodies in the Republican period were sanctified and respected through new ways, as they were incorporated into the narrative of nationalism. The ongoing relationship of the living with the dead was therefore never erased, but continuously reinvented against the backdrop of modernisation.

The Relevance of “Red Culture” in Contemporary China

This paper investigates “red culture” in three ways—its sources, representations, and relevance in the present era. It looks into the contexts for the emergence and evolution of “red culture” in the journey of democratic revolution, socialist revolution and development, and reform and opening-up in China. “Red culture” consists of “red legacies” and “red spirit” that have developed over the course of China’s revolution, construction, and reform under the leadership of the Communist Party of China (CPC) to achieve national independence, economic growth, cultural prosperity, and national rejuvenation. It is represented by historical sites and a constellation of spirit that is the CPC’s source of strength. “Red culture” helps the Chinese people raise awareness of protection and promotion of fine traditional Chinese culture while guarding against cultural imperialism in a globalized world. It also gives momentum for building a stronger cultural confidence and developing a rich, prosperous socialist culture with Chinese characteristics.

Соціально-економічні передумови створення спеціалізованої системи сільськогосподарської кооперації в УСРР (перша половина 1920-х рр.)

Introduction. In the proposed article, the author deeply examines the state of agriculture in Ukraine, which developed in the mid-20s of the twentieth century. Effective support by universal agricultural cooperation of the energetic efforts of the Ukrainian peasantry to restore the productivity of agriculture, livestock and other sectors of agriculture has yielded positive results. In general, the sown areas and livestock in the village almost reached the pre-war level (1913). Then came the question of increasing the productivity and marketability of agricultural production in Ukraine, which was based on individual farms. The emergence of a significant number of new peasant farms as a result of agrarian transformations during the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution of 1917-1921 and significant demographic losses of the male population during the war of 1914-1921, led to the fact that a large part of peasant farms, especially on the right bank from the lack of sown areas and male labor, on which most of the production processes of the peasant economy were based, especially in agriculture.Under these conditions, the Ukrainian Agricultural Cooperative has identified the transition from universalism to specialization as its priority. The purpose of the research is, based on the analysis of historical sources, historiographical base, as well as modern methodology, to determine the socio-economic prerequisites for the creation of a specialized system of agricultural cooperation. The research methodology includes the principles of scientific objectivity, historicism, systematics, as well as methods of analysis and synthesis, generalization, historical-comparative, historical-typological. Results. The socio-economic preconditions for the creation of a specialized system of agricultural cooperation were quite good, as it was constantly expanding and improving, involving more and more peasant farms in market relations and finding new ways to intensify agriculture. There was a stable process not only economic but also social and production development of small farms, which contributed to the emergence of specialized professional societies, which in early 1924 had a small contingent of farms, but further practice has shown that special cooperation contributed to significant intensification of agricultural production. The originality of this study is an attempt to analyze objectively the socio-economic preconditions for the creation of a specialized system of agricultural cooperation. Conclusion. It is obvious that for the further organizational design and raising the efficiency of various networks of specialized cooperation it became necessary not only to form their All-Ukrainian centers, which by themselves would significantly expand the economic capabilities of specialized societies, because based on their purpose, such centers concentrated efforts on the intensification of complex production processes in the peasant economy, but also on the rapid establishment of their practical work. We should also emphasize the following: the positive moment in the formation of the structure and directions of the network of specialized cooperative systems (“Dobrobut”, “Kooptakh”, “Buryakospilka”) was that it took into account not only those agricultural sectors that have traditionally brought the main income (for example, grain production and meat and dairy industry), but the emphasis was also on those industries that until recently were considered secondary (poultry, horticulture, viticulture and winemaking, etc.). Quite often such areas of agriculture as poultry farming were even somewhat ironically called “women’s money”. Similarly, poultry farming has traditionally been considered “an appendage of the peasant’s yard, not a commercial sphere”. However, the practice of the following years clearly demonstrated the potential of these “secondary” branches of agricultural production, as the activities of specialized systems of agricultural cooperation, which in the mid-20s took off, gave a powerful impetus to the development of commodity farms of Ukrainian peasants.

Single Caste Parties with special reference to Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections 2022"

Political parties regulate politics in every modern democratic country. Since the 1980s, smaller parties based on caste have appeared in numerous states in India. They serve as a reflection of representational and recognition of politics. In Uttar Pradesh, people from the Most Backward Caste (MBCs) have been forming single caste-based political parties in large numbers over the last two decades to gain social, cultural, and political recognition. The BJP and Samajwadi Party formed a rainbow alliance of single caste parties ahead of the assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh in 2022. In parallel, the BJP significantly contributed to the state's growth of single caste parties. In the 2022 UP assembly election, single caste parties felt their presence in electoral and non-electoral politics. References Banerjee, Mukulika (2014), Why India Votes?, Routledge, New Delhi. Baxter, Craig (1975), ( The Rise and Fall of Bhartiya Kranti Dal), in Myron Weiner and John Osgoodfied, Electoral politics in Indian states: party system and cleavages volume-4 New Delhi. Beg, Mirza Asmer (2012), (The Muslim Parties in Uttar Pradesh and Assam), Economic and Political Weekly No 43, Volume,47 Oct, 27. Brass, Paul(1966), Caste, Faction and Party in Indian politics “ Election study, Volume 2 (Chanakya publication Delhi). Chandra, Kanchan (2004),Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India, Cambridge University Press. Duncan, Ian, (1997), (New political equation in North India: Mayawati, Mulayam andgovernment instability in UP), Asian Survey Volume,37. Fickett Lewis, JR (1993), (The Rise and Fall of Jantadal),, Asian Survey Volume-33 No.12,December. G,S (1999), ( Rise of smaller parties: Uttar Pradesh), Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.34,No,41. Kumar, D. S. (2022). Election of State Assembly Held during February and March 2022: Study with Reference to Uttar Pradesh. Journal of Positive School Psychology, 3831–3843. Retrieved from https://journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/view/6861 Hasan, Zoya (1997), Quest for Power: Oppositional Movements and Post Congress Politics in Uttar Pradesh, OUP Publisher, India. Hasan, Zoya (2004). Parties and party politics in India. New Delhi; Oxford: Oxford University Press. Jaffrelot, Christophe (2003), India's Silent Revolution: The Rise of the Lower Castes, C Hurst &Co Publishers Ltd. Kothari, Rajni (1964), Politics In India, Orient BlackSwan, New Delhi. Pai, Sudha (2002), Dalit Assertion and the Unfinished Democratic Revolution: The Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh, Sage Publications Pvt. Ltd.Delhi. ROUTLEDGE HANDBOOK OF THE OTHER BACKWARD CLASSES IN INDIA: thought. (2021). S.L.: Routledge India. Singh, Jagpal (1992), Capitalism and Dependence: Agrarian Politics in Western Uttar Pradesh, 1951-1991, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, Delhi. Singh, Jagpal (2021). Caste, state and society: degrees of democracy in North India. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge. Wiener, Myron (1968), State Politics in India, (Princeton Legacy Library), Paperback, Delhi.

Hrushevsky M. and the concept of Ukrainian unity (1917–1918)

The article reveals M. Hrushevsky's contribution to the substantiation of the concept of the unity of Ukraine. Historiography includes a wide range of publications devoted to elucidation of the phenomenon of the development by scientist and constant leader of the Central Council of a comprehensive, multifaceted, polyhedral concept of the Ukrainian national democratic revolution, while its organic, integral (though in some sense self-sufficient) component – the theoretical formation of projects to collect in a heap ethnically related branches of Ukrainianness, the territories in which they lived – much less often became the subject of special study and evaluation, freely or unwillingly moved to the periphery of the analysis. As a rule, attention shifted to the events of late 1918-early 1919, when the historical figure no longer exerted such influence on social processes as before. However, the fact remains that a prominent intellectual, impeccably possessing scientific methodology and historical data, in particular – statistics, convincingly proved that the most reliable, most logical and understandable, by the large extent and in general terms legitimate version of the constructive movement to the desired goal must be strict adherence to the ethnographic principle. On its basis, the general boundaries of the settlement of the Ukrainian ethnic group were objectively delineated and specifically calculated real proposals were formulated (such work was not simple and not momental) as to include in the revived state at the district level (of course, especially in borderline cases) historically formed lands, where the undoubted predominant array was Ukrainianness. In controversial and сontradictory situations, taking into account the dynamics of revolutionary change, local referendums and plebiscites were planned. Honest, verified, fair approaches formed the basis of the defining documents that guided the current and perspective process of formation of Ukrainian statehood – the Universals of the Central Council and the Constitution of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Theoretical hypothetical constructions were subsequently seriously confirmed in their deep essence by life practice. The author concludes that the specified aspect acquires a special sound and political relevance in connection with the modern information war, the epicenter of which has recently been more than a century of experience of Ukrainian statehood, especially its unity component.

Parties, Democracy, and the Ideal of Anti-factionalism: Past Anxieties and Present Challenges

AbstractThis essay weaves together the history of political and legal thought, contemporary democratic theory, and recent debates in legal scholarship to examine the ambivalent relationship between political parties and democracy. Celebrated as a structural necessity for the mechanics of democratic government, political parties are also handled with suspicion for their hybrid nature—neither entirely public nor completely private—and for their always-possible regression into factions. Anti-factionalism, I show, has been a powerful ideal driving constitutional imagination and practice over the centuries, from antiquity (with its emphasis on parts and its horror over factions), to the age of democratic revolutions (with its signature anxieties about divisions), up through the present. However, this long historical process has not extinguished the long-lived concern with the nature and implications of party spirit, nor has it made party democracy completely safe from revamped forms of factionalism. Two manifestations of factional politics stand out in the contemporary political landscape: authoritarian regime changes and populist constitutionalism. While the former is easy to diagnose but hard to prevent, the latter exemplifies a torsion of the constitutional and democratic imagination from within. Despite their differences, both scenarios remind us that constitutions need to envision mechanisms to prevent parties from undermining the liberal democratic order they have been designed to serve. At the same time, they call for renewed attention to the study of parties in the domains of democratic theory and constitutional scholarship.

An Overview of the English-Chinese Translation of Biographies in the Period of the Democratic Revolution

An Overview of the English-Chinese Translation of Biographies in the Period of the Democratic Revolution

신해혁명과 한국 - 한인 지사 金秉萬의 河南에서의 활동을 중심으로 -

This article closely tracks the activities of Kim Byung-man (金秉萬, 1872-1932), a Korean independence activist who fled to Henan(河南) province of China in November 1909, just before Korea became a Japanese colony. Having insisted on the restoration of the Joseon Dynasty and the implementation of the constitutional monarchy, he turned into a republican immediately after the exile through active exchanges with local Chinese revolutionary leaders such as Yang Yuanmao(楊源懋), and Liu Jixun(劉積勛). He also interacted with the revolutionary movement leaders in Henan and Shandong(山東) provinces, and responded to theirs requests for support in cooperation with Cho Seonghwan(曺成煥), who were active in Beijing at that time. Kim Byung-man’s thought and activities show the influences of the Xinhai Revolution on Korea, as well as the Koreans’ widespread support for the revolutionary movements not only in the principal centers of the revolution like Guangdong(廣東), Shanghai(上海), or Nanjing(南京), but also in other parts of China. In this sense, the Xinhai Revolution was not just a republican revolution of a particular country China, but a republican revolution of all of East Asia.

Conspicuous Absence of Independent Judiciary and ‘Apolitical’ Courts in Modern Ethiopia

Ethiopia had revolutions in 1974 and 1991, after which the Provisional Military Administration Council (‘PMAC’) and Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (‘EPRDF’) governments came to power, respectively. Each incoming government re-established and re-structured the courts. Likewise, criminal jurisdictions of the courts and the rules of appointment of judges and court personnel were changed. Yet, the governments presented the courts as independent, insulated from political interference. After examining the respective legislation and the decisions of two sets of courts, I argue that Ethiopia never had an independent judiciary; there were courts established for dispute settlement for the ordinary citizen. The courts were not as apolitical as claimed by the respective governments. They have been, often, compliant with the interests of the regime of the day by giving effect to the executive’s excesses of power or by creating enabling conditions, as though they were extension of the executive.

Россия — Монголия: век дружбы и сотрудничества (к 100-летнему юбилею установления дипломатических отношений)

Introduction. In 2021, Russia and Mongolia are celebrating the 100th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations. In fact, this year is remarkable for a number of anniversaries: the 100th anniversary of the formation of the Mongolian People’s Party, the first political party in Mongolia; the 100th anniversary of the national democratic revolution; the 100th anniversary of the organization of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army; the 100th anniversary of the Scientific Committee, which served as the prototype of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences; the 60th anniversary of the UN membership of Mongolian People’s Republic; and the 40th anniversary of the joint space flight of the Russian-Mongolian space crew. These anniversaries are closely related to a significant event in the history of the two countries — the Agreement between the Government of the RSFSR and the People’s Government of Mongolia on the establishment of friendly relations signed on 5 November 1921, which laid the legal basis for bilateral relations. It is certainly beyond the scope of this article to cover every significant and remarkable event and date in Soviet / Russian-Mongolian relations, but it intends to highlight the most important events in Russian-Mongolian relations in the 20th and early 21st centuries. The article aims to focus on the principal stages and most important dates and events, as well as to underline the role and relevance of the documents of key importance in the history of these relations. Materials. The study is based on archival records, published materials, and scientific literature. Conclusions. Over the past century, the relations between the countries, whose histories are full of dramatic events (revolutionary upheavals, World War II, the collapse of the Soviet Union), have seen both high and low points: friendship and special relations of allies, which changed to a certain degree of distancing from each other; then, rejection of the previous ideologized attitudes and renewal of traditional cooperation, leading to a current comprehensive strategic partnership. However, there has always been an understanding that there is a special closeness of the countries for historical, geopolitical, and cultural factors in play. A hundred years is a sufficiently long period to conclude that the key principles of Russian-Mongolian relations established by the 1921 Agreement have stood the test of time. Presently, there is a new stage to these relations based on both parties’ interests in promoting their comprehensive strategic partnership.

Phan Boi Chau – the Vietnamese revolutionary democrat, predecessor of Ho Chi Minh

Phan Boi Chau – the Vietnamese revolutionary democrat, predecessor of Ho Chi Minh

Універсальне і національне у творчості українських художників-новаторів у 20–30-х рр. ХХ ст.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the importance of national content in the works of Ukrainian Soviet innovator artists in the interwar period and to determine its influence on the formation of the style of the most notable artists of the time. Th e research methods: achieving the goals and objectives of the study was based on the general scientifi c and specifi chistorical methods of the scientifi c research. Among them, the leading one is the application of the method of analysis and synthesis, which made it possible to fi nd out the general features of the progress of the fi ne arts of Soviet Ukraine in the outlined period based on the study of individual components. Th e scientifi c novelty lies in the comprehensive coverage of the issue of the appeal of Ukrainian artists-innovators to national and universal motives and the creation of a holistic picture of the development of fi ne arts in Soviet Ukraine in the 20-30s of the twentieth century. Conclusions. In the early twentieth century, fi ne arts in Ukraine developed in the context of European cultural progress. Th e catalyst for its development was the Ukrainian Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921, which led many painters to turn to folk art traditions and national motifs. As we can see, success and recognition were achieved by those artists who turned to the national in their work, because it contains universal categories, understandable both in Ukraine and abroad. However, the artistic space of Ukrainian Soviet painting in the interwar period came under strong pressure from the «dictatorship of the proletariat». It was especially felt by modernist artists, representatives of new artistic trends and styles, which did not fi t into the so-called «Socialist realism». This disrupted the objective process of historical and cultural progress inherent in European art in Ukraine and slowed down its development for a long time.

Anti-Imperialism and Kemalism in Turkey’s Long Sixties: Mahir Çayan’s Theory of Revolution in Context

Abstract This article aims to reassess the evolution of Mahir Çayan’s theory of uninterrupted revolution in the context of the radical ideological currents of the long sixties in Turkey. It concentrates on Çayan’s relations with the National Democratic Revolution (Milli Demokratik Devrim, mdd) movement that enjoyed a considerable degree of political and ideological authority over the youth movements starting in the second half of the 1960s. The article discusses how Çayan interpreted and attempted to revise the theory of national democratic revolution by reference to the changing characteristics of imperialism and colonial domination. Consideration is given to Çayan’s critical approach towards the role of Kemalists in the anti-imperialist bloc to be formed.