Ukrainian Revolution Research Articles

Pedagogical discourse on the new Ukrainian school 1917–1921: using newly gained independence to reach out to the world’s ideas after the fall of the Russian Empire

ABSTRACT This article explores the leading ideas of the Ukrainian educators and the reform of school education in the era of the Ukrainian revolution (1917–1921), in the context of the values of both Europe and the wider world. Under Soviet rule (1921–1991), this period was obscured by a false narrative, but with the proclamation of Ukraine’s independence in 1991, this page of history has been rightfully restored in the scientific space of a democratic state. For the international audience, it will be interesting to study the use of world pedagogical thought during the development of Ukrainian education more than a hundred years ago as an example of great expectations and subsequent lost hopes. School education in Ukraine should be based on national, humanist and democratic principles. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian revolution was defeated, and Bolshevik forces captured Ukraine; nevertheless, its democratic achievements laid the foundations for the creation of the national education system in modern independent Ukraine.

Вячеслав Прокопович у боротьбі за українську державність та національну ідею: штрихи до портрета політичного діяча і науковця

The purpose of the article is to refl ect the life path of the Ukrainian public and political fi gure, historian Viacheslav Prokopovych (1881–1942) to study his contribution to the struggle for Ukrainian statehood during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 as well as in political exile in Poland and France. The methodological basis of the research included the consistent application of the principles of historicism, objectivity, systemic and interdisciplinary approaches, and comparative studies. The use of the biographical method in combination with the methods of source analysis and synthesis made it possible to consider the life of V. Prokopovych in the context of social and political events, through the prism of interpersonal communication, professional, and family environment. The scientifi c novelty of the research lies in the fact that it is based on the study and comparative analysis of V. Prokopovych’s archival and published heritage. It highlighted the formation of personality, signifi cant milestones of his life and activity, participation in the Ukrainian public, political, cultural, and educational movement, activity as Prime Minister of the Government of the Ukrainian People`s Republic during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921 and the period of emigration. In the formation of the research source base, an important role was assigned to the analysis and introduction into the scientifi c circulation of documents’ information from the V. Prokopovych’s personal archives, which is preserved in the fonds of the Symon Petliura Ukrainian Library in Paris. Conclusions. V. Prokopovych, taking an active role in the Ukrainian political and cultural movement from the beginning of the 20th century, made a signifi cant contribution to the struggle for Ukrainian statehood, defending Ukrainian national interests and values as a politician, statesman, public fi gure, journalist, and historian. He held key positions in the Government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, being the Minister of Education and Prime Minister. During the period of his forced political emigration, he actively participated in the development of the Government of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in exile, and he was one of the founders and a long-time editor of the weekly Tryzub, the creator and chairman of the Council of the Symon Petliura Ukrainian Library in Paris. His scientifi c, publicist, and archival heritage represents a signifi cant public interest and requires deep study.

THE VOICE OF THE MIDDLE CLASS AND ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE

The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the middle class in political democracy and economic democracy in Ukraine. The role of the Ukrainian middle class in the revolutionary events of 2004 and 2013-2014 – the Ukrainian Maidans, the influence of the middle class on the results of the parliamentary elections in Ukraine and its presentation in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are noted. The pendulum-like oscillation of self-identification of the middle class between "service to the oligarchs" and "resistance to democracy," the basis of civil society, is noted. The emphasis is placed on the fact that democracy is the rule of the middle class, and the principle of equal freedom is at the core of economic democracy. The compromise between capitalism and democracy is the need to distribute the public good under the supervision of political democracy in the interests of the middle class. Methodology. The theory of economic democracy was used to study the essence and characteristics of the middle class in Ukraine. By means of sociological methods of empirical research middle class identification by indicators of income, education, labor (employment), consumer behavior is given. Differences of "European" middle class from Ukrainian middle class are marked. In connection with the fact that the level of income of the Ukrainian middle class does not correspond to the indicators of EU countries, the necessity of application of subjective indicators to determine self-identification of middle class representatives in Ukraine is substantiated. The definition of the middle class from the opposite, i.e., what the middle class is not (not the oligarchs, not the authorities, not the working class, etc.) is also applied. Results. The trajectories of the middle class in Ukraine have been defined – from active participation in the Ukrainian revolutions to the role of a servant of the oligarchic regime. The middle class is well positioned to establish a regime of political democracy and to oppose the oligarchic-lumpen alliance. What hinders this is the insufficient activity of the middle class during election campaigns and especially after them. The oligarchs' established monopoly in the economy and media space allows for effective election campaigns in the mass media and the financing of political parties. This nullifies attempts of the middle class to establish political democracy in Ukraine. The growing role of the new middle class – intellectuals and representatives of the creative industries – has been noted. The self-identification factors of the middle class include a sense of justice, responsibility for the future and the practice of democratic values. According to sociological research, representatives of the Ukrainian middle class strive for democratic changes, overcoming corruption, deconstruction of the oligarchic regime, and implementation of market reforms. They have higher education, are interested in art, go to restaurants, and can sometimes afford vacations abroad. The political parties that declared support for the middle class and defined it as a target group in the elections included the "Team of Winter Generation," "Veche," "Self Reliance", and "Voice". The first two were perceived as oligarchic projects, while the last two parties made it to parliament, respectively, in the eighth and ninth convocations. Separately, the 2019 elections, in which the voice of the middle class became truly powerful, are examined separately. The "old faces," representatives of the post-Soviet oligarchy, and bureaucrats lost in the majoritarian districts. The middle class refused to support those politicians and parties that had become "servants of the oligarchs" in parliament, taking an important step in building not only a political democracy, but also an economic democracy. Practical implications. The results of the study can be used in the process of European integration of Ukraine, the implementation of reforms to develop political democracy as the rule of the middle class and economic democracy as a democratic system of redistribution of public resources. Value/originality. This study of the middle class and economic democracy allows us to understand the economic factors that influence politics, the role of the middle class and its characteristics in the process of establishing political democracy and economic democracy in Ukraine.

The Dubious Perspective of the Eastern Partnership Countries Joining the European Union

There were significant geopolitical shuffles in Europe in the early 1990s. The dissolution of the Soviet Union, the collapse of socialist regimes in Central and Eastern Europe & the disintegration of Yugoslavia emerged as severe threats to destabilizing the international system. Some European countries of the former Eastern Bloc joined the E.U. and NATO swiftly. In contrast, the adjacent countries to Russia of the so-called Eastern Partnership, even Russia in the early '90s, have shown interest in close cooperation with the West. However, the E.U.'s support for the Orange Revolution in Ukraine and the Rose Revolution in Georgia led to a loss of confidence. Discontent escalated, and the EU-Russia partnership froze after the occupation of Crimea and its annexation to Russia. Having recovered economically and politically, Russia seeks its restoration as a superpower and the rival U.S. In this perspective, Russia envisages perpetuating its influence on the countries that had been members of the Soviet Union. Presumably, Russia is directly or indirectly trying to impede the European course of the Eastern Partnership countries that have already declared an interest in becoming E.U. members. The developments in the most significant countries of the Eastern Partnership countries, Ukraine and Georgia, confirm the difficulties they face in claiming the right to join the E.U and N.A.T.O. Has the E.U. Enlargement to the East reached its limits? Can the Eastern Partnership countries ever become E.U. members?

Ukrainian National Revolution as a factor in the development of the law of Ukraine-Rus in the XVII century

The paper examines the impact of signifi cant historical events associated with the Ukrainian National Revolution of the 17th century to changes in the legal sphere, which were the origins of legal norms that have a long-term eff ect. In Ukraine, the jump in interest in the history of socio-cultural and state-legal institutions in our country and on the European continent is largely due to the events of the late XX –early XXI century, formation of Ukraine as an independent state. The problem became even more relevant in connection with the events in Ukraine in 2013-2014, as well as the temporary loss of Crimea and the occupation of some eastern territories, the desire to rewrite the history of development and achievements of our country. In the history of Ukraine and many other European countries highlights the events of the midseventeenth century in terms of their then signifi cance and long-term impact on the development of social and legal institutions in the future: the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which was the source of modern international law; The English Revolution led by O. Cromwell; Ukrainian National Revolution led by B. Khmelnytsky. The aim of the paper is to study the impact of signifi cant historical events related to the B. Khmelnytsky Revolution on changes in the legal sphere, which were a source of legal norms that had long-term eff ect, as well as to compare the consequences of large-scale historical events in Ukraine and Europe to the development of the legal doctrine of the New Time. At the beginning of the XVII century in the Ukrainian-Russian lands there was a situation that can be called “revolutionary”. Legal sources related to the rule of Polish magnates, the Polish nobility and the Catholic Church in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth ceased to exist. “Cossack law” became widespread, which meant the system of customary law, which was formed in the Zaporozhian Sich and was integrated into public relations during the Ukrainian National Revolution. Zaporozhian customary law was perceived not only as local, but also as purely national. Deep religiosity was one of the hallmarks of the Cossacks, and the protection of the Orthodox faith of ancestors and the church was the basis of their lives. The National Revolution in Ukraine in 1648–1676 was related to large-scale sociopolitica movements in a number of Central and Western European countries. Its signifi cance lay in the restoration of state life, the formation of the Ukrainian state idea, and the development of national consciousness. As a result of the turbulent events of the Ukrainian National Revolution, the development of legal institutions took a diff erent path than the development of legal institutions in European countries associated with the end of the Thirty Years’ War and the adoption of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Unlike the transformations in European countries, the events in Ukraine have not become a direct source in the legal sphere; in this regard there are not yet suffi cient conditions for signifi cant changes. Considering the further historical development of Ukraine, these events were only a necessary impetus for such changes in the future. Key words: Ukrainian National Revolution, necessary and suffi cient conditions for changes in the legal sphere, the origins of law.

Mnemonic Rhythms of the Ukrainian Revolution: Sounds, Affects, and Time in Maidan and Winter on Fire

이 논문은 우크라이나 혁명에 대한 두 다큐멘터리, 『마이단』(2014)과 『윈터 온 파이어: 우크라이나의 자유 투쟁』(2015)을 병렬하여, 영화의 청각적 미학이 정동을 일으키는 메커니즘과 집단적 트라우마를 역사화하는 과정에 대해 갖는 의의를 탐구한다. 먼저 본 연구는 『마이단』이 민중가요, 시 낭송, 악기 연주를 포함한 ‘음악적 노래하기’를 반복하는 한편, 『윈터 온 파이어』는 키이우 시민의 증언과 음성 해설 등의 ‘언어적 말하기’를 통해 플롯을 이끌어간다는 점에 주목한다. 아울러 전자에서는 시민 개개인의 경험이 ‘알아들을 수 없는 수군거림’으로 존재감을 피력하고 있지만, 후자는 일부의 목소리를 철저히 배제하면서 이분법적 관점을 고착화하고 있다. 결과적으로, 『마이단』은 완전히 의식적이지 않은 신체적 정동을 초래하며 관람자가 시위를 ‘체험’하게 하고, 『윈터 온 파이어』는 특정 진영의 주관적 감정을 상연함으로써 관중이 이들의 삶에 공감하고 ‘동참’하는 ‘증인’이 되도록 유도한다.BR 사운드스케이프 중심의 분석 과정에서, 작품들의 역사성 또한 정동의 흐름을 통해 파악된다. 혁명 직후에 공개된 『마이단』의 경우, 핵심 감정이 ‘수치’ 어린 내셔널리즘에서 희생자들에 대한 ‘애도’로 전환되며 끝난다. 그러나 1년 이후 개봉한 『윈터 온 파이어』는 한 단계 더 나아가 미래 세대에 대한 ‘희망’과 ‘책임감’까지 피력하고 있다. 이처럼 사건에 대한 감정이 시간에 따라 변화하면서, 신생아의 울음소리 같은 시위대의 ‘부르짖음’은 생존자의 첫 발화, ‘이야기’로 발전하며 우크라이나의 기억과 정체성을 세공한다. 그럼에도, 내러티브화에 저항하는 정동의 초월적 잠재태와 언어의 유한성, 그리고 유로마이단이 도화선이 된 현재의 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁은 『마이단』의 비언어적 울림을 다시금 주목할 필요성을 제기한다. 즉, 역사의 담론은 정동의 흥얼거림으로 끊임없이 해체되어야 하며, 재발명되어야 한다. 본고는 이러한 집단기억의 템포가 변주되는 리듬으로 굽이치며 반복되어야 할 윤리적 책무를 지닌다고 주장하며 끝맺는다.

Political causes of the Ukrainian revolution: theoretical aspects of the issue

The purpose of the article was to conduct a theoretical analysis of the political causes of the Ukrainian revolution. The methods of analysis, synthesis and correlation used made it possible to study political conditions and factors in relation to psychological, economic and cultural factors. It was determined that the causes of the revolution are a permanent political crisis, a conflict between the government and the opposition, the ineffectiveness of the actions of the institutions of government and the actions of the opposition; together with changes in the socio-economic structure, the religiosification of society and the influence of political factors on the development of abnormal social behaviors, among other factors. The research carried out allows us to conclude that a relationship of stable factor «social disorientation - social anomie - social cynicism - social madness» has been formed in the Ukrainian public consciousness. Therefore, the algorithm for the growth of revolutionary feelings under the influence of socio-political factors shows that this relationship has a tendency to repeat itself and is characterized by a narrowing over time.

Ефекти віку, періоду та когорти у довгостроковій динаміці смертності в Україні

This study analyzes the effects of age, period, and birth cohorts on long-term mortality in Ukraine. For the first time, the APC model was used to analyze mortality in Ukraine for the 1850-2011 period and the cohorts born from 1850 to 1923. These estimations allow us to discriminate the impact of the historical and contemporary factors (at specific times) that could change the mortality rates. The following statistical methods are used: calculation of period and cohort death rates; age-period-birth cohort (APC) model that provides a method to assess the significance of the three interrelated factors (age, calendar period of death, and birth cohort) on mortality. As indicated by the results of APC analysis, the contribution of the period effect to the long-term mortality in Ukraine is likely to be larger than that of the cohort effect, and both effects are found to be more influential for men than for women. The analysis revealed intergenerational variations in death rates and inversion in cohort mortality when survival rates for the younger generations are worse than for the older generations. In particular, almost all generations born during the first half of the XX century had higher mortality rates than the reference cohort born in 1900, while lower mortality rates are found only for those born after 1945. At the same time, the overall decline in mortality among cohorts born after 1945 varied across different age groups: while death rates at the age 0 to 15 declined with each new generation, mortality in the 45 to 60 age group for younger generations tended to be higher than for older generations. The cohorts born in 1915—1925 and especially in 1917—1921 appeared to be the most disadvantaged and the hardest affected in terms of survival. A comparative analysis of the probability of dying in large age intervals for different generations showed that, first, among the cohorts of adult men who participated in World War II, those born in 1915—1925 were the most affected; second, during the First World War, the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917—1921 and the famine of 1921—1923 young and middle-aged men born in 1880—1890 suffered the greatest losses whereas the highest mortality due to Holodomor of 1932—1933 was observed among children and adolescents, as well as older persons born in the 1870s.

Evolution of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s political views in 1920 in the context of the crisis of the Soviet form of the Ukrainian state

The article is devoted to the relations between Volodymyr Vynnychenko and Lev Trotsky – leading figures of the revolutionary period of 1917–1921. The 1920s were one of the most difficult and controversial periods in the life of Volodymyr Vynnychenko. Formulation of the problem. There are many versions and assumptions about the reasons for V. Vynnychenko’s break with the Bolsheviks: from his careerism to his unwillingness to be a screen for Bolshevik policy in Ukraine, which actually destroyed his political dream – the creation of independent Soviet Ukraine. V. Vynnychenko’s decision is hotly debated, both among professional historians, educators, and among ordinary readers, users of social networks, and various historical groups. The aim of the research is to find out the reasons for the evolution of V. Vynnychenko’s political worldview and the influence of Lev Trotsky on these changes. The main results. The author draws attention to L. Trotsky’s influence, both on the fact of V. Vynnychenko’s return from emigration and on his coming abroad. The documents were signed by L. Trotsky and conversations with him had a significant impact on V. Vynnychenko’s decision, as evidenced by entries in his diary, the book “Renaissance of the Nation” and his autobiography. Influenced by these texts and meetings, V. Vynnychenko realized that the Bolsheviks’ recognition of Soviet Ukraine’s right to independence was a declaration of intent, not a real policy. At the same time, V. Vynnychenko himself believed that his views also influenced Trotsky’s political worldview, which in the 1930s began to criticize Bolshevik centralism and their policy toward Ukraine’s sovereign status. The study is based on a variety of sources. The author uses the methods of comparative analysis, microhistory, biography, applies a regional approach, drawing attention to the fellowship of V. Vynnychenko, L. Trotsky, G. Zinoviev, influential politicians of the revolutionary period of 1917–1921. Concise conclusions. V. Vynnychenko’s contradictory, sometimes difficult to understand, decisions in 1920 received different assessments from representatives of modern Ukrainian historiography. Some historians believe that V. Vynnychenko outplayed himself, i. e. the Bolsheviks used him to propagate Soviet power in Ukraine, and his hesitations had a negative impact on the development of the Ukrainian revolution in 1920. Other historians try to explain V. Vynnychenko’s steps by trying to reach an agreement with the Bolsheviks to implement his plan, which was to put into practice the idea of Ukrainian statehood in the Soviet form. The study is based on a variety of sources (the diary entries of Vladimir Vynnychenko during 1920, his leaflets, analytical memoirs given in the book “Renaissance of the Nation”, published in 1920, his autobiography, information reports of the Political Department of the UPR, which mention the name of V. Vynnychenko, and also the journalistic legacy of Lev Trotsky, devoted to the question of the independence of Soviet Ukraine). Scientific novelty and originality. For the first time in historiography, the author draws attention to the mutual influences of V. Vynnychenko and L. Trotsky on the evolution of their political worldview. The type of article: theoretical.

Christmas and Revolution

Abstract The discourse of the Ukrainian Revolution of Dignity (2013–2014) abundantly adopted religious themes. In my article, I show how the theme of Christmas, with its specific images and vocabulary, has been used in the rhetoric of the participants of the Revolution. In three sections, I demonstrate the three lines in which the protesters, speakers, and commenters drew parallels between the course of the Revolution and the Nativity story. These lines are the birth of Christ, the persecutions of Herod, and the Bethlehem infanticide. Finally, I show how the protesters killed at the end of the Revolution are represented in the post-Maidan discourse as national saints. I devote special attention to the Christmas play called Vertep, performed on the Maidan scene in the winter of 2013–2014, because it most fully embraces the link between these lines and the Revolution. The results of the study are intended to contribute to a better understanding of both phenomena: the Revolution of Dignity as an event, influenced by religion, and the Ukrainian Christmas tradition as a flexible and ever-renewable source for the conceptualization of social reality.

The body of the poet, the body of the nation: corporeality in recent revolution poetry from Belarus

ABSTRACT This article analyzes representations of the body in Belarusian poetry linked to the 2020 protests. The author argues that the remarkable poetic productivity regarding corporeality, comparable to literary texts inspired by other upheavals, such as the French, Russian, and the most recent Ukrainian revolutions, is directed towards the depiction of a new Belarusian identity shaped by the 2020 revolt against Aliaksandr Lukashenka’s latest electoral fraud. On the basis of poetic texts by Iulia Tsimafeeva, Tatstsiana Svetashova, Al′herd Bakharevich, Artur Kamaroŭski, Dmitrii Strotsev, Dmitrii Rubin, and Krystsina Banduryna, the author proposes a reading of the different ways in which living Belarusian poets have represented Belarus, its rethinking of its own identity, and its political struggle through images pertaining to corporeality, including decay, the juxtaposition of masculinity and femininity, violence, and pregnancy. He also argues that in contemporary Belarusian poetry the thematization of the body is related to an important, ongoing, metaliterary reflection on the limits and possibilities of poetry writing in times of change, in the context of revitalized poetry dissemination in the digital age.

Synthetic Dimensions of the Potential of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic

The article analyzes the specifics of synthetic measurements of state potential on the example of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (WUPR). The author of the study suggests that modeling the potential of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic will enable modern historiography of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1914–1923 to elucidate the morphology of state power by elucidating the nature of political power, the functioning of the state body, its strategic goals, etc. in its western Ukrainian segment. The main research models of Western scientists of the second half of the 20 – early 21th centuries are clarified on identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the state’s potential, in particular in the field of international relations: Clifford Herman, Wilhelm Fucks, Ray Klein and Ahmet Davutoğlu. The potential of the WUPR is also considered on the basis of studying the models of gravity, stratification and escalation / de-escalation, which made it possible to clarify the WUPR’s place in the system of international relations and collective security of the early 20th century. It is established that the model of gravity in the case of Western Ukraine diplomacy, in particular during its emigration period, can only partially indicate a certain cultural and / or ideological influence on the balance of international relations, and the “gravitational field” of Western Ukraine was in postwar Europe. An important feature of the stratification model is the prestige of the WUPR in the international arena, which has become the only and common interest of the united Ukrainian People’s Republic. The model of escalation / de-escalation in the realities of Western Ukraine shows that this Ukrainian state and foreign policy activity in the coordinate system of contemporary international relations was located between two points – between absolute peace and absolute war – in the context of the Polish-Ukrainian war of 1918–1919 for Eastern Galicia. According to the author, the most logical in relation to the imagined model of the potential of the WUPR was the escalation from the point of view of the stronger side (Poles), in particular in view of the escalation of armaments. It acted in conditions of asymmetric imbalance: the weaker side (Ukrainians) shifted the “difficulty” of escalation to ideological and moral-ideological problems.

PHILATELY AS A SPECIAL HISTORICAL DISCIPLINE (ON THE EXAMPLES PRODUCTION AND USE OF STAMPS DURING THE UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION OF 1917–1921)

The article analyzes the philatelic traditions during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. The emphasis is placed on the high artistic performance of changeable banknotes in the form of stamps – shahiv in the Ukrainian People’s Republic. The peculiarities of the use of Austrian postage stamps in the Western Ukrainian People's Republic are analyzed.

Антиурядовий рух на Катеринославщині доби Гетьманату Павла Скоропадського (травень – грудень 1918 р.)

The problems of history of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 and the first post-revolutionary years are actual today and occupy one of the leading places in modern domestic historiography. Despite this, there is a considerable number of insufficiently deeply studied episodes on this topic. The anti-government activities of members of the irregular combat formations of Katerynoslav region during the period of Hetmanate Pavel Skoropadskyi (spring–winter 1918) refers to such episodes. The article considers the course of the rebel-partisan movement in the Katerynoslav region in May–December 1918. The source base of the study consists of archival and published materials, in particular, memoirs, articles of periodicals, regulatory legal acts. The methodology of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and social approach. Also, have been used the analytical, comparative-historical, periodization, problem-chronological and typological methods. Tthe main driving forces of the rebel-partisan movement in the territory of Katerynoslav region in the mentioned period are defined in this article. These were supporters of anarchism, Bolshevism and the pro-Ukrainian government represented by the Central Rada and later the Directory, as well as representatives of apolitical peasant, workers' and gangster movements. The activities of the Bolshevik, pro-Ukrainian, and anarchist combat formations were aimed at overthrowing the existing government and seizing power in the region into their hands. The main form of their combat activity was partisan struggle. Local Bolsheviks were among the first to start an armed struggle against the existing regime. The main areas of their influence were the left bank of the region as well as industrially developed Kryvyi Rih region and Nikopol. Representatives of the pro-Ukrainian movement were members of the Free Cossacks and the Zaporozhian Sich. Their zone of influence was Katerynoslav and the central part of the region. The anarchist partisan anti-government movement covered the southern part of the left bank of the Katerynoslav region. As a result of active military activity in mid-December 1918, the Katerynoslav region came under the control of these three politico-ideological forces. At the same time, most of the region was covered by apolitical peasant, workers and bandit movements. But, their participants did not oppose the overthrow of the existing government. Thus, the peasant rebellions were directed against the restoration of landlordism.

Реєнт О. П. Соціально-економічні та політичні трансформації в Україні (кінець XVIII ‒ перші десятиліття XX століття). У 2-х кн. ‒ К.: Інститут історії України, 2021. Кн. 1. 846 с. Кн. 2. 818 с.

Автори рецензії аналізують збірку нарисів відомого українського історика, присвячену широкому спектру проблем соціально-економічної та соціально-політичної історії України протягом ХІХ та початку ХХ століть. Особливу увагу рецензентів привернули оригінальні та продуктивні підходи О.П. Реєнта до вивчення процесів втягування України в модерний світовий аграрний ринок, а також кризових явищ в українському соціумі під час Першої світової війни та Української революції. На думку рецензентів, це дослідження створює широку базу для глибшого вивчення принципово важливого періоду української історії.

Проблема розбудови збройних сил у мемуарах сучасників української революції 1917–1921 рр.

Метою статті є здійснення аналізу мемуарів сучасників і безпосередніх учасників революційний подій 1917 – 1921 років. Увагу сфокусовано на процесі формування українських збройних сил – опори Української Центральної Ради. За основу взято спогади активних учасників національного українського руху – В. Винниченка, М. Грушевського, Д. Дорошенка. Для об’єктивнішого висвітлення теми дослідження було проаналізовано спомини учасників революційного руху інших ідеологічних спрямувань – білого руху І. Мазепи, А. Денікіна, більшовицького табору – Є. Бош, В. Атонова-Овсієнко. Мемуарні твори представлено як книжкові публікації, тематичні збірники, власні авторські життєписи, журнальні та газетні публікації. Методологічну основу дослідження склали загальнонаукові методи, серед яких порівняння та аналіз. Окрім того, під час роботи над публікацією використовувались історично-порівняльний, ретроспективний методи, а також синхронний. Завдяки цій методологічній базі змогли проаналізувати джерела дослідження та зробити висновки стосовно проблеми, що піднімається в даній статті. Наукова новизна дослідження полягає в тому, що здійснена аналітична робота над мемуарною літературою в контексті висвітлення в ній питання про формування українських збройних сил, які були основною опорою Центральної Ради в перший період революції. Висновки. Спогади свідчать, що з перших днів революційних змагань військовослужбовці-українці почали стихійно створювати комітети, громади, клуби. Такий активний рух сприяв появі тенденції до утворення українських військових частин, які можуть, в свою чергу, скласти основу єдиного Українського фронту. Однак в той же самий час лідери революційного руху не мали уявлення, як створювати власні збройні сили, як формувати армію. У Центральної Ради не було чітко визначеної позиції стосовно ставлення до військових сил, тому що її члени побоювалися зіпсувати відносини з Тимчасовим урядом. Через це питання між членами першого українського уряду, зокрема між М. Грушевським і М. Міхновським, було чимало суперечок, що прослідковується в споминах цих діячів. Також урядовці з недовірою ставилися до військового командування, зокрема до П. Скоропадського, який у своїх мемуарах приділяє багато уваги опису процесу створення українського корпусу в російській армії. Загалом, автори мемуарної літератури революційної доби, підкреслюють, що державній владі так і не вдалося організувати справжню військову силу, яка могла б чинити ворогу опір. Це прослідковується в оцінках збройних формувань України, як слабких, неорганізованих та хаотичних. Більшість мемуаристів вважала винною в такій ситуації Центральну Раду, адже та не скоординувала в правильному руслі свої дії та почала конфліктувати з російським урядом відкрито. Більшовики в своїх споминах описують процес формування загонів червоної гвардії в східних і південних територіях України – зокрема, в селищах та містах.

Management of a consulting firm

Introduction. The paper examines the prospects of management of consulting firms in Ukraine. In the 21st century, there is almost no area of business that cannot be linked to consulting. The purpose of the paper is to study the theoretical and methodological principles and scientific and methodological approaches to the management of consulting firms. Results. An empirical study was conducted in the form of a survey of Ukrainian companies on the use of consulting services. The study was conducted in the fall of 2020 throughout Ukraine. The developed questionnaire contained 21 questions. With a response rate of 24%, 194 valid, completed questionnaires were received, which were processed using descriptive statistics. Respondents are quite satisfied with the consulting services they have purchased, but there is a relatively high proportion (40%) of organizations that question the value for money, and 12% have failed to implement the consultant's offer. When choosing a consultant, the surveyed companies pay attention to three main criteria: the cost of services (34%), professional previous relationships (26%), the reputation of the consultant (18%). When asked why they plan to use consulting, 34% of respondents said that this is necessary due to the expectations of various institutions (banks, international grants, etc.), 36% of respondents plan to hire external consultants because the company is too small to have its own internal staff. each area, and 13% would use external consultants in exceptional cases (crisis, restructuring, large investments). Conclusion. According to the survey, the most common reason why Ukrainian companies turn to management consulting is to increase efficiency and finance (investment, project financing, liquidity, etc.). The challenges posed by the growing pressure of the digital revolution in Ukraine will soon give new impetus to the development of consulting services. Further research will focus on comparing trends in Ukraine with other Eastern European countries.

Disruption and transformation in media events theory: The case of the Euromaidan Revolution in Ukraine

Abstract Media events, Dayan and Katz argue, compose a narrative genre that follows specific structural principles and narrative tropes and that works toward societal integration. However, a specific subset of media events is labelled transformative, and these work towards societal change. In this article, we point to an unresolved tension between transformative events and what has subsequently been introduced as disruptive events. Our discussion builds on research on the developments in post-Soviet Ukraine, and we analyse, firstly, the transformative and disruptive relations related to the so-called Euromaidan Revolution, and secondly, how these events can be placed in a wider narrative of three Ukrainian revolutions. Our analysis concludes that narrative analysis can help explain the ways in which these events are understood by broader international audiences.

МАТЕРІАЛИ ДО ІСТОРІЇ ПЕРЕМІЩЕНИХ ОСІБ (ДіПі) У ВІДДІЛІ РУКОПИСІВ ЛННБ УКРАЇНИ ім. В. СТЕФАНИКА

The goal of the paper is to characterize materials from Department of manuscripts of Vasyl Stefanyk Lviv National Scientific Library of Ukraine dedicated to the history of Ukrainian displaced persons after World War II. Source criticism going to be the main methodological aspects of the presented research. The research on post-war displaced persons is quite popular in both Ukrainian and foreign historiography and that is why the paper will add some new information to this topic. Among domestic researchers of this problem it is worth noting the monograph by O. Podobed, which studies the cultural life of Ukrainians in DP camps. N. Sydorenko is engaged in the study of the camp press. Lviv researcher L. Holovata also pays attention to this issue in her articles. The activities of the Soviet repatriation commission are closely connected with the history of Ukrainians in the camps of postwar Europe. L. Khromeichuk and A. Andreev published papers dedicated to the USSR’s attempts to «bring» its citizens home. About a dozen of Ukrainian archival institutions store primary sources to the history of Ukrainian DP camps. And now the Department of manuscripts of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine can be added to that list. The topics dedicated to the history of Ukrainian DPs are still incomplete in historiography and revealing of a new archives and documents will do much help for future researches. Conclusion. Most of the materials for studying the history of Ukrainian DPs are stored in the personal archive of Mykhaylo Demkovych-Dobryansky (Fond # 298). Documents related to the movement of the fundraiser to the United Kingdom from the DP camp are available for researchers. Also within the fond #298 are collection materials of Stepan Baran who took an active part in a life of Ukrainian DP camps. Other materials could be found in the personal poet Canadian journalist A. Bedriy and 1917‒1921 Ukrainian revolution military activist I. Hnoyovyi.

Ukrainian Intelligence in 1917-1921: Formation of Civil Position

The article analyzes the activities of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in 1917-1921. The author aims to determine the achievements and losses received by the Ukrainian scientific intelligentsia during 1917-1921. Attention is paid to their contribution to the development of science and culture of the period when the regimes in the Ukrainian lands were constantly changing and power passed from one to another. At the same time, the policies of these regimes differed radically depending on the foreign policy orientation and program principles of their leaders. At the same time, the Ukrainian intelligentsia reacted differently to the change of government. It was made an attempt to divide representatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia into groups in accordance with their ideological and ideological orientation. The impact of political changes on key branches of science and culture is explored. It is determined that, on the one hand, the position of scientific institutions was unsatisfactory while cultural branches were revived and developed actively.
 The article is written using the principle of systematization, methods of comparison and generalization, structuring and analysis. The scientific novelty of the study is justified by the determination of the factors that influenced the formation of scientific and cultural interpretations of the future existence of the Ukrainian intelligentsia during the Ukrainian revolution on the basis of analyzed historiography and archival materials, as well as identifying major achievements and errors in this information and worldview. The author emphasizes the importance of further scientific research of the problem, because today, despite a certain existing block of work on the topic, there are issues that need further study and reinterpretation.