Memorial Day Research Articles

A Review of Memorial Days for Yunus Emre from National to Local Memory

Yunus Emre, yazılı ve sözel kültürde ürettiği eserleri ve dünya görüşüyle yaşadığı 13. yüzyıldan günümüze ulaşabilmiş ender şahsiyetlerdendir. Gerek eserleri gerekse hakkında anlatılan menkıbeleriyle Türk kültüründe Yunus Emre belleğinden söz edilebilir. Mezar yerlerinin bulunduğu illerde ise, ulusaldan yerele dönüşen bir belleğin varlığından bahsetmek mümkündür. Çalışma, Yunus Emre gibi zirve bir şahsiyetin yazılı ve sözlü kültürün yanı sıra toplumsal uygulamalarla da kültürel bellek aktarımının yapılabildiğini göstermesi açısından önemlidir. Bu çalışmada Yunus Emre’ye ait mezar yerlerindeki anma günü etkinliklerinin Yunus Emre kültürel belleğinin yaşatılmasındaki rolü incelenmiştir. Anma günü etkinliklerine zaman, hikâye, mekân, yemek, ekonomi ve inanç unsurları açısından yapılan bu değerlendirmeyle Yunus Emre’ye ait kültürel belleğin yaşatılmasındaki dinamiklerden birinin çeşitli yönleriyle ortaya konulması amaçlanmıştır. Türkiye’nin pek çok yerinde mezarı bulunan Yunus Emre’nin; Eskişehir, Karaman ve Manisa illerindeki anma günleri, devamlı yapılmaları dikkate alınarak bu üç ille sınırlandırılmıştır. Bu değerlendirmenin sonucunda anma günü etkinliklerinde yer alan çeşitli uygulamaların Yunus Emre kültürel belleğinin yaşatılması ve kuşaktan kuşağa aktarılmasında önemli işlevlerinin olduğu ortaya konulmuştur.

Remembering a Date in the History of the Indian Subcontinent

In light of the seventy-fifth year of India’s independence from colonial rule and the Indian government’s announcement that 14 August will be commemorated as ‘Partition Horrors Remembrance Day’, this article connects the histories of the three nations in the Indian subcontinent: India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Using inputs from archives and oral testimonies, this article will revisit the important date of 15 August 1947, to preserve the multiple meanings of the day as portrayed in official and public memories.

Своеобразие двенадцати явлений архангела Михаила по коптскому преданию

The aim of this article is to analyze a passage from a Coptic text about Archangel Michael and the Penitent thief, which recounts the twelve days of the year associated with the archangel’s participation in certain events. The classification of his apparitions allows us to divide them into three groups: ones of the Old Testament, of the New Testament and non-biblical. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the comparative analysis of the event described in the Coptic text and the account of it in the Bible or in Coptic sources. The notes from the Copto-Arab Synaxarium have been also studied in terms of the coincidence/incidence of information about Archangel Michael on the marked day. Such a study has not been carried out so far. As a result, it has been proven that, firstly, the author most freely transmitted the Old Testament plots making certain changes in them. Secondly, the days of remembrance according to the Coptic text under study did not become official and their local nature can be assumed. Finally, the author of this Coptic text did not mention such an important subject as the victory of Archangel Michael over Satan, which may be due to his rejection of the veracity of this story.

Trans visibility and trans viability: a Roundtable

This Roundtable is crafted from the online event held on Saturday 20 November 2021 on Trans Visual Cultures. That event was organized to celebrate the recently published themed issue of Journal of Visual Culture on new work in transgender art and visual cultures, guest edited by Cyle Metzger and Kirstin Ringelberg, and suggested for the journal by Jill H Casid. The themed issue emerged from a session run at the College Art Association in New York, 2018, programmed by Metzger and Ringelberg. For the event in November 2021, some of the contributors to the journal’s themed issue (Kara Carmack, Sascha Crasnow, Stamatina Gregory, Cyle Metzger and Kirstin Ringelberg) were joined by interlocutor Jill Casid, and respondent Jack Halberstam to share their thoughts on trans visual culture/s now, and to consider what it is to write trans visual culture, as well as to live in relation to transness. The event happened to fall on Transgender Day of Remembrance. Given the fraught or ambivalent feelings that many have about such a day, the event was also taken as an occasion to talk about ways of untethering trans visibility from what is lethal to trans viability. After the event, the organizers solicited a few additional reflections on concerns that emerged – in particular around matters of the visual, trans visibility, and lived experience. These are brought together to act as a refractive prism for what happens when we center thinking seriously with the implications and potentials of trans art and visual culture for trans hopes and fears, kinship and community, lives and loves. The publication of this Roundtable takes the themed issue as a crucial springboard for critical, transversal trans* imaginings of the variant worlds to be unfolded by undoing the lock of the gender binary and its settler colonial and white supremacist violences, and to further the demand that thinking with trans alters substantially the ways we approach the visual.

Intersecting near-real time fluvial and pluvial inundation estimates with sociodemographic vulnerability to quantify a household flood impact index

Abstract. Increased interest in combining compound flood hazards and social vulnerability has driven recent advances in flood impact mapping. However, current methods to estimate event-specific compound flooding at the household level require high-performance computing resources frequently not available to local stakeholders. Government and non-governmental agencies currently lack the methods to repeatedly and rapidly create flood impact maps that incorporate the local variability in both hazards and social vulnerability. We address this gap by developing a methodology to estimate a flood impact index at the household level in near-real time, utilizing high-resolution elevation data to approximate event-specific inundation from both pluvial and fluvial sources in conjunction with a social vulnerability index. Our analysis uses the 2015 Memorial Day flood in Austin, Texas, as a case study and proof of concept for our methodology. We show that 37 % of the census block groups in the study area experience flooding from only pluvial sources and are not identified in local or national flood hazard maps as being at risk. Furthermore, averaging hazard estimates to cartographic boundaries masks household variability, with 60 % of the census block groups in the study area having a coefficient of variation around the mean flood depth exceeding 50 %. Comparing our pluvial flooding estimates to a 2D physics-based model, we classify household impact accurately for 92 % of households. Our methodology can be used as a tool to create household compound flood impact maps to provide computationally efficient information to local stakeholders.

BUYUK G‘ALABA YО‘LIDA О‘ZBEKISTONLIKLARNING FRONT ORTIDAGI MATONATI

"This article describes how our people showed heroism not only in the fight against fascism but also selflessly worked behind the front and provided the front with the necessary supplies. After all, the victory over fascism was a triumph of the Uzbeks, among all the peoples who participated in the fight against fascism. In a word, our people during the war made a significant contribution to strengthening the front. In the article, an attempt was made to carefully analyze these problems precisely. Keywords: front, behind the front, evacuation, V.P. Chkalov Aviation Plant, military vehicle, Rostselmash factory, division, regiment, western front, parcel, defense fund, military squadron, military equipment, emergency, fascism, years of war May 9 is a day of memory and honors, peace, good, evil, higher echelons."

Influence Without Impeachment: How the Impeach Earl Warren Movement Began, Faltered, But Avoided Irrelevance

Influence Without Impeachment: How the Impeach Earl Warren Movement Began, Faltered, But Avoided Irrelevance Brett Bethune (bio) Introduction As visitors filed into the Indianapolis Speedway on Memorial Day in 1965, they were greeted by a massive billboard declaring, “Save Our Republic! Impeach Earl Warren.”1 Earlier that year, just outside the city of Selma, Alabama, observers and participants in the historic civil rights march that took place there were confronted by a similar billboard calling for the impeachment of the Chief Justice of the United States. Both billboards displayed the name of the group responsible for their conspicuous placement: the John Birch Society.2 By 1966, there were hundreds of similar signs placed on streets, roads, and highways all across the nation. While not every billboard, sign, or pamphlet bore the name of the group, it was clear that the campaign to impeach Earl Warren was a project driven by the John Birch Society.3 Despite being one of the most prominent, well-funded campaigns ever to advocate for the impeachment of a Supreme Court justice, there has been little scholarship—legal or otherwise—examining the Impeach Earl Warren movement. Although Warren was never impeached, it is a mistake to treat the movement as nothing more than an interesting yet inconsequential chapter in the history of public criticisms of the Supreme Court. As this article argues, lots of people, including members of Congress and news reporters, misunderstood critical aspects of the Impeach Earl Warren movement, which led many to dismiss it.4 However, a clearer understanding of the movement helps better evaluate both its impact and its historical significance. This article examines three lesser known aspects of the Impeach Earl Warren movement. First, although the John Birch Society can most readily be identified [End Page 142] with anti-Communism, the group’s campaign to impeach Chief Justice Warren originates in the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education. Second, the John Birch Society’s leadership and tactics significantly impeded widespread acceptance of the Impeach Earl Warren movement into the mainstream conservative movement, despite a shared opposition to Brown, and may even have been counterproductive. Finally, what the John Birch Society sought to accomplish with its campaign to impeach Warren was more complicated and nuanced than simply removing the Chief Justice from the Court. I A. Robert Welch and the John Birch Society The John Birch Society persists as an organization with a stated mission to support the Constitution and bring about “less government, more responsibility, and—with God’s help—a better world.”5 The group is headquartered in Appleton, Wisconsin, hometown of former Senator and anti-Communist zealot Joe McCarthy. It offers a variety of membership packages that connect members to local chapters through field coordinators. However, the group remains secretive about how many local chapters exist and refuses to divulge membership size of the organization. Despite its persistence as an organization, it is hardly controversial to say that the group’s most recognizable characteristic is its connection to the anti-Communist movement of the 1960s, which flourished around the time the group was founded by Robert Welch. On December 1, 1899, Robert Welch was born on a farm in Chowan County, North Carolina. After graduating from the University of North Carolina, Welch attended the U.S. Naval Academy and Harvard Law School, but he graduated from neither. While it is clear that Welch’s foray into the legal field did not end with a degree, it is less certain whether Welch’s departure from Harvard Law School without graduating was a choice of his own or the result of poor performance. According to the current John Birch Society website, Welch left HLS because “he had had enough of the school and Marxist Professor (and later Supreme Court Justice) Felix Frankfurter.”6 Indeed, Welch later told his biographer that when he took Frankfurter’s labor law class he found the professor was overly sympathetic toward labor and progressive tendencies.7 However, there are reasons to doubt that Welch left HLS on his own volition. First, the only evidence that Welch left Harvard because of his frustration with Frankfurter’s ideology comes from the John Birch Society...

영화 속의 역사, 역사 속의 영화:

This article attempts to examine a French documentary film directed by Alain Resnais in 1956, Night and Fog, and especially the historical context in which it was produced and accepted. The film was a typical historical movie in that it dealt the Nazi concentration camps in the 1930s and 1940s and showed the holocaust in World War II, and that it conveyed their history to the younger generations: it has been released on the TV public channels or for the secondary education in France for decades. And the film was born in the midst of growing memories of the deportation by enacting national memorial day of the deportation, establishing a memorial of the martyrs of the deportation, and publishing a collection of the deportation survivors’ testimonies. A rumor that this film was out of the nomination for the Cannes International Film Festival under the pressure of the West German Embassy gave rise to a great dispute and anger in French society in April 1956, thereby showing that the anti-German sentiment was still strong among the French. But the censorship taking issue with a scene that revealed the kepi of a French gendarme who guarded the camp at Pithiviers, was not highlighted by the press, thereby signifying that memories of ‘the collaboration by the Vichy regime’ were still suppressed. Since the 1980s when all the other memories were overwhelmed by memories of the holocaust, the film came to the fore as a pioneering holocaust movie. Although its title, “Night and Fog” implied the suppression of Resistance rather than the holocaust, and even the word “jew” hardly appeared in its narration, it can fall within the category of the holocaust film because it properly preserved and conveyed the essential images of the holocaust. (Dongduk Women’s University / greve@hanmail.net)

Ethnomathematics in Javanese Death Commemoration

In Java, there is a tradition called death commemoration. In Javanese society, death commemoration consists of geblag (commemoration afther funeral), commemoration at 3rd day of the death, 40th day of the death, 100th day of the death, 1 year, 2 years, and 1000th day of the death. This was a descriptive research. It used ethnography method. The data was collected by interview, observation, and literature study. The result said that to decide the day and pasaran of death commemoration, it is need to use modulo concept. We used modulo 7 to decide the day, because there are seven days in a week and to decide the pasaran we used modulo 5 because there are five pasarans. It means that death commemoration tradition in Javanese society applied mathematical concept. Then, death commemoration tradition in Javanese is a part of ethnomathematics.

Adapting, Remaking, Re-visioning: Alex Haley’s Roots in a Triangular Relationship with Its Two Television Adaptations

The 1977 television adaptation of Alex Haley’s family saga was an overwhelming (although rather unexpected) success, both in the United States and abroad. The 8-hour miniseries, aired first by the History Channel on Memorial Day 2016, is a new take on the adaptation of Haley’s text, advertised as a remake of the 1977 production. The article refers to the original success of Haley’s text, followed by numerous controversies, and then discusses the appropriation of the story for the 1977 mostly white television audience, to finish up with a discussion of the angle which the 2016 production took, engaging in dialogue with the “iconic” 1977 miniseries.

Do computerized traders follow social norms? Evidence from the holocaust remembrance moment of silence

This paper employs a unique social setting, in which human activity halts during a siren alarm for two minutes to commemorate the Israeli Holocaust Remembrance Day. When the siren sounds, the social norm is to cease all activity and stand still for two minutes. The memorial siren occurs during the trading hours of the stock market, which remains open during the two-minute period. This creates a quasi-natural experiment to examine how computerized traders react when most human activity has ceased. As expected, we document a significant decline in human trading activity during the siren. Remarkably, however, computerized traders decrease their trading activity as well. Moreover, their share as takers does not significantly increase. Our findings suggest that computers alter their trading patterns in sync with humans who are affected by various norms; hence, bias-free computerized trading should not be taken for granted.

Katyn – Golgotha of the East

Poland has experienced two cruel systems. One of them was fascism, symbolized by the German Nazi concentration camps at Auschwitz-Birkenau. The second one was Stalinism, Katyn will remain its symbol forever. For over 50 years, no other issue in Polish-Soviet relations was as concealed as the Katyn massacre. In this essay, I will talk about the genocide in 1940 on 22,000 Poles (soldiers and civilians), investigations in this matter, and the fight for the truth. Everyone knew that any public statement about this crime could have significant consequences, such as dismissal from work or school expulsion. The Katyn genocide was a war crime that was first concealed and then distorted for the longest time. It can be said that it was a crime against the Polish nation.For many years, the press, radio, and television did not talk about it. On April 13, 2020, Polish people celebrated the Katyn Massacre Remembrance Day. In the spring of the year 1940, during two months in and around Katyn (currently in Russia), executioners from the NKVD, ordered by the Soviet authorities, murdered 21,857 prisoners of war with a shot in the back of the head. NKVD-People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs was the interior ministry of the Soviet Union. This enormously evil deed of the Bolsheviks is called the Golgotha of the East. Golgotha is a place near Jerusalem where convicts were executed. Christians believe that Jesus Christ was crucified in this place. Similarly, innocent Polish officers were killed at this place of execution. The name of the crime comes from the village of Katyń near Smolensk, where victims were murdered and buried.

The Motto “I Remember and Demand” and the Challenges of Transmitting the Memory of the Armenian Genocide in the 21st Century

The Pan-Armenian Declaration, adopted on January 29, 2015 at the meeting of the State Commission on Coordination of the events for the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, notes that it “considers the 100th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide an important milestone on the ongoing struggle for historical justice under the motto “I remember and I demand.”” Thus, it was proposed to consider this motto as a short formulation of the policy of memory of Armenians. This raises questions related to the components of this motto and requiring clarification in the context of conveying the memory of the Genocide in the 21st century: Who do I remember? What do I remember? How do I remember? What do I demand? From whom do I demand? How do I demand? The article proposes and justifies the answers to these questions. In particular, on the first issue, it is proposed to compile an electronic database of victims and survivors of the Genocide, their memories, video and audio recordings. The necessity of reformulating the name of the day of commemoration of the victims of the Genocide is substantiated. Answering the question “what do I remember?,” it is proposed to remember also the self-defense battles during the Genocide; the humanitarian assistance of Armenian and foreign benefactors; humanitarian resistance to the perpetrators of the genocide; mutual assistance of family members, relatives, friends; moral victories; the struggle to stay alive. In answer to the question “how do I remember?” talks about the problems of mourning and worthy memory; commemorative processions; the construction of monuments (khachkars); the introduction of the “Park of Memory” culture; forms of using the memory of the Genocide as a means of strengthening the Armenian Diaspora communities; the need to organize exhibitions; highlighting specific people and organizations from the collective image of the victims of the Genocide processions with their portraits; creation of methods of teaching genocide and other problems. In connection with the question “what do I demand?” talks about various manifestations of Armenian demands (land, financial, moral), the question of the need to form a state approach to the problem is raised. Touching upon the question “from whom do I demand?,” the views prevailing in the society (from the world, from Turkey, from the Armenians, etc.) are considered. When discussing the question “how do I demand?” we are talking about the creation of such structures, similar to which were formed in due time to solve analogous problems and successfully passed the exam for decades, and have an experience, knowledge of which will also be useful for Armenians (for example, the “Conference on Jewish material claims against Germany”).

Elite crisis in ancient Russia: the Ryazan princes’ murder in Isady in 1217 and its assessment in Russian historiography

The article is devoted to one of the key events in ancient Russian history at the beginning of the 13th century. On July 20, 1217, on the commemoration day of the holy prophet Elias, the Ryazan princes Gleb and Konstantin Vladimirovich killed six of their closest relatives right during the princely congress in the Isady village. Despite the fact that conspiracies and murders were not uncommon in the Rurik dynasty, this monstrous massacre far surpassed in its scale all previous similar crimes in the history of pre-Mongol Russia. The author considers this event, as well as its assessment in the Russian historical literature.

Un-doing the Vietnam War Legacy: Monumentalizing Second World War Veterans to Legitimize Contemporary US Military Interventions

Arthur C. Danto’s distinction between monuments and memorials proposes a differentiation between two ideologically-determined modes of commemoration, encompassing not just architectural symbols of the past but also all other forms of cultural ‘remembering’, including documentary, literary, and cinematic forms of representation. My discussion will focus on a photographic album significantly entitled The Last Good War and the transhistorical depictions of the war veteran in the film Memorial Day. The purpose of this paper is to underscore the ideological ambivalences at the heart of the American Second World War veteran ‘craze’, which not only paved the way for overriding the post-Vietnam War cultural legacy, but also served to ethically and ideologically legitimize contemporary US military interventions in national (collective) memory.

The Rehabilitation Movement over the 2.28 Incident under KMT Rule (1987-1997): Reexamining the transition from “confrontation” to “reconciliation”

ABSTRACT This article reexamines the turning point from “confrontation” to “reconciliation” in the rehabilitation movement over the 2.28 Incident which began in the late 1980s, with a special focus on the role and accomplishments of Christians without any party affiliation. The initial action to accuse the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and launch a redress campaign against the KMT government was driven by an anti-government movement. Following the establishment of the 228 Peace Day Association in 1987, the “2.28 Justice and Peace Movement” was carried out from 1989. However, the “2.28 Shalom Service” initiated by Su Nan-chou in 1990 opened the initial gate toward reconciliation. The first victims’ family association, the World Alliance for Concerned Citizens and Surviving Victims and Families, was set up by Su together with Lin Tsung-yi. Both played a significant role in transforming the rehabilitation movement from “confrontation” to “reconciliation.” Lastly, Lin’s five requests to President Lee Teng-hui (1. Publish an investigation report, 2. Issue a public apology and compensate families of victims, 3. Build a memorial monument and museum, 4. Establish February 28th as a national memorial day, 5. Establish a foundation) were achieved in the form of government-private sector joint task forces until 1997. As “practical idealists,” Lin and Su devoted their efforts to achieve maximum results. What they chose was dialogue, not confrontation, and they transformed the rehabilitation movement from “confrontation to reconciliation,” from their standpoint of being practical idealists.

Chrononyms in Stratagema Oeconomicum by S.Gubert and in Lifliandskaia Ekonomiia by M.V.Lomonosov (a comparative study)

Stratagema Oeconomicum by S.Gubert (first ed. 1645) is a German-language manual on farming in the historical region of Livonia. This German text, as well as its Russian translation Lifljandskaia Ekonomiia (“Economy of Livonia”) signed by M.Lomonosov (1747), contains numerous calendar dates in the form of proper names (chrononyms). Most of these names refer to religious holidays and Christian saints’ days of remembrance. A comparative study of chrononyms from the two texts approaches issues that were not fully resolved in previous works, namely, revealing the strategies used by the Russian author and identifying the reasons for deviations from the original text. An analysis of the linguistic material shows that in the selection of equivalents for German chrononyms, the Russian translator used both the Orthodox Church calendar and the traditional Slavic almanac. Many significant Christian figure are not represented in the Slavic folk calendar, and this led to cases in which names from the German book were replaced with names indicating different, albeit close, calendar dates. In addition, the days of remembrance of some Christian saints differ in the Western and Eastern traditions, which also caused a number of replacements with shifts in dates. Other factors, e. g. climate of Russia and the use of the Julian calendar, did not have a significant impact on the translation of chrononyms. The main aim of the adaptation carried out by the Russian translator, most likely, was the desire to present calendar milestones and intervals in a form familiar to the Russian reader.

Croatia's protest and exhibition "Jasenovac: The right to remembrance" in the United Nations, on the occasion of the holocaust remembrance day in 2018

"Jasenovac - the Right to Remembrance" was the first exhibition of the Republic of Serbia about Jasenovac in the UN, but also the first one with the topic of Jasenovac after the Second World War and, with 7 tons of equipment and exhibits, the most monumental exhibition in the history of the United Nations. It was held in the UN in New York's East River, from 26 January to 2 February 2018. The director of this exhibition was Professor Gideon Greif, PhD, a world-renowned historian of the Holocaust and an expert for death camps in the Second World War and the Head of the International Expert Group of Historians "GH7 - Stop to Revisionism", while the coordinator of the Serbian-Jewish academic cooperation and all the segments of the exhibition preparation was Ambassador Ljiljana Nikšić, PhD. The exhibition was opened by First Vice-President of the Government of Serbia and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ivica Dačić, in the presence of the children-survivors of Jasenovac and other children camps in the ISC, who spoke for the first time after the Second World War in the United Nations. The Republic of Croatia and the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in its full capacity, through all international organizations and in all possible ways tried to stop the exhibition, also by sending a diplomatic protest to the UN Commission, the State Department, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Israel and the EU. The Republic of Croatia based its protests (unsuccessfully) on the "territorial principle", since Jasenovac is situated in its territory. The United Nations took the side of the Republic of Serbia, accepting its argument that the purpose of the exhibition was the remembrance of the victims of Nazism and fascism, and that it was a matter of preserving the culture of remembrance related to the victims of the death camps in the Second World War, to whom the International Holocaust Remembrance Day is dedicated, taking place in the United Nations every year. The Croatian diplomacy conducted a persistent campaign with the UN Commission, with the condition that "negotiations should be initiated between Belgrade and Zagreb" about the exhibition, and that the Serbian ambassador to Zagreb should "receive the approval" from the relevant bodies in the Republic of Croatia, and only afterwards discuss it in the UN. This was followed by the protest of the Serbian side. The exhibition was the product of the Serbian-Jewish academic project. World agencies such as Reuters, Associated Press, Deutsche Welle, Washington Post and others, reported about the protest of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also wrote in detail about the exhibition and about the camp in Jasenovac, as well as about 57 methods of brutal killing that had been applied in the camp, which placed the exhibition in the focus of the worldwide attention. Immediately after the exhibition opening, on the margins of the OSCE Conference on Combating Anti-Semitism in Rome, the Serbian Minister of Foreign Affairs had a meeting with Pope Francis, but also with the President of the World Jewish Congress, using the occasion to familiarize them with Serbia's attitudes against the initiative of the Republic of Croatia for the canonization of Ustasha vicar and arch-bishop Aloysius Stepinac, and expressing his concern over Neo-Ustashism in Croatia. The exhibition "Jasenovac - the Right to Remembrance" in the UN brought about significant changes in the approach to Jasenovac, and resulted in the first official visit of a president of Israel. In July 2018, Reuven Rivlin was the first President of Israel who visited Belgrade and Zagreb and, on that occasion, also visited the Memorial Complex of Jasenovac and paid respects to the great martyrs of Jasenovac. During his visit to Belgrade, together with President of Serbia Aleksandar Vučić, he unveiled the plaque with the name of the street dedicated to the founder of modern Zionism, Theodor Herzl, whose father and grandfather were born in Zemun. Moreover, the result of the exhibition was also the Appeal of the World Jewish Congress to Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković to adopt the Law on the Prohibition of the Use of Ustasha Greeting "Ready for the Homeland" and to remove the memorial plaque of the Croatian Defence Forces with the engraved inscription "Ready for the Homeland" from Jasenovac.

ТРАДИЦИОННЫЕ ЦЕННОСТИ И СОВРЕМЕННЫЕ РОССИЙСКИЕ ПРАЗДНИКИ: ПУБЛИЧНЫЕ ПРАКТИКИ И НАРРАТИВЫ

The article is devoted to the political usage of modern Russian commemoration days and public holidays associated with traditional values. In particular, the article discusses the Day of Christianization of Kievan Rus, the Day of Slavic culture and writing, the Day of family, love and fidelity, Father's Day and Mother's Day. The need to expand the holiday calendar and the existence of holidays with "Russian roots", which would be dedicated to the preservation of culture and historical heritage, was announced at the beginning of the third presidential term of V.V. Putin. The article shows that the political regime pays more attention to commemorative days, which are already based on a historical narrative. Festive events and practices become the subject of construction by non-state and public actors (the Russian Orthodox Church, foundations, NGOs), and regional administrations. Memorable days and holidays are important for actors whose public actions are associated with the support of the state in difficult times.

"ЭТО БЫЛ (НЕ)ПРАВИЛЬНЫЙ ОБЫЧАЙ": РИТУАЛ ПОДНЯТИЯ ЛЕВОЙ РУКИ В ТАНАТОЛОГИЧЕСКОМ ДИСКУРСЕ ЧЕРКЕСОВ ДИАСПОРЫ

The custom of raising the left hand has been preserved until recently in the thanatological practices of one of the Circassian diaspora communities in Turkey (Uzunyayla – Kayseri). According to the stereotypical narrative descriptions of the ritual, one of the groups arriving at the funeral slowly steps forward, taking three steps from the left foot, and slowly raises the left wrist to the level of the chin, temple, or crown. By raising his hand, the condolent publicly expresses the recognition of the social status of the deceased. According to informants, in the late 1980s, the custom was eradicated under the pressure from the Islamic clergy. Those who opposed its cessation understood this custom as a sacred one ‘brought from the ancestral homeland’ and bequeathed by Zhabagi Kazanoko (the folkloric and historical hero, philosopher, humanist and reformer of the 18th century). The idea of “reviving” the ritual was initiated during the pandemic, when mass gatherings and physical contacts (handshakes and embraces, which are common in ordinary funeral practices) were prohibited. In particular, in relation to the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Caucasian War (celebrated by the Circassian community annually on May 21), it was proposed to hold an online campaign for posting photos with a raised left hand. The explicit and hidden strategies of actualizing the ritual of raising the left hand as “our own”, “the primordial” and ‘undeservedly forgotten one’ are analyzed in this work on the material of the texts of classical folklore (heroic legends) and memoranda recorded by the author during fieldwork, as well as posts on the social media. The main aim of the research is to show how the bearers of the tradition reproduce (verbally and visually) the stable and changeable structures of a narrative / a ritual under the influence of certain ideological dominants.