Revolutionary Action Research Articles

المسيرة النضالية للشهيد مواليد بخليفة المدعو "طاهر موسطاش" قائد المنطقة الخامسة من الولاية الخامسة التاريخية 1953-1961 م.

The Need To Study This Subject Was To Look For Those Actors And Their Struggle In The Ranks Of The Algerian Liberation Revolution, As Highlighting The Importance Of The Fifth Region Of The Historical Fifth State Had A Great Impact In The Search For The March Of The Revolutionary Struggle, This Struggle That Moved The Algerian People Were In A State Of Disrething And Giving A One-Time Boost To Their Homeland's Independence And Get Rid Of French Colonial Domination. It Is This Popular Rallying Around His Glorious Revolution That Has Given Rise To This Continuity In The Struggle Of The Mujahedeen, Despite The Use Of All His Political And Military Designs By The French Enemy In Order To Absorb The Determination Of This People And To Distance Them In Various Ways From This Revolution, Which Was The Source Of Their Struggle And Jihad. The Permanent Presence Of Militant Leaders Such As Si Ben Allal, Si Abd Al Hadi, Si Issa Al-Bouzidi, And In Particular The Village Of Tajmut Tlemcen And Its Environs Gave The Advantage Of Revolutionary Activity At The Grass-Roots Level, Giving The Best Of The Villagers To Join The Ranks Of The Liberation Revolution. One Of Them Was Si Moualid Bekhlifa, The Latter Who Chose To Fight Under The Leadership Of Si Bin Alal, And Soon He Will Assume High Ranks As A Result Of His Work And Revolutionary Activity, Which Proved His Loyalty To His Country And His People. Key Words - Moualid Bekhlifa, Tajmut Village, Revolutionary Activity, 1st District, 5th District.

Diplomacy of Deception and Tactics of Terror: Hybrid Politics in the Strategy and Practice of the Secret War of Soviet Russia against the Hetmanate (April – December 1918)

The article highlights the behind-the-scenes policies of hybrid war of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) against the Ukrainian State headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi (April – December 1918). The author examines anti-Ukrainian activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR, the ruling Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the allied Russian parties of left and right socialist-revolution-aries and anarchists. These include Soviet Russia’s efforts to undermine social and political stability in Ukraine; organisational, armed, and financial assistance to anti-government insurgent units; guidance of the rebel movement; organisation of large-scale strikes and sabotage via secret agents as well as setting up arms caches and underground networks of revolutionary committees, etc. The article exposes secret aspects of subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of Bolshevik diplomacy in Ukraine, particularly of the Soviet consulate in Odesa, and its assistance to the anti-hetman movement with the acquiescence of German diplomats accredited to the Ukrainian State. Special attention is attached to the Soviet-Bolshevik policy of establishing secret military units of the underground socialist terrorist army in Ukraine and such steps of the Russian Soviet government as supporting and sponsoring mass rebel and terrorist movements and the direct organisation of acts of individual terror against Ukrainian public figures, including several attempts to assassinate Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi. The author notes that Ukrainian security services were aware of the structure, network, subversive activities, and organisation of attempted assassinations of the Ukrainian hetman. The article describes the preparation of the Soviet armed invasion of Ukraine and records the beginning of the military aggression in the autumn of 1918. Keywords: Bolshevik terror, RSFSR, Skoropadskyi, Ukrainian State, hybrid war.

The Politics of Participation in Documentary

The Politics of Participation in Documentary Sasha Crawford-Holland (bio) Curated Stories: The Uses and Misuses of Storytelling. By Sujatha Fernandes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. 212 pages. $115.00 (cloth). $28.95 (paper). Immediations: The Humanitarian Impulse in Documentary. By Pooja Rangan. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2017. 254 pages. $99.95 (cloth). $26.95 (paper). The Undocumented Everyday: Migrant Lives and the Politics of Visibility. By Rebecca M. Schreiber. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2018. xvi + 379 pages. $120.00 (cloth). $30.00 (paper). Empower those who are powerless; make the invisible visible; give a voice to the voiceless—so go the platitudes that have shaped the common sense of documentary advocacy projects for decades. These phrases perform a double maneuver by constructing their subjects through lack and then mandating an intervention to rectify that deficiency. The interventionist gift is extended as a well-intentioned expression of ignorance and arrogance. For example, in her book Curated Stories: The Uses and Misuses of Storytelling, Sujatha Fernandes argues that the Afghan Women's Writing Project constructs Afghan women as living in a primitive society that silences them before inviting these women to "speak out" in forums intended for Western readers. Erasing Afghan women's local activism, including that against US imperialism, Western workshop facilitators impose their own conceptions of freedom and gender equality as universal storytelling principles that women must learn to liberate themselves. The resulting narratives of individual empowerment disarticulated from structural context perpetuate orientalist fantasies that rationalize Western interventionism. It is only by preemptively depriving Afghan women of "a voice" that they can then be accorded one on Western terms. Documentary advocacy projects further instrumentalize the discourse of participation in order to gain political and epistemological legitimacy. Inviting [End Page 1021] people to collaborate in their own representation with varying degrees of autonomy, such projects promise their subjects empowerment and celebrate their engagement as a revolutionary act. In the 1990s, Saidiya Hartman influentially demonstrated how processes of reform and recognition can choreograph scenes of subjection that perpetuate the oppressions they claim to end.1 More recently, Herman Gray has elaborated on Hartman's insights in his effort to understand why the cultural politics of representation seem to have failed to deliver on their promise of social justice despite the proliferation of media cultures that champion diversity.2 Today, amid the growing accessibility of media production technologies and the hegemony of Web 2.0 platforms that solicit user-generated content, participation has developed into a pervasive cultural logic and arguably has even been elevated to an ethics. But this participatory culture only promotes diversity insofar as it diversifies markets; it nurtures engagement as a euphemism for consumer loyalty and a source of lucrative data. This condition supplants the media regime in which visibility equaled power and proliferates a new technique of power that operates through what Gray describes as the "incitement to media visibility."3 The books under review challenge the politics of representation that mistake visibility for empowerment, representation for justice, and participation for authenticity. Spanning a range of disciplines and historical and geographic contexts, the authors model a variety of approaches to the critical study of participatory media. What they share is a concern for the ways that recent advocacy projects endow self-representation with the currency of truth, extracting those truths from subjects in predetermined forms at the expense of their own political interests and desires. Self-representation functions as a truth claim in itself by promising that a text will be less mediated than other forms of representation on the basis of its subjects' participation. This fallacy elides historical realities, institutional priorities, and aesthetic proclivities, not to mention the constitutive characteristic of media: mediation. Fernandes, Pooja Rangan, and Rebecca Schreiber all insist that mediation demands our attention most when it seems not to be happening at all. Working from a Foucauldian understanding that contemporary power is not merely repressive but also generative, they attend to the scenes of cultural production, instruction, performance, and curation where documentary meaning is negotiated. In doing so, they interrogate the terms of subjects' participation in advocacy projects, revealing them to be premised on relations that they theorize variously as...

Ho Chi Minh’s Thought on Community Development Through the Literary Work “Mass Mobilization”

Community development is an interesting topic that attracts the concerns of many researchers. It is a collection of activities taking place to change the political, economic, cultural, social, and environmental values of a community in a better way. This paper aims to analyze Ho Chi Minh’s ideas on community development in Vietnam through the article “Mass mobilization” which is one of his well- known articles published in The Truth (Su That) Newspaper in 1949. President Ho Chi Minh's thought on community development reflects his goals, life motto, and revolutionary activities. In “Mass mobilization”, President Ho Chi Minh emphasized the necessity to mobilize the active participation and internal resources of the people to develop the community. The main goal of mass mobilization in Vietnam is to promote the people’s solidarity to fight for our country’s independence and happiness for the people. He affirmed that community development must come from the practical needs of the people. Only when the people realize the importance of community development, will it become a driving force for them to unite, fight and work together. It is necessary to believe in the people’s capacities and promote the internal resources of the people for the victory of the revolutions. In this paper, the author also analyzes the application of Ho Chi Minh’s opinions on community development into the Party’s guidelines and the State’s policies in the period of the renovation, industrialization and modernization of our country.

Исламский интернет на постсоветском пространстве

It is clear that the presence of an Islamic factor in WWW has become an objective reality, including in the post-Soviet Muslim countries. It could be determined as a Cyber-Islamic Environment (CIE). In the post-Soviet space the CIE is represented mostly by official Islamic structures, while the presence of unofficial religious organizations and individual preachers is more limited. Nevertheless the influence of the non-official CIE is significant and is capable to be converted into one of the mechanisms of social protests and revolutionary activities in post-Soviet Muslim countries in case of emergence of critical situations. It is clear that state authorities will accelerate control over the CIE in the coming years using various instruments against religious radicalism and extremism in WWW.

Music & Camp ed. by Christopher Moore and Philip Purvis

Reviewed by: Music & Camp ed. by Christopher Moore and Philip Purvis Kevin Schwandt Music & Camp. Edited by Christopher Moore and Philip Purvis. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. [xvi, 263 p. ISBN 9780819577818 (cloth), $85; ISBN 9780819577825 (paperback), $27.95; ISBN 9780819577832 (e-book), price varies.] Music examples, illustrations, bibliography, index. Because the study of camp aesthetics has typically been reserved to visual arts and narrative, a collection of studies focused on music and camp is welcome. Christopher Moore and Philip Purvis's edited volume Music & Camp makes a valuable contribution both to the broader, interdisciplinary study of camp and to popular musicology. The book is organized in three sections: "The Saccharine and the Sacred," "Flaming Lips and Flaming Hips," and "Gender and Genitals." Despite this organization, the individual chapters offer distinct conceptual perspectives. The chapters span discussions of Francis Poulenc to analysis of Christina Aguilera, a range that is appropriate for the subject. While the individual readings are engaging for the most part, the real advantage of this collection is the diversity of theoretical approaches and definitions of camp. Camp is notoriously difficult to define, which is arguably a significant part of its cultural power. In the opening chapter, "On Fairies (and Mothers): Beatrice Lillie Sings," Mitchell Morris explains that "the term camp may be taken as a rubric under which an assortment of complex attitudes and responses to art objects and performances are grouped" (p. 9). Central to the aesthetic is a kind of subterfuge, necessitated by the danger of open communication and art among marginalized groups, traditionally but not exclusively defined as the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer or questioning, intersex, and asexual or allied communities. Therefore, writing about camp often requires individual authors to lay out theoretical parameters repeatedly rather than relying on the frameworks of previous writings. Having such a wide range of perspectives is a strength of both camp and this volume. Chapters by the editors, taken together, demonstrate the value of differing methodologies when approaching this subject. Both discuss the camp implications of the cultural production of Poulenc. In "Camping the Sacred: Homosexuality and Religion in the Works of Poulenc and Bernstein," Moore develops a convincing conceptual context of Poulenc's camp and challenges traditional perspectives on the composer's work before engaging in an effective cultural analysis of the campiness of Roman Catholicism within the composer's work. Moore then uses the campiness of Leonard Bernstein to further contextualize the broader theoretical frame. In "Poulenc's (Sub)urban Camp: L'embarquement pour Cythère" (p. 181), Purvis focuses more on biography to further develop the framework before offering music analysis of the piece, arguing for understanding it as an act of performative subversion. Taken together, the two chapters offer unique perspectives not only on Poulenc's output and life, but more important, for [End Page 308] approaching cultural analysis from unique positions and methods. This is especially important for analyzing a form of production that is predicated, at least in part, on hidden meanings, subterfuge, and simultaneous seriousness and playfulness. Freya Jarman takes another novel approach that provides both history and analysis in "Watch My Lips: The Limits of Camp in Lip-Syncing Scenes" (p. 95). Jarman examines a number of film and television scenes to conceptualize a sophisticated framework. This demonstrates the adaptability of campy thinking. Ultimately, Jarman discusses how the disconnect between the voice and the body in such scenes produces "a fragility that means the object must be treated with some care; given a willing viewer positioned at the right angle, it could be true that even the least obviously camp of these scenes has camp potential, despite appearances" (p. 110). This could be the thesis not only of this collection of essays but of camp itself. While Jarman's argument encourages the audience or scholar to expand traditional or obvious examples of camp, several chapters engage with cultural production that has traditionally been associated with camp. Lloyd Whitesell's "The Uses of Extravagance in the Hollywood Musical" (p. 16) and Stephen Pysnik's "Musical Camp: Conrad Salinger and the Performance of Gayness in The Pirate" (p. 31), for example, both approach the classic Hollywood reception that is often seen...

The Departed: McNally’s Master Class

The DepartedMcNally’s Master Class Gina Masucci MacKenzie (bio) Terrance McNally taught the world a master class on love. More important than any of his many legacies, are these lessons about love. They were needed when McNally’s work was first being recognized for greatness in the 1960s, and they are still needed today as the world is facing necessary isolation due to the COVID-19 pandemic and necessary protest due to the enormity of racial inequality in our nation. In these unprecedented times, McNally’s voice rings out, reminding audiences that love, in all forms, can redeem us. McNally’s scope itself is remarkable. He was easily able to move between the Broadway brain/blood barrier of drama and musical theatre. Such movement helps to make the argument that, while each certainly has unique characteristics, each is equally as valuable and literary. Some of McNally’s greatest honors show that perfectly, as he won two Tony Awards for Best Play: Love, Valor, Compassion! (1995) and Master Class (1995) and two Tony Awards for Best Book of a Musical: Kiss of the Spider Woman (1992) and Ragtime (1996). His greatest musical theatre accomplishments harken back to his earliest works as a political activisit/dramatist, in the 1960s and 1970s, speaking and writing out against the Vietnam War and political oppression. As the global community joins the United States in taking an unprecedented public stand against the systematic racism highlighted by the murder of George Floyd, the theatre loving among us are reminded of the messages in these two outstanding musicals. In Kiss of the Spider Woman, McNally gives audiences two men in a prison cell, one forced there because of his homosexuality, the other because of his political beliefs. The plot simultaneously revolves around the sexual and romantic loves of Molina and Paz, and around Paz’s incarceration and torture for revolutionary actions. The play clearly sympathizes with Paz’s political activism, using Molina as the agent of sympathy and compassion. Molina, the musical’s protagonist in many ways, is also in the role of the audience, who sits in observation, unable to help the suffering Paz. McNally is not afraid to stage the psychological effects of political oppression and torture. Musical underscore does not mitigate that pain. The show is remarkably unafraid to tackle themes little known to the musical theatre world, and does so with grace and candor. McNally makes the political personal, and in doing so, reminds the audience that political acts are not nameless, faceless, and distant. They can be intimate and individual, even as we are all — as we should be — implicated in them, and when we are implicated in them, we want to take action. This is McNally’s master class on political engagement. Ragtime has a similar political effect; it engenders in the audience a desire to combat racial and social inequity. Based on the E. L. Doctorow novel of the same name, Ragtime, in two hours, confronts the audience with many of the social problems that faced the world a hundred years ago, remarkably still facing the world today. Tateh and Emma Goldman remind the audience of the problems facing immigrant populations. That certainly has not changed. The relationship between Sarah and Coalhouse and its aftermath, especially Coalhouse’s rampage after Sarah’s murder is strangely reminiscent of the protests and riots seen nationwide after George Floyd’s murder. McNally’s adaptation of Doctorow’s text challenges the audience to feel along with these characters and to understand the unimaginable consequences of racism. While the musical resolves into contentment in the wake of great violence and tragedy, it is still able to inspire passion and advocacy for those less privileged in our society. This is McNally’s master class on social engagement around racism and discrimination. Click for larger view View full resolution Advocacy is word that is inextricable from McNally’s legacy and most frequently used in relationship to his ability to humanize and bring familiarity to the homosexual community and the AIDS crisis. Many of his best works of drama revolve around gay male relationships and the effects of the AIDS crisis. Lips Together, Teeth Apart tells the story...

КРИМІНАЛЬНО-ПРАВОВА РЕГЛАМЕНТАЦІЯ ЗЛОЧИНІВ У СФЕРІ НЕДОТОРКАНОСТІ ДЕРЖАВНОГО... КОРДОНУ УКРАЇНИ ТА ЇЇ УДОСКОНАЛЕННЯ

Committing crime in the field of inviolability of state boundary of Ukraine is violation of interests of the state in the field of the guard of state boundary, violation of interests of the state is in the field of the guard of state boundary, violation of the set order of his crossing, and also violation of interests of society and individuals. Except it, crimes in the field of marked can be the stage of preparation to other grave or especially heavy crimes or encroaching upon them, or by the means of feasance of other crimes. As operative and inquisitional practice, special services of the foreign states, persons or their groups hostilely adjusted to our country, confirms use illegal penetration to Ukraine for a conduct against her of subversive activity, for example, trenching upon life of state or public figure, diversion, espionage, contraband goods of weapon, ammunition, military technique, assassination, contraband goods of narcotic facilities, psychotropic substances, their analogues or прекурсорів or falsifyed medicinal facilities. The illegal crossing of state boundary from Ukraine outside her territory can be perfect the citizens of Ukraine, that collected information illegally, that presented a state secret, by persons that committed crime in Ukraine and have for an object to avoid legal responsibility for different offences. The aim of the article is continuation of research of dispositions of the articles of КК of Ukraine, that set responsibility for committing crime in the field of inviolability of state boundaries of Ukraine, and formulation on this basis of suggestions in relation to the possible improvement of corresponding norms of criminal right. Crimes offer as a result of research, envisaged century of century 332, 3322 , 334, to distinguish in the separate division of Special part of КК of Ukraine. As actions of leader of illegal passage of persons through the state boundary of Ukraine not always coincide with the actions of organizer of this crime, it costs to add to the century 27 КК of Ukraine Types of corresponding part, that would determine the concept of leader, that is there is a person, that manages the feasance of criminal offence, heads distribution of roles and feasance of certain actions. Also to add to the century 332 КК of Ukraine part fourth, that would set an increase responsibility for the actions, envisaged by parts first, second and third the real article, if they entailed death even one person or other heavy consequences. To КК of Ukraine it is desirable to include concept suffering from a crime in the release of century 55 the Criminal code of practice of Ukraine, adding society and state to the physical and legal person, that also suffer at the feasance of criminal offences. Expedient is a return to КК of Ukraine of century a 331 illegal crossing of state boundary of Ukraine. It is necessary to set an increase responsibility at illegal passage of person (persons) through the state boundary of Ukraine from selfish motives in case of receipt for such operating of pay on a sum, that in 600 and more than times exceeds untaxable a minimum of acuestss of citizens in the moment of feasance of this criminal offence. Third type of criminal activity, envisaged to the century 334 КК of Ukraine of Non-observance of the routes, places of landing, air-routes, corridors or echelons, marked in permission as independent crime it follows to envisage the separate article and attribute her to Division of CHI of Special part of КК of Ukraine «Criminal offences against safety of motion and exploitation of transport». Corpus, envisaged century delict 3321 , it follows to attribute to Division of ІХ of Special part of КК of Ukraine «Criminal offences against public safety».

Крым Гирей I – родоначальник классического театра в Крыму (к вопросу 257-летия опыта крымских татар первых театральных постановок европейского театра)

The formation process of the Crimean Tatar theater can be divided into the following periods: medieval – folk theater (the initial round dance and toy puppet theater of shadows “Karagoz”, the theater of one actor “meddah”, the arena theater “orta oyuny”); Khan`s theater in the middle of the XVIII century (penetration into the Crimea of European theater traditions in the era of the Crimean Khan Crym Girey I); the revival of traditions of the Crimean Tatar theater late XIX–XX centuries (the activities of a theater-goers group of the Jadidist Crimean Tatar youth–followers of I. Gasprinsky, under the leadership of J. Meinov – the efforts of the Crimean Tatar noblewoman-myrzachkas under the leadership of A. Taiganskaya; organization of a professional Simferopol Tatar theater troupe under the People’s Commissar of Education of the Crimean ASSR in 1921 and creation and activities of the Crimean Tatar Drama Theater, headed by A. Taigan, and the Crimean Tatar amateur movement in the Crimea, and among the Crimean Tatar foreign diaspora of 1923–1944 (Soviet pre-deportation period); recreation and current activities of the Crimean Tatar theater in the Crimea,1989 (post deportation period). In this article, for the first time in the art history, is revealed the so-called Khan`s period in the formation of the Crimean Tatar theater, discussed the revolutionary activity in the field of Crimean Tatar art, the ascetic activity of the Crimean Khan Crym Girey I to promote the ideas of European theater traditions and create a classical theater in the Crimea. The picture of the actions undertaken by the Crimean ruler in the construction of theater business in the Crimea, as well as his thoughts and statements about the theater, was recreated according to the text published in the XVIII century, memories of personal meetings and conversations with Crym Girey I of European authors: German – von der Goltz, Polish – Pilshtynova, Russian – Nikiforov, Frenchman – de Tott, Austrian – Kleeman. Based on these recollections is built a clear and explicit picture of a role of Crym Girey I as a pioneer in bringing European theater traditions and creation of a classical theater in the culture of the Crimea, the Turkic and Muslim worlds.

Marx’s theoretical heritage and modernity. Part 2. Theory and practice of Marxism

The article is a continuation of previous one, published in the preceding issue of this journal. It shows that any philosophical theory and a concept of the social ideal developed on its basis are somehow conditioned by the problems of the existing social reality. According to political leaders, the various models of socialism that existed in the last century represented the practical implementation of Marx’s teachings. Certainly, the Soviet Union appeared as a result of revolutionary activities of Lenin and his associates, who were devoted supporters of Marxism. Why did the socialist project fail in Russia? The article analyzes the problem of correlation between the social ideal developed by the founders of Marxism and the social reality that arose as a result of its implementation. The difference between utopia and a scientifically based social ideal is revealed, the difficulties of implementing any social ideal (theory) are considered. Socialism built in the Soviet Union causes many questions concerning the nature of this society; however, in the process of its construction Lenin and his associates relied on the ideas of the founders of Marxism. The paper studies the reasons for the differences between real socialism and Marx’s social ideal and identifies the factors that contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union. According to the author’s position, among those factors, of great importance was the superficial understanding of both the dialectics of interformational transition and criteria for distinguishing various types of society.

Day of Freedom as a Sign of Leaving the “Lost Time” Behind: Ukrainian Alternatives for March 1917

The onset of the February Revolution in 1917 in the Russian Empire was the time when the organized structures of the Ukrainian movement in the Upper-Dnieper Ukraine were almost completely destroyed by the tsarist repressive apparatus. The outbreak of World War One ceased the legal release of the Ukrainian press; deactivated Ukrainian political, cooperative, educational establishments; sent a number of acting Ukrainian figures into exile, including M. Hrushevsky, the well-known leader of the then national movement. Due to the occupation of Galicia by the Russian Army and its explicit terror against the nationally conscious citizens, Ukrainians lost their “home front”, which had previously served as the base for the effective political, educational, and cultural activity in terms of the Austro-Hungarian Constitutional regime. That cluster of reasons led to the fact that in late February – early March 1917, in the general whirl of rapid transformations, Ukrainian demands were ignored by the new government which came to power after abdication of Nicholas II, as well as new bodies of revolutionary self-organization, formed of labor councils and soldier deputies. The situation in Kyiv seemed even more complex since the Russian administration paid special attention to controlling the city which had a potential to become the epicenter of national revival. Imperial colonizers were confident in the irreversibility of their preponderant position; thus, the formation of the Ukrainian Central Council on March 4, 1917, its initial demands being too cautious and conciliatory, did not raise any anxiety among Russian powers. The situation began to change after M. Hrushevsky had returned to the capital of the Upper-Dnieper Ukraine: on March 14 he had his first time chairing a meeting of the Ukrainian Central Council, rapidly transforming it thereafter into a lead Ukrainian revolutionary actor. This was well proved by the First Day of Ukrainian Freedom, which took place in Kyiv on March 19. A 100-thousand demonstration vividly testified Ukrainian power and gave impetus to the unfolding of the national liberation revolution, which naturally resulted in the declaration of the ultimate independence of Ukraine.

The Police Special Branch in Countering the Malayan Emergency 1948-1960: An Analysis of Intelligence Tactics and Strategies

Malaysia was one of the countries faced with the security threat from Communist insurgency inflicted by the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM). The CPM launched their armed revolt on 16 Jun 1948, in the name of war and anti-imperialist struggles against the British Government. The success of the Malayan Security Forces (MSF) during the Malayan Emergency 1948-1960 (the First Malayan Emergency) was based on the careful implementation of the Intelligence Services executed by the Police Special Branch (SB), known for its high reputation and efficiency in counter-intelligence details in defeating the insurrection of the CPM. This study aims to explain how the SB utilized their tactics and strategies in countering the CPM subversive activities, specifically during the First Emergency period. It has a vital significance on the studies of intelligence as most of the intelligence tactics and strategies utilized were classified and less highlighted to the public. This study will focus, dissect and extract the roles and functions of the SB, primarily on the efficiency of its intelligence strategies and tactics in defeating the CPM movement.

Rubens in Russian poetry: from ecfrasis to ideology and vice versa

Although the name of Rubens was included in the canon of well-known Western European artists in the Russian 18 century and his style was quite recognizable, an appeal to the artistic poetics of Rubens was rare, and Rubens’s eccentricities, created by Valery Bryusov and Nikolai Oleinikov, are full of ambiguities and obscure places. The article clears up all these obscurities based on the enlightening notion of Rubens as an artist capable of only a local mimesis, of portraying the life of Flanders, but not of a classic imitation of nature. This thesis was adopted by Pushkin and Dostoevsky and gradually acquired a moralistic and historicist meaning: Rubens depicts the characters, not the nature of a person, which means that he portrays the vice mainly and draws the viewer into the vicious circle of vice. The reevaluation of Baroque art at the beginning of the 20th century and the symbolists’ dreams of immersive theater required a different look at the audience’s involvement, thereby turning Rubens into an artist who could simulate the revolutionary activity of the crowd. At the same time, Pushkin’s idea of Rubens as an artist of arbitrariness, and not freedom, supported by the cultural image of Paul I as a collector of Rubens, was retained in Russian literature of the twentieth century.

Protestant evangelical groups during the 1930-1940 repressions (The case of malyovanian sectarians from the Chornogorodka village in the Makarov district)

The article deals with the specific conditions of existence of protestant evangelical communities in Ukraine, showing the case of the repressions against the peasants who belonged to the Maliovanian sect. The materials of the case are used to explain the popularity of the Maliovanian sect among the peasants in Ukraine, as well as to find out the biographical and ideological reasons that led the accused people to the belonging to this sect. Some attention is given to the ideological conflict between communist mentality and the «protestant ethics» of M. Weber in the case of economically effective protestant communities. Although the protestant communities did exist in Ukraine, they were not so numerous as orthodoxy, catholic believers or Judaic communities, that is why this confession is not often mentioned in the investigation documents of the repressed persons. Because of this, it would be quite reasonable to research the Ukrainian protestant communities within the limits of the totalitarian regime in more details, in particular, their connections with the peasantry. The case № 63413 concerning a group of peasants was opened by on January 18, within the frame of an «anti-kulak operation», but it contains elements of religious persecutions. The persons involved were the dwellers of Chornogorodka village, Kyiv Region, Byshiv (now Makarov) district; and belonged to a sect of Malyovany adepts, or the «Malyovanians», which was a branch of the so-called Stunden-baptism, one of the lesser religious movements of Ukrainians. All of them were join the collective farm and then left it, working for themselves as artisans they managed to reach considerable level of wealth. Members of Malyovanian sect were pacifists, so the three accused persons, being psychologically troubled by their hard war experience, refused to enter military serviced in 1941. This was the cause of their arrest. During the investigation new motives of accusation were added to the refusal of military service, such as «participation in a counter-revolutionary anti-Soviet organization of the Malyovany adept», «agitation against collective farming»; «subversive activities». Combining purely historical point of view with scientific research data in the fields of religion and culture, as well as with psychological and philosophical considerations one can explain the joining to the Malyovanians as the effort of finding the purport of life and the inner freedom in the conditions of extreme outward pressure and lack of social freedom. We can also underline that the psychological endurance of the accused persons during interrogations was based on their deep devotion to their faith. The addition of new, formerly unknown, names to the list of the victims of the Soviet totalitarian system of the years 1930-1940 is also an important contribution to historical research.

Comical Critiques of Violence: Karl Valentin and Helge Schneider/Alexander Kluge

In his essay ‘On the Critique of Violence’ (1921), Walter Benjamin explores the fateful entanglement of law and violence. Drawing on myth and religion, Benjamin looks for an escape from the perpetual dynamics of ‘law-positing’ and ‘law-preserving’ violence. Revolutionary action and messianic thinking appear on the horizon of his argument as forms of ‘pure’ violence and, eventually, as non-violent forms of political action. This paper argues that there are forms of the comical that approximate the structural scope of Benjamin’s essay – forms that, through a specific use of verbal and bodily language, try to take the unsettling qualities of the comical and of laughter to the extreme of ‘pure comicality’, which attacks all forms of authority. My examples are performative texts centring on the clownish body in the public sphere – produced by comical ‘folk singer’, actor, playwright, and film maker Karl Valentin (1882–1948), on the one hand, and, on the other, by comedian, musician, actor, and writer Helge Schneider (*1955), who, in his TV dialogues with film maker and author Alexander Kluge (*1932), develops a ‘clownosophy of pure nothingness’.

REMEMBERING AS SOCIO-HISTORIC DYNAMIC OF RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE

If religious experience can be described as everyday experience in a religious conceptual framework, and if this framework consists of explanatory commitments, the question that this paper poses is to the genesis of these explanatory commitments. It is argued that these explanatory commitments, which are imbedded in (ongoing) oral and written traditions, are constituted by the first commandment of tradition, namely to remember. Remembering is executed by telling (the narrative). Critically opposing the epistemology of remembering of Plato and its theological basis, remembering is understood in the light of the process of socialization and the unacceptable distinction between scripture and tradition, as socio-historic dynamic of religious experience. It is further argued, selectively following Bultmann and Taylor that we must distinguish between the historic Jesus and Christ, the latter being understood as an inter-subjective, communal dynamic. This enables an understanding of remembering as remembering, that is, as a dangerous subversive act in solidarity with who suffer.

The Reform of the Church in Cusano and Rosmini

The contribution starts from the delineation of the concept of not as a revolutionary act of change but as a movement within the historical dynamism of the Church. The Church is the reality and the temporal figure of the eternal message, which is always the same in its essence. In this way the profoundly theological sense of the concept of reform takes on great importance. It is in fact a question of re-forming, or of rethinking the Church in its multiple directions - understanding it in its historical sense and, at the same time, in its theological foundation. Cusanus and Rosmini could not therefore avoid the question of the Church reform. Their thought, fully inscribed in the ontotheological and metaphysical matrix, has thus been translated into an ecclesiological reading - both faithful to the genuine Christian inspiration of their philosophizing.

Panislamist and Pantyurkist Motion of Crimean Tatars at the Beginning of XX Century

A problem which is examined in the article before was not the article of scientific illumination. It served reason of appeal of author to the archived sources which are first entered in a scientific turn. Actuality of the article consists in that displays of panislamizm and pantyurkizm, having deep roots in the past, in one or another degree take place and now. Research is based on the documents of the Record Office of Republic Crimea, which were at one time geared-up Department of police and his Crimean structures. An author comes in to the conclusion, that in Crimea, as well as in other regions of the Russian empire, where a moslem population lived compact, panislamist and pantyurkist motion was got by development. This motion was headed the representatives of intelligentsia, well-off and influential persons. One of them was IsmaelGasprinskiy, leader of pantyurkist motion of all-russian scale. Panislamizm in Crimea was organizationally designed as organizations of «Conscience». This structure can be considered the first national political party of Crimean Tatars. Crimean pantyurkists and panislamists had regular connections with the centers of Russian, Turkish, Romanian moslem motions. The fact of organization of group of the Crimean national revolutionaries in the capital of Turkey deserves attention. It is the important certificate of the close interlacing revolutionary and panislamist activity.

Sujeto revolucionario comunitario

A esperança que prevaleceu durante o século XX quanto a um sujeito revolucionário proletário se evaporou como resultado da incapacidade das organizações sociais de fazer frente às crises múltiplas que se proliferaram no ambiente pós-guerra, abandonando a possibilidade de transformação revolucionária à total incerteza. Este artigo examina o potencial de atores revolucionários quase esquecidos, atores queestão coletivamente organizados e deliberadamente envolvidos em processos de transformação social e produtiva, que reivindicam legitimamente seus territórios e cujas atividades os envolvem em processos para consolidar uma estrutura diferente de sociedade nas márgens do sistema capitalísta global. As comunidades campesinas e indígenas das Américas estão conscientemente se reunindo para reestruturar suas organizações e suas formas de governo, tomando o controle dos territórios que são seus e que têm reclamado para si há gerações. Também estão reorganizando a produção para gerar excedentes, reunindo seus membros para aproveitar recursos subutilizados e para melhorar o nível de vida e assegurar a conservação e a restauração do meio ambiente. Essas comunidades não estão operando de maneira isolada. Coordenam atividades, compartilham informações e criam alianças. Centenas de milhões de pessoas participam desses movimentos ocupando muito mais que um quarto da superfície terrestre do mundo. Essas condições representam um enorme potencial para inúmeras formas de transformações socias e ecológica, consolidando mundos e sociedades pós-capitalistas.

Towards a History of the National-Popular in Bolivia, 1879–1980(Excerpt)

Abstract In this passage, Zavaleta describes the connections between the moment of real subsumption, social totalisation, the production of social-scientific knowledge that takes the resultant totality as its object, including Marxist theory, and finally, the emergence of a broad intersubjectivity with the capacity to become a revolutionary historical actor.