Republicanism Research Articles

‘화이부동(和而不同)’으로 본 한국 공화주의 : 안창호의 사상을 중심으로

이 글의 목적은 ‘화이부동(和而不同)’의 정신이 공화주의와는 어떤 관련성이 있으며, 한국 공화주의 전통에서 어떻게 구현되었는지 규명하려는 것이다. 특히 대표적 근대 공화주의자인 안창호의 사상을 통해 고찰하고자 했다. 현대의 서구 공화주의 논의에, 자유, 간섭, 권력, 다원주의, 공동체, 공동선 등의 요소가 주요 쟁점이 되고 있는데 이는 화이부동과 밀접한 관련을 갖는 개념들이다. 예를 들어 ‘부동(不同)’은 자유 및 다원주의와 공통점이 있으며 간섭이나 권력에 비판적이다. ‘화(和)’는 공동체 및 공동선에 기여할 수 있는 개념이다. 따라서 동양의 ‘화이부동’은 서로 갈등하는 서구 공화주의적 가치들 간의 통합의 가능성을 보여준다. 이러한 화이부동의 의미를 정치 또는 사회관계와 관련하여 풀어보면 개체성과 다양성의 강조, 비지배와 탈중심, 상호부조 등 세가지로 제시할 수 있다. 안창호는 독립운동에 있어 실력양성과 무장항쟁 모두를 중시하고 좌우통합적 입장을 가졌다. 또한 통합과 단결을 강조하면서도 그 토대가 될 개개인의 의견을 중시했으며 한 집단이나 세력의 일방적 지배를 반대했고 사랑과 정이 넘치는 사회를 지향함으로서 화이부동의 공화주의 정신을 보여주었다.

When voting, trust computer scientists

"The right of suffrage is a fundamental Article in Republican Constitutions" [6]

A (IN) EFICIÊNCIA NA APLICAÇÃO DA LEI DE MIGRAÇÃO DE 2017 E O CONTEXTO DAS MIGRAÇÕES VENEZUELANAS NO TERRITÓRIO BRASILEIRO

O presente trabalho expõe uma análise do contexto histórico das migrações no espaço geográfico, e a evolução do referido fenômeno na contemporaneidade, a partir da influência dos conflitos geopolíticos mundiais. Destarte, identificou-se a nítida incongruência da conceituação de imigrantes realizada pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) – a partir da necessidade de mobilidade transfronteiriça pelos embates internacionais, catástrofes naturais e animo próprio- adjunto a salvaguarda de seus direitos fundamentais, ainda que existam ferramentas no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro. Além disso, a presente pesquisa aborda a crise migratória venezuelana que assola o território do país e apresenta reflexos nas fronteiras Brasil-Venezuela, em especial o estado de Roraima, como fator de modificação do espaço geográfico e geopolítico de ambas as nações. Cabe-se, desse modo, assimilar as suas consequências e os impactos no Estado brasileiro, que repercutiram na inabilidade da aplicação da Lei de Migração nº 13.445, de 24 de maio de 2017. O emprego da nova Lei ansiou salvaguardar os direitos fundamentais dos imigrantes e preservar os interesses do povo brasileiro, propiciando estabilidade e ordem social. Todavia, ao final da pesquisa, verificou-se a ineficiência da Lei de Migração de 2017 no que tange à proteção dos direitos individuais dos venezuelanos instalados no país e a salvaguarda de sua dignidade, já que seus dispositivos não obtiveram a eficiência esperada na contenção dos discursos de ódio, práticas violentas por parte do povo brasileiro, e até mesmo a xenofobia praticada pelo próprio poder judiciário estadual. A metodologia empregada no presente trabalho consiste na pesquisa do tipo bibliográfica do estudo de caso, utilizando-se dos artigos 1º, 2º, 3º e 4º da Lei Nº13.445 de maio de 2017 e da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, além da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos, valendo-se da análise de artigos científicos, reportagens específicas e de informativos advindos do website oficial da ONU.

ОБ ИСТОЧНИКАХ ИЗУЧЕНИЯ ЛЯОНИНСКОГО ПАЛЕОНТОЛОГИЧЕСКОГО МУЗЕЯ

The article covers a poorly studied topic about the sources of museum science study. The authors of the article rely on the prominent Russian researcher S.O. Schmidt’ opinion that the elaboration of source study is a guarantor of the accuracy of historical knowledge. They used Schmidt's scientific classification of sources and applied it to identifying and systematizing the sources of study of Liaoning Paleontological Museum in China. The article deals with such typological groups of sources as written, material, visual and electronic sources. The group of written sources includes legislative acts and documents of office-work. Such important act documents as the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the Law of the People's Republic of China on the Protection of Cultural Relics contain the information on museum work and protection of cultural values. Orders and resolutions of the State Council of the People's Republic of China, and the Ministry of Culture of the People's Republic of China, and the National Administration of Cultural Heritage Regulations include this information as well. The administrative documents of the leadership of Shenyang Pedagogical University, in which the Liaoning Paleontological Museum was opened in 2011, have no small importance too. The Charter of the Academic Committee of the Liaoning Paleontological Museum has direct relation to the creation and activities of the museum at Shenyang University. Documents of officework were deposited in the archival funds of the Liaoning Museum. They include planning materials, and reports on the activities of the museum departments. The reports on the search and conservation of fossils, on work with museum visitors, on cooperation between the museum and schools in Liaoning Province contain an important information about Liaoning Museum. The article characterizes a group of material sources that play a major role in the formation of the source base for Liaoning Museum study. These are paleontological fossils – samples of flora and fauna of antiquity. The museum contains 30158 paleontological fossils. The author reported that 707 fossils are of unique scientific value and are authentic sources of study of the museum. Visual sources include photographs, restoration drawings and sculptures made of resin of fossil samples. These historical monuments are used in the museum exposition; contain important information about the activities of the museum. Electronic sources and multimedia resources are created in order to popularize scientific knowledge about the ancient world of China, they are used in working with visitors, contain important information about the museum and its collections. The identified and characterized sources have a high degree of reliability, they are distinguished by information saturation. They provide a solid documentary base for the study of the Liaoning Paleontological Museum.

A Republic of Parties? Constitution-making in Italy through the Lenses of the Constitutional Regime

This chapter’s main objective is to reconstruct the patterns of formation and development of the Italian constitutional order post World-War II. The intention is to track whether there is an ‘Italian’ way to constitution-making and to assess, in comparative constitutional terms, to which family it belongs. In order to provide some background, a methodological engagement with Bruce Ackerman’s work and the American School of development will kick off the chapter. Hence, the basic unit of constitutional regime will be adopted and the focus will be, mostly, on the function of political parties. Then a brief reconstruction of the pre-1948 constitution-making experiences will be provided, with particular attention paid to the pathway of transformation adopted by the Fascist Party. In sections 3 and 4, the constituent phase of the republican constitution and its development in the following decades will be tracked by emphasising the role of political parties. The intention is to prove that this experience was an instantiation of a revolutionary type of constitution-making. In section 5, an hypothesis about the constitutional relevance of recent informal mutation (i.e., non-revolutionary) will be put forward.

Public Attitudes towards Death Penalty Provisions: Relevance of Ethico-Phenomenological Principles in the Operation of Articles 3 (3) & 19 (2) of the 1992 Republican Constitution of Ghana

Public Attitudes towards Death Penalty Provisions: Relevance of Ethico-Phenomenological Principles in the Operation of Articles 3 (3) & 19 (2) of the 1992 Republican Constitution of Ghana

PERCHÉ IL DIBATTITO ANIMALISTA È COSÌ ARRETRATO IN ITALIA

In the brief notes that follow, we offer five reasons to explain the phenomenon, as widely evident as objectively odd, of the late coming of an animalist law culture in Italy, meaning: in the country where contemporary law and all Western systems of rights arose and spread all over in the “new world”. We will lead the reader into the ancient Roman law, from Imperial codes to later doctrina about due process and the rule of law. We will also lead up to the constitutions and codes of European Risorgimento. More, we will go on up to reach the Republican Constitution of 1948, focusing how that is an implicate model of integration among both human and fundamental rights, democracy and justice, basic ethical principles and collective goals, as well as of both egalitarianism and personalism. In this survey into Italian constitutional history and legal philosophy, we will try to let the reader dialogue with classical authors. Among others: Bobbio and the social personalism, Agamben and animal personalism, Martha C. Nussbaum and the frontiers of justice for animals, on the one side. On the other, author expecting a radical rediscovery. Among others: Aldo Moro and philosophers of law Pietro Martinetti and Cesare Goretti who anticipate-inspire Rawls, Habermas and Peter Singer.

Raymond Carré de Malberg – mało znany inspirator V Republiki Francuskiej

<p>The Fifth French Republic owes its originality and permanence to Charles de Gaulle’s constitutional convictions and his determination to reform. However, in the case of France, which intellectual culture presupposes that institutions are shaped by a logical sequence of ideas, also the scientific justification of the political change must have been of great importance. The author of the theoretical rationalization of the Fifth Republic and its institutional revolution within the republican tradition was the forgotten lawyer Raymond Carré de Malberg. Pioneering nature of his writings may not raise any doubts. Carré de Malberg challenged a theory of parliament’s sovereignty from the republican perspective, which had an impact on thinking of the juristic elites participating in drafting the Fifth Republic Constitution. Carré de Malberg opened the door of republican tradition wide to the general presidential elections and referendum. He delineated the solution he recommended as the one that was in full accord with the notions and principles of the French Revolution. He applied the legal language to underscore the fact that the republic democratization would allow for the subjectivization of the executive power, restoration of the constituting power of the nation, primacy of the constitution and, consequently, the review of the constitutionality of bills. Carré de Malberg made a breakthrough in the French theory of constitutional law and thus opened up an opportunity for staging a republican institutional revolution that was an act of the founders of the Fifth Republic.</p>

IMPLEMENTATION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT OF PEOPLES TO ETHNO-CULTURAL IDENTITY IN THE MULTI-ETHNIC REGION (on the materials of the Komi Republic)

The article analyzes the process of enforcing the peoples’ constitutional right to ethno-cultural identity, which is especially relevant in the conditions of multinationality and polyethnicity of the Russian Federation. The Constitution of our country guarantees the ethno-cultural development of the peoples of Russia. The choice of the study region is due to the fact that the Komi Republic is one of the most multi-ethnic national-territorial entities within the Russian Federation. The norms of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Constitution of the Komi Republic in the field of national life are successfully implemented in practice. The diverse national life of the Komi Republic, as a historically formed multi-ethnic community, found its direct reflection in 12 out of 103 articles of the Komi Republic Constitution that is currently in force. The constitutional norms analyzed in the study have been successfully working and implemented in the diverse national life of the Republic for a quarter of a century. The region has created a developed infrastructure in the field of interethnic and inter-confessional relations. At the expense of the republican budget, subsidies are allocated to support the activities of social movements and national-cultural autonomies. The state language policy is aimed at cultivating the traditional values of the Russian language, of the native languages of the peoples living in the Republic. Based on the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the model of state national policy is aimed at serving the peoples’ interests in a multinational region in its composition. Thus, the main importance of this model is that it enables the authentic culture of Komi people to develop; it is aimed at meeting ethno-cultural needs and the needs of other nationalities, as well as contributes to the formation of an All-Russian civil identity.

Freedom of Religion in the Italian Constitution

In Italy, Catholicism was the dominant faith for about two thousand years and until recently almost the only one. This has meant that it has taken root in the country as a primary socio-cultural element also for the laity and non-believers. Every legal system in a democratic state must find the normative mechanisms to guarantee and protect the religious phenomenon. With the advent of the Republican Constitution, the religious phenomenon is foreseen and regulated in four articles: Articles 7, 8, 19, 20 of the Constitution, to which we must add the guarantees deriving from articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution. These Articles sanction the principle of equality of all confessions and non-discrimination on a religious basis, the freedom to profess one's beliefs both individually and collectively, in public or private, ect. The analysis aims to understand the capacity of these provisions to guarantee all dimensions of the religious phenomenon. In this regard, the question arose whether these articles protect freedom of conscience, conscientious objection and atheism. It is also important to analyze those are the limits that this freedom encounters.

El desarrollo histórico del principio de lealtad federal en el derecho alemán

El «padre» del principio de la lealtad federal - Rudolf SMEND - ha pasado a la historia por su aportación en la obra «Derecho Constitucional no escrito en el Estado Federal Monárquico.» Por primera vez en la historia del constitucionalismo alemán y en contra de la doctrina constitucionalista del Imperio de 1871, presentó y analizó el principio lealtad federal de forma jurídica y sistemática dotándolo de fuerza normativa. Aunque originariamente fue desarrollado para el contexto de una monarquía constitucional, lo fue adaptando a las diferentes épocas y formas de Estado. Por ello, desde el punto de vista histórico los enfoques bajo la Constitución del Imperio Alemán de 1871 y Constitución Republicana de Weimar de 1919 son de suma importancia. Muestra de ello es que el Tribunal Constitucional Federal Alemán en sus más tempranos pronunciamientos sobre la lealtad federal (ej.: STCF 1, 299; 12, 205) hace explícita referencia a la obra de SMEND. En concreto, son sentencias sobre el principio fundadas en las «profundas raíces dogmáticas e históricas» del ordenamiento alemán. Por ello, todavía hoy las posturas doctrinales sobre el principio del Bundestreue en las fases iniciales de formación del Estado alemán son de decisiva importancia. En el caso español los trabajos sobre el desarrollo histórico de este principio destacan por su ausencia. Carencia que dificulta entender su significado y alcance. Ha sido precisamente el objetivo de este trabajo el llenar este vacío.

프랑스에서의 권력분립

In Korea, separation of power is called separation of the three powers of legislation, justice and administration. This guarantees the basic rights of the people. And it is a basic constitutional principle that divides state power into legislation, administration and justice to prevent abuse of power and to balance it with each other.<BR> Generally, when discussing the separation of power in Korea, Locke’s theory of separation of power and Monteski’s theory of separation of power are basically introduced. In terms of institutions, the United States is the country that best institutionalized the principle of separation of power. In general, the relaxed form of separation of powers can be called the U.S. presidential system, the British parliamentary cabinet system, and the French dual-governance system.<BR> Under the Korean Constitution, the National Assembly is the only legislative body, and the executive powers are the administration, the president, and the judicial powers are the Supreme Court and the lower courts and the Constitutional Court. Article 40 of the Korean Constitution stipulates that legislative power belongs to the National Assembly. This is that the National Assembly is an institution that directly represents the people who are sovereigns, and that exercises legislative power, which is the most basic of the national action. And on the political front, the separation of power is the central value of state affairs. The court is curbing the power of two other powerful agencies by allowing the Constitutional Court to exercise its right to review unconstitutional law orders and all other state actions. In other words, our country is led by the presidential system. And it has a unique form of content that adopts the form of American judicial power. Formally, checks and balances work fairly among the three powers. How does France grasp and realize the separation of powers? And what is it if there is a constitutional basic ideology that can sum up or supplement the separation of powers? The purpose of this paper is to review the answers.<BR> Korea seems to be embodying an ideal separation of powers in terms of formality. In reality, however, voices of public opinion and minority claims are difficult to convey to the center of politics. If this is not improved even though we are well aware of it, there will be no politics based on the ideology of a constitution. At this point, I would like to review the form of power separation centered around France.<BR> When the French Constitution states that the final purpose of the Constitutional Court is to prevent absolute power from being overthrown against tyranny, can the guarantee of rights and separation of powers be practically separate? After all, in order to assess the principle of separation of powers, one must think in relation to the idea of a law-governed state. France"s separation of power suggests two grounds. The former is linked to the idea that separation of power is the autonomy of power. And the latter derives the importance of guaranteeing rights in the Constitutional Court in the separation of powers.<BR> Therefore, the proper form of the Constitutional Court could be a problem. As such, France also points out that the June 3, 1958 law, which recognized the basis of the Fifth Republic Constitution, refers to the separation of powers, and that the Constitutional Court clearly favors the constitutional principle of separation of powers in its ruling.

Republicanismo y participación ciudadana en el diseño político-jurídico de la nueva Constitución de la República de Cuba de 2019

Este ensayo tiene como objetivo argumentar cómo una adecuada construcción teórica de la recepción de los principios del republicanismo romano en Cuba, puede contribuir al perfeccionamiento jurídico de la participación política del ciudadano, como esencia del diseño político-jurídico nacional. Como consecuencia de lo anterior, se imponen varias interrogantes: ¿cómo se aprecia la presencia o no de los principios del republicanismo romano en la nueva Constitución del año 2019 y otras disposiciones normativas referentes al derecho de participación?, ¿Qué deficiencias fueron superadas en la concepción ordenadora de la participación política del ciudadano, en consonancia con las bases republicanas y democráticas sobre las cuales se asienta, en el diseño político-jurídico nacional? Esta última interrogante es vital para que no fracase el proceso de cambios. No basta sólo tener en cuenta los fundamentos romanistas presentes en el Magno texto, sino que también la fundamentación, desde una visión iusrepublicana, ha de proponer modificaciones en la concepción ordenadora de la participación política, para contribuir al perfeccionamiento de la democracia en la República de Cuba.

Legislatywa we francuskich systemach konstytucyjnych pierwszej połowy XIX wieku

Legislation in French constitutional systems in the fi rst half of the 19th century after the fall of the First Empire&#x0D; The author attempted to present and compare the formal and legal position of the legislature in three successive constitutions that were passed in France in the fi rst half of the 19th century. The subject of the researcher’s exploration has consequently become the provisions of two Bourbon Constitutional Charters (proclaimed in 1814 and 1830 respectively) and the Republican Constitution passed by the French National Assembly in 1848. The choice of the subject of interest allowed the author to use a variety of methodological instruments, among which the most extensive ones were the exegesis of the normative text and legal comparisons. This made it possible to formulate numerous comments, assessments and opinions, at least some of which can be considered polemical or directly debatable, which the Author not only avoided, but was undoubtedly aware of.&#x0D; &#x0D; Die Legislative in den französischen verfassungsrechtlichen Systemen der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts nach dem Fall des Ersten Kaiserreiches&#x0D; Der Autor versuchte in seinem Beitrag die formal-rechtliche Position der Legislative in den drei nacheinander folgenden Verfassungen, die in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts in Frankreich beschlossen wurden, zu schildern und zu vergleichen. Erforscht wurden daher die Bestimmungen zweier bourbonischer Charte constitutionnelle (erlassen entsprechend in den Jahren 1814 und 1830) und der republikanischen Verfassung, die durch die französische Nationalversammlung im Jahre 1848 angenommen wurde. Der gewählte Forschungsgegenstand ermöglichte dem Autor, unterschiedliche methodologische Instrumente zu nutzen, die breiteste Anwendung fanden die Exegese des normativen Textes und die rechtliche Komparatistik. Folglich konnten zahlreiche Bemerkungen, Beurteilungen und Ansichten formuliert werden, einige davon sind polemisch andere sogar diskutabel. Der Autor hat es nicht nur nicht gemieden, sondern das war seine bewusste Wahl der Aussagemittel.

Esculpir da mulher brasileira

Este artigo aborda os processos de socialização das mulheres que habitavam o Brasil até o início do constitucionalismo republicano, à vista da relevância que têm para a história da (in)subordinação feminina. A partir das estruturas e dos órgãos sociais que ditavam o modelo de vida social nos primeiros séculos vividos em terras brasileiras que se questiona a aparente passividade feminina frente a violência institucionalizada sofrida pelo gênero. Embora a maioria dos relatos descrevam a mulher como hipossuficiente, essa subordinação institucionalizada por diversos órgãos sociais não ocorreu de forma pacífica e amena: sempre houve relutância feminina, inclusive no Brasil. Seguindo o raciocínio e em sintonia com a diversidade cultural e racial que modelou a sociedade brasileira, por uma revisão de literatura, este artigo vincula história, sociologia e estudo jurídico para dar compreensão no tempo e no espaço dos papeis sociais e os direitos conferidos à mulher no Brasil desde o período colonial, demostrando como as organizações sociais modelaram a imagem das mulheres e como foram os processos de insurreição por elas militados a fim de afastar a superioridade masculina. Evidenciou-se que, tanto no Brasil Colônia quanto no Brasil Império, a cultura patriarcal foi sedimentada como resultado de longos períodos de não-socialização e de socialização restrita da mulher. Hodiernamente ainda se identificam imagens de mulheres subordinadas como resultados históricos desses processos. O artigo contesta a penumbra de consciência de gênero quase apagada na história do Brasil pelo resplendor simbólico e político do poder masculino, demonstrando merecer evidência vultosa.

Regional Report on Organ Transplantation in Trinidad and Tobago.

Regional Report on Organ Transplantation in Trinidad and Tobago.

The National Democratic Congress (NDC) and Human Rights Promotion in the Fourth Republic of Ghana

Human rights are a justified entitlement that any person may claim because of being human and that right to be socially guaranteed. Ensuring human rights requires that institutions are committed to their promotion and enforcement. It is against this backdrop with respect to the human rights record of Ghana especially under her Fourth Republic that this work is motivated to assess the promotion and protection of human rights under the National Democratic Congress (NDC) regime from 2009 to 2017. The work seeks to examine the political environment that the NDC created during its eight years of administration to ensure the enjoyment of fundamental human rights, with focus on how it strengthened constitutional human right institutions like the Commission of Human Rights and Administrative Justice (CHRAJ) and the Media. This work is qualitative and uses primary and secondary sources of data to gather the information. The findings of this work reveal and confirm that human rights was the premise of Ghana`s transition to democratic rule since 1993 with the promulgation of the Fourth Republican Constitution which makes provision for the enjoyment of fundamental human rights and freedoms. The study recommends that the promotion and protection of human rights should be a matter of a collective responsibility.

Ethnicity in Electoral Politics in Ghana: Colonial Legacies and the Constitution as Determinants

This paper assesses political allegiances in Ghana, positioning its ethno-political divide into the historical contexts of institutional design and colonialism in Africa. It argues that whilst the colonial policy of Indirect Rule solidified ethnicity in Africa, post-colonial governments used it differently, with varying effects on institutional design and state-building. In concert with other constitutional provisions, Ghana’s Article 55 of 1992 Constitution has curtailed extreme ethnic politics through the limit it places on ethnicity in party politics. Whilst outlawing ethnicity in politics, the constitution provides other depoliticised outlets for expressing diversity, especially through decentralisation and legitimisation of chieftaincy institutions. Despite these safeguarding provisions, the Asantes and Ewes have consistently taken entrenched political positions since 1992, and this article explicates some of the drivers using longitudinal election results. It draws on institutional design complexities in multi-ethnic societies in Africa to propose lessons and convey implications for Ghana’s Fourth Republic Constitution.

새로운 통일 담론을 위한 공화주의적 모색

본 논문은 전통적 통일 담론의 한계 극복을 위한 방안으로 공화주의적 모색을 시도한다. 공화주의는 자유로운 시민들의 적극적 참여를 담보로 하는 정치사상으로 그 추동력이 애국에서 나옴을 강조한다. 이렇듯 비지배 자유와 애국주의로 대변되는 공화주의는 전통적 통일 담론인 민족주의와 신자유주의(통일 편익)의 한계를 극복해 통일의식 고취에 기여할 수 있다. 또한 최근 활발히 연구되는 보편 담론의 근본적 한계에 대한 대안이 될 수 있다. 해방 직후 군부는 독재를 정당화하기 위해 분단을 악용했다. 오늘날 자본의 지배를 내면화한 한민족이란 이름의 대중사회가 출현한 배경에는 이러한 역사적 배경이 있다. ‘화평(和平)’의 가치를 실현하는 공화주의는 다원적·인문주의적 사상체계다. 공화주의의 이 같은 특징은 대한민국 사회의 대중을 통일을 위해 노력하는 공화국의 공민으로 재탄생시키는 밑거름이다.

근대 중국의 대중집회와 國民大會, 1901-1919

This study examined how the national assembly(guomindahui) formed in modern China from the viewpoint of development of mass rally. The national assembly is the mass rally where people participated as the nation and developed the public opinion for national issues while the political participation of the people was not institutionally secured. The organizer exercised pressure on the government’s political decisions by announcing the resolutions of the rally inside and outside the country.<BR> The mass rally in modern China began from the regional national assembly of the all circles coalition(gejielianhe) at the end of the Qing Dynasty and developed into a nationwide national assembly through the save-the-nation movement of the students who studied in Japan. The national assembly encouraged the nation’s political involvement during the May 4th Movement and was asserted as a major method for resolving domestic and diplomatic problems. The absence of the republic Constitution and National Assembly continued, and the national assembly was reorganized when important national issues broke out.<BR> This study confirmed that the regional national assembly at the end of the Qing Dynasty climaxed in 1910 and developed into the nationwide national assembly in 1919, thereby supporting senior scholastic view which considers the Chinese Revolution and the May 4th Movement as two stages of the consecutive republican revolution.