Religious Actors Research Articles

Conservative Christianity, Anti-Vaccination Activism, and the Challenge to Secularism in Singapore

Abstract A culture war has been brewing in Singapore since 2009 when a conservative Christian group conducted a reverse takeover of a feminist civil society organization and was subsequently expelled from the organization in a publicized meeting between the two groups. Since then, the state has mediated the contestation of values between religious conservatives and liberal groups allied around issues of gender and sexuality. The culture war between the two sides has revolved around creative protests that have evaded state prohibitions against public contestations over what is legally considered private beliefs and affairs. They involve innovative hybridizations of American discourses on values and rights mixed with Asian emphases on family traditions and sentiments. The COVID-19 pandemic has, however, laid bare the adaptation of the American culture war into the Singaporean public sphere. This article looks at and analyzes COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among conservative Christians in Singapore and their incorporation of anti-vaccination views from American Christian nationalism into secular framings, invoking legal rights and responsibilities aligned with the state’s nationalist discourse. I argue that this represents a new phase of contestation by conservatives, refashioning their religious views into secular frames of public good and morality serving the secular nation. By doing so, they implicitly challenge the state’s regulation of religion as private interests and beliefs. This altered religious activism has shifted the terms of secularism and loosened the hegemony of the state in defining these terms.

‘Freedom within the framework’? The everyday politics of religion, state repression and migration in Vietnam’s borderlands and beyond

ABSTRACT How do peripheral, ‘voiceless’ people engage with politics in authoritarian contexts where formal politics is not a viable option? This article demonstrates the value of applying an everyday politics perspective to grassroots religious activity and mobilities, by providing an in-depth case study of a recently Christianised ethnic minority group based in Vietnam’s politically sensitive borderlands. In the face of religious persecution and social conflict sponsored by an overbearing state, hundreds of thousands of ordinary ethnic Hmong Protestants subtly resist, evade and/or support religious policies through mundane, everyday behaviour which have unintended geopolitical consequences, collectively undermine state legitimacy and can be credited with substantial policy changes over time. Based on rich qualitative data, I argue that a careful investigation of everyday spaces as sites of political contestation not only highlights the agency of non-elite religious actors but can also reveal insights about the nature of the ‘top-down’ forces they engage with.

Anti-Abortion Discourse in Canada after the Overturning of Roe v. Wade

This study investigates the current (November 2023) discourse of anti-abortion activists in Canada to see if the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022 has changed the prevalent themes. A literature review was conducted, and four key themes were inductively derived: Fetal-Personhood Framing, Pro-Women Framing, Religious Downplaying and Legal-Based Arguments. Upon further thematic analysis of six protest sites (July 2022 – November 2023) in Canada, there appeared to be five key themes: Fetal Personhood Framing, Pro-Women Framing, Legal-Based Arguments, Religion-Based Framing and Ascribing Negative Emotions to Women with Abortions. This differed from the findings of Lowe and Page’s 2019 study which found the downplaying of religion to be a key theme. The literature stressed finding Pro-Women Framing in discourses but in this analysis, multiple instances of Ascribing Negative Emotions to Women who had Abortions appeared. As was expected, more arguments seemed to be backed by the overturning of Roe v. Wade, as shown by the observation of Legal Based Arguments in protests. This analysis suggests that the reversal of Roe v. Wade has emboldened religious activists by giving them legal backing to no longer downplay religious motivations as their beliefs have been rationalised by law. This can be backed by the lack of Religious Downplaying but relatively frequent Religion-Based Framing and Legal-Based Arguments. Additionally, a minority of signs seemed to be anti-woman which perhaps suggests that the reversal of Roe v. Wade has encouraged activists to vocalise their traditional views more.

New Religious Movements in Iran: Determinants of Toleration and Repression by the State

ABSTRACT: New religious movement activism can be perceived as a threat to mainstream order, sometimes resulting in repression by the state. New religions have become popular in Iran, a nation ruled by an absolute theocracy since 1979, yet the state appears to have tolerated the majority of new religious movements while repressing others. Through a comparative examination of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s varying responses to the presence and activities of such movements, I present a model in which state repression is predicated on a movement’s strength as measured by its access to resources vis-à-vis resource mobilization theory. Three characteristics—membership size, expansive geographical presence, and cultural proximity to the mainstream—seem to be the factors that differentiate repressed movements from tolerated ones. In addition, the comparison reveals that protests against state repression of a given movement reduce the severity of the state’s actions against it.

Becoming a legitimate actor: “Rainbow pastors” and same-sex marriage within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland

This article explores the public discussion in the media where a group of religious activists who call themselves rainbow pastors are constructed as a legitimate actor in terms of the same-sex marriage debate within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland (ELCF). Same-sex marriage was legalized in Finland in March 2017. The majority of the population and members of the ELCF support same-sex couples’ right to marry. However, it is not officially approved within the ELCF, which causes polarization. This study draws on a neo-institutionalist framework of epistemic governance to identify the discursive representations and justifications presented in the media. The activists aimed to convince the church decision-makers and general public of the need for institutional change regarding the religious understanding of marriage while the media pushed its own agenda. The data for this study consist of news articles in which the issue of the ELCF and same-sex marriage was discussed. Four discursive representations were identified: contesting the authority of the ELCF, creating heroic narratives, drawing on common moral principles, and normalizing same-sex marriage. The findings show that the debate also turned into a battle over authority, in which the rainbow pastors challenged the official power structures of the ELCF.

The First Latin Translation of Li 礼 from the Analects of Confucius: Roman Virtues or Religious Acts?

This article centers around the early translation of the term Li 礼 in the Analects of Confucius (论语). This Latin translation shows that the interpretation of the Confucian term Li 礼 mostly did not include any religious meaning. This article also centers on the personal formation of the Jesuits of that time. Taking Michele Ruggieri as reference, this article details how studies based on the Latin Classics (especially Cicero) provided them with a reference to interpret this term as unrelated to religious worship. When the Jesuits arrived in China, at the end of the Ming dynasty, strong emphasis was given to the proper etiquette towards state officials. This in turn derived from the situation in the imperial court. In this historical environment, the Confucian rites (Li 礼) were interpreted as “good manners”. This article also presents briefly the question of whether for Christians, Li 礼 as a proper social behavior inspired by a particular cultural tradition has any connection with or can be a problem for the rituals of the Christian tradition instituted by Jesus as vehicles of divine grace.

Religion as a tool for authoritarian legitimation: The case of Bangladesh

AbstractIn recent decades, the relationships between religion and politics, particularly between religion and the state, have been widely discussed, yet relationships between authoritarian rulers and religion have not received their due attention. This fourth article in the 2024 World Affairs special issue addresses this lacuna and argues against the conventional wisdom that these two entities are always hostile to each other. The study contends that authoritarian rulers have used three strategies vis‐à‐vis religion as an ideology and religious actors as a political force. Autocrats have adopted repression and cooptation strategies to deal with religious actors and utilized religion as a tool of legitimation. The article offers a case study of Bangladesh which has witnessed the growing salience of religion in politics since 1976, although its 1972 constitution pledged secularism as a state principle. The article examines the strategies used during three phases of military and civilian authoritarianism—1976–1981, 1982–1990, and since 2011—and discusses the relationship between the authoritarian rulers and religion.

Explaining the distinction between religious and political activism in Islamism: evidence from the Tunisian case

AbstractTunisia's Islamist movement Ennahda has announced a separation of political and religious work, apparently reinforcing a “post-Islamist” argument that Islamic parties have left behind religious mobilization. However, the boundary between religious and political fields is highly porous. We ask why the distinction between religious and political activism remains a point of ambiguity within Islamism. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 48 men and women who participated in the movement in the 1970s and 1980s in Tunis and Sousse, we develop a microlevel explanation of Islamist mobilization. We argue that religious and social Islamist activism is replete with political intent, which worked through three mechanisms: a counter-hegemonic ideology, an activist engagement in social transformation, and a formal organization. These findings add empirical insights to the case of Ennahda, provide leverage in explaining the politicization of Salafist movements, and underscore the legacy of asymmetric party capacities in shaping outcomes in a democratic transition.

The “Spirit” of New Atheism and Religious Activism in the Post-9/11 God Debate

AbstractIn this article I examine the contemporary discourses and debates that surround the sociology of spirituality, with especial attention to the term “spirituality”. To counter the widespread belief that this term lacks clarity and utility, I suggest reconsidering Max Weber’s use of the term “spirit,” as it refers to a recognisable ethic that results in specific behaviour, while still retaining its religious and spiritual connotations. Through focusing on two influential English figures in the post 9/11 God debate in the West, Richard Dawkins and Karen Armstrong, I provide a brief case study of how Weber’s understanding of “spirit” serves great utility in illuminating what drives the ideas, identity-making and behaviour of contemporary atheists and those defending religion. By utilising Weber’s “spirit,” rather than the term spirituality, I demonstrate that this enables us to dig deep into the social context and backgrounds of these two individuals, and to avoid taking their statements at face value – a common criticism of sociology of spirituality studies. I argue that the use of “spirit,” in terms of a recognisable ethic that results in specific behaviour, would benefit the sociology of spirituality. This is because it grounds the God debaters’ ideas and beliefs in a recognisable human experience that eludes reductive distinctions and disembodied abstractions.

All Roads Lead to Rome? Pope Pius XII and Non-Confessional Internationalism During and After the Second World War (1944–1948)

Religion is the great absentee in the history of internationalism. Earlier studies have begun to highlight the critical role played by religious internationalism in the making of the modern world, but the relations between non-confessional internationalism and religious actors have, to date, been completely overlooked. This article explores the relationship between non-confessional internationalism and Catholicism, with the intention of enriching both the history of internationalism and that of Catholicism in the twentieth century. Specifically, it focuses on the relationship between a number of non-confessional internationalist actors – from the Paneuropean Union and other world and European federalist movements to war refugees – and Pope Pius XII, between 1944 and 1948. Based on the recently opened Vatican archives, the following pages address three fundamental issues: (1) What did the Pope represent in the internationalist imagination? (2) Why did non-confessional internationalists seek contact with him? (3) How did the Pope respond to the requests for support that he received? As a whole, the requests for support examined in this paper clearly show the centrality of Pius XII in the imagination – and strategies – of non-confessional internationalism in the 1940s, including popular internationalism. Between 1944 and 1948, all roads really seemed to lead to Rome.

Restoring that which has never been: Hmong millenarianism and the reinvention of tradition

AbstractWhile change and flexibility in ritual practices and traditions have been in some sense constitutive elements of Hmong religion, the religious landscape of the contemporary Hmong diaspora is marked by dramatic changes of an altogether new scale. These include the proliferation of a wide range of competing millenarian movements. Leaders of these movements vie for recognition by casting traditional Hmong ritual practice in a way that allows them to convey their ritual innovations as more authentic than traditional religious forms, underwritten by a genuine mandate of heaven. This requires religious activists to decouple the indexical relationship between traditional ritual and its objects (ancestors and a prosperous future) in order to forge new semiotic relationships between new ritual canons, orthographies, and the future of Hmong society. Hmong millenarian activism challenges conventional notions of ‘conversion’ and ‘proselytizing’, both because the intended audience is limited to fellow Hmong, and because the suasive practices in which these activists engage are actively trying to rework semiotic connections within a broadly shared Hmong matrix of meaning.

Religious suasion: introduction to the special issue

AbstractIn this introduction, we outline a comparative tool for studying communicative ideologies and practices, which we call ‘religious suasion’. Developing a conversation about religious forms of ‘suasion’ is important because it provides a vocabulary for comparing parallel practices of religious influence across different religious communities, allowing for more nuanced understandings of what might commonly – and negatively – be termed ‘proselytizing’. The proposed analytical frame is not concerned with how the ‘convert’ might experience religious change, nor with how social and religious change unfolds on a grand scale. Rather, it interrogates and puts into dialogue multiple forms of discursive practice, demonstrations of virtue, and material forms of religion to reach beyond suasive strategies based on formal doctrines about religious propagation that tend to be associated with traditionally evangelistic religious communities, especially with Christianity. Focusing on the rhetorical strategies, religious imaginaries, and ethical evaluations that underpin how religious actors pursue change in others and in and of the world, ‘religious suasion’ contributes to the development of an anthropology of influence.

Korean Christian Missionaries in High‐Risk Countries: Interaction with International Religious Networks and Domestic Response

AbstractWhy do some Christian foreign mission groups dispatch missionaries to some culturally and politically risky states where they face personal risks and political entanglements? Using world polity theory, I argue that local religious groups’ motivations are driven by their involvement in international religious networks, which mobilize missionaries to go to places such as Muslim countries. Based on 30 semistructured interviews with South Korean missionaries and leaders of churches and mission organizations, I illuminate that globally shared discourse of unreached people encouraged missionaries to volunteer to go to high‐risk states. I also suggest that Korean religious actors did not passively accept the influence of the international discourse but also reconstructed the discourse. The study also highlights that a missionary's dual identity as a religious actor and another profession to get a visa in high‐risk countries is bound up with the state's surveillance and potential persecution.

A Pentecostal and charismatic contribution to peace and reconciliation: Case study of Northern Ireland

ABSTRACT Despite the marking of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement (1998), there remains a significant fragility of peace in Northern Irish society today. Recent periods of collapse at Stormont government and high rates of segregation between Catholic and Protestant communities, evidence a need for alternative contributions to peace and reconciliation efforts. A specific focus on the role of religious actors in reconciliation pursuits has often been met with scepticism due to historic religious-political institutional ties. However, challenging the increasing trend of secularism in Northern Ireland has been the growth of Pentecostal and charismatic communities across the region. Thus, a major question is: How can the Pentecostal and charismatic movement contribute positively to peace and reconciliation? This article explores the possibility of adopting a Pentecostal and charismatic approach to peace, forgiveness and reconciliation, utilising the case study of Northern Ireland. Such an analysis is integral to discerning the movement's positive potential for peace and reconciliation work in the pursuit of post-conflict societal transformation.

The Meeting: Ideas for an Architecture of Interreligious Civic Collaboration

Interreligious engagement (IE) has been experienced and theorized mainly as the pursuit of a shared respectful awareness of the beliefs, practices, and social experiences of multiple religious communities. In rare instances, it has been possible to create architecture specifically to foster IE, as in the “tri-faith” Abrahamic campus in Omaha and the Berlin House of One. The theme is: Here we are, accepting that we share the world. Another form of IE that deserves to attract more interest is multireligious collaboration in civic work (addressing homelessness, urban blight, illiteracy, etc.). Some adherents of the intrinsically cosmopolitan “world” religions are actively cosmopolitan to the extent of seeking this engagement. The theme is: Let us share the work of the world, including sharing our religiously inflected processing of what the practical issues facing us are. There is a new initiative of this sort in my city, Jackson, Mississippi, named (from M. L. King) the “Beloved Community”. An architectural thought experiment may prove helpful in articulating the ideals for such an endeavor. What would be the physical desiderata for its headquarters? Let us imagine a new downtown building, The Meeting, dedicated to housing meetings where mixed religious groups learn about civic issues and coordinate efforts to address them. Full interreligious sharing of a space seems to require a neutral design lacking any definite religious inspiration. But there are nonsectarian ways to create an appreciably special, non-ordinary space, as in courtrooms and classrooms. Could a civic IE headquarters be special, expressive of practical optimism, and contain a sufficient religious allusion to qualify as a “next-to-sacred space” in which religious actors felt supported in the civic extension of their religious lives? I offer suggestions for discussion, including (1) a pavilion-style building suggestive of being set up for a special purpose—not soaringly grandiose but with a vertical feature such as a central roof lantern; (2) at least one major porch, with benches and tables; (3) an outside water fountain with public water supply (a historical allusion to the Islamic sabil); (4) inside, right-sized meeting rooms around the glass-walled periphery; (5) a big “living room” lounge in the center, usable for larger meetings, with access to a kitchen, and with a big project board for tracking work completed and work in hand next to a large map of the city; (6) a moderate descent of several steps into each meeting room so that there is a feeling of commitment in attending a meeting and a sense of challenge in going forth from one; (7) otherwise a main floor levelness and openness facilitating movement in and out, as in a train station; and (8) upstairs small offices for religious and other qualifying organizations. Answering the aesthetic and practical questions these suggestions raise takes us into imagining civic IE more concretely.

A Kingdom of Possibility

A Kingdom of Possibility

National Minorities in the Odesa Oblast – Applying the European Model to Ensure Peaceful Coexistence

Abstract The article deals with the situation of national minorities living in the Odesa oblast and in the town of Odesa with the main focus before the Russian war against Ukraine started on 24 of February 2022 but using also the relevant events happened afterwards. It explains what are the historical reasons that made Odesa a region so diverse from the national identity perspective, with a lot of national minorities living here from centuries. Although there are a significant number of studies on the issue of the national minorities in this region, none of them captured, so far, the complex relationship of Ukraine with the kin-states – Romania, Bulgaria and in some extent Turkey. The number of idp s in Ukraine was already high before the war started, with an important impact on the relationship of the Ukrainian majority with the national minorities and it will certainly be much higher after the war. The article takes into account this situation particularly for the Odesa oblast. The article examines how the institutions and the religious actors have influenced this relationship but how the war will shape it remains an open question. The article offers a perspective on the 2017 Ukrainian law in education, how it was applied until 24 of February 2022 and also on the 2022 Law on minorities, in order to find an answer to the question why a new framework for the national minorities in Ukraine after the end of the war is very important.

Young people and religious actors in a globalized world. Introduction

Young people and religious actors in a globalized world. Introduction

Conspirituality and meme culture: transgressive dynamics in right-wing esoteric social media discourse

ABSTRACT The article delves into the processes shaping religion on the Internet, aiming to comprehend how content is created and disseminated online. Focusing on contemporary esotericism, especially conspirituality and right-wing esotericism, the study investigates two key mechanisms: transgressive behavior and the remixing and reframing of media in virtual spaces, especially in the form of memes. The analysis explores how these social and technological factors blur the boundaries between sincere adherence and ironic engagement with specific esoteric traditions. By examining these multifaceted dynamics, we can deepen our understanding of how religious actors operate online and Social Media’s impact on the field. The chosen perspective is part of a trend to expand the field of modern esoteric research beyond the consideration of elite discourses.

The Politics of Faith: Religious Nationalism and Nepal's Democratic Landscape

Religious nationalism is a significant force in politics that has a profound impact on a nation's democratization process. This research focuses on the case of Nepal and aims to explore the historical context of the country to understand the influence of religious identity on democratization. Instead of relying on public opinion surveys, the study employs a qualitative approach, analyzing historical records and case studies. The research examines the role of religious actors in shaping the political landscape and highlights the challenges posed by religious nationalism to democratization. It emphasizes the need for institutional resilience and legislative measures to protect pluralism and inclusivity. The research concludes that religious nationalism emerges as an ideology and an identity-driven political force that will shape the course of Nepal’s democratization, requiring a deep comprehension of its consequences and actions to strengthen the country for the future.