Religion-state Relations Research Articles

Religion as a ‘threat’ and ‘instrument’ in authoritarian regimes: state-religion relations in post-Soviet Azerbaijan

ABSTRACT This article explores contentious state-religion relations in Azerbaijan. In recent years, the Azerbaijani government has adopted new regulations in religious affairs aiming at two goals: on the one hand, the government tries to keep religious groups/individuals under control, prevent the politicisation of the religious environment, and prevent foreign countries from expanding their influence in the country. On the other hand, the government aims to promote a positive image of the state in the international community through hosting and funding interreligious dialogue platforms and highlighting the multicultural environment in Azerbaijan. The study examines the evolution of state-religion relations in the country and highlights that in recent years its political regime has applied more restrictive policies towards independent religious communities in legal and extra-legal forms and simultaneously established institutions and co-opted regime-friendly groups through instrumentalising religion to keep the religious environment under control.

İSLAMIN ALMANİYANIN DÖVLƏT-DİN MÜNASİBƏTLƏRİ SİSTEMİNDƏ YERİ

The Place of Islam in the System of State-Religion Relations in Germany Summary The German government regulates its relationship with Islam within the framework of state-religion relations reflected in the country's Constitution and based on democratic values. However, despite this, only the Christian and Jewish religious communities have the status of officially recognized religious communities in the country. Muslim communities operate in a semi-legal state. In modern times, such issues as regulating the relations between Islam and the state, controlling İslam, and ensuring the integration of Muslims into German society are the necessary issues facing the state in relation to Islam. These important issues are being implemented by the German Islamic Conference (AIC). The article examines the activities of AIC. Key words: Islam, Germany, state-religion relations, German Islamic Conference

A Theocratic Approach To Governance In Ancient Times: Assyrıans

The organized belief systems, temple structures, and religion-state relations that emerged with the Sumerians in ancient Mesopotamia began to undergo Semiticization with the dominance of Semitic societies in the region. Sumerian cultural elements, which underwent Semiticization during the Old Babylonian period, assumed an Assyrian character with the rise of the Assyrian State in the Ancient Near East and its evolution into an imperial structure. The Assyrian society, known for its religious orientation, operated on a religion-based understanding of state organization and the formulation of state policies. It was believed that divine requests and orders influenced various situations, such as kings' legitimacy, heirs' determination, and decisions regarding wars and peace. The land was perceived as belonging to the gods, and the kings were seen as representatives of the gods on earth. This study aims to uncover the theocratic aspects of Assyrian state administration based on information gleaned from cuneiform sources and modern literature.

Inconsistencies and Challenges around 'Secularism' in Nepal

Although Nepal adopted secularism in 2015 as its official state-religion relationship, there are still several inconsistencies and challenges around it including that of freedom of religion or belief. Instead of adopting a gradual marginalization and privatization of religion as per the normative proposition of the secularism, Nepal continues to do the opposite or at times, make a fundamental departure from the notion of secular identity. The preservation and the reaffirmation of presence of religion in public sphere and preferential treatment to Hindu religion at the cost of others continues to create discrimination and pose challenges to implement secularism. These problems do not only seem to remain just non-congruent inconsistencies with the secular identity of the state at the theoretical level alone, but also seem to hinder inter-religious tolerance in practical terms such as right to freely profess, practice and preach religion, thereby impacting the lives of the religious minorities. Against this backdrop, this article examines the key legal-constitutional inconsistencies including state's practices, antagonistic socio-political narratives, and emerging challenges vis-à-vis secularism in Nepal.

Religion, Pluralism, and the Australian State after Same-Sex Marriage

Abstract Since the passing of same-sex marriage legislation in 2017, religious freedom has become a prominent feature of Australian public debate. Overwhelmingly, such debates are conducted within a human rights framework where principles such as individual autonomy and protection from discrimination are prioritized over the communal and associational elements of religious life. This in turn tends to augment the power of the state vis-à-vis religious communities and institutions. In important respects, the dominance of human rights represents a new manifestation of the kind of “liberal-statism”—a public philosophy of liberal individualism that accepts the primacy of the state in the management of cultural and religious diversity—that has been a central feature of Australian religion–state relations over time. After some historical discussion of Australian church–state practice, this article argues for a reconsideration of a largely overlooked approach deriving from the English pluralists of the early twentieth century, which promoted greater degrees of group autonomy in relation to a rapidly growing state. It is argued that this tradition has greater potential in responding to the religious diversity of our time than does the current human rights approach with its tendency to reinforce an individualistic or privatized conception of religion, diminish associational life, and thereby reinforce state power.

The Rise of Public–Private Religious Partnerships: Arguing Church Autonomy in the Era of Public Funding of Religion

Abstract Religion and government, following the influence of Locke and Madison are often considered two different institutions. As such, they function under different sets of rules. We argue that the ‘two institutions’ image and institutional reality are increasingly untenable. Rather, religion and government are intertwined in many democratic countries, including, growingly, in the US, that it would be more accurate to speak of the new norm of governmental–religious hybridity. Advances in data collected regarding religion–state relations, and the accumulation of court decisions in the US bring to the fore a new norm of religious–governmental hybridity. Such hybrid institutions are typically functionally religious associations; however, their funding is sourced in the government to create ‘public private religious partnerships’. If such a re-classification is justified, then norms of public law should apply to such religious associations. This bears substantial implications vis-a-vis central concepts used in political and legal circles regarding religious freedom; furthermore, this reclassification also bears upon an ongoing intellectual debate between scholars such as Chiara Cordelli—advocating democratization of religion, and Michael W. McConnell who advocated an opposing view: a strong version of church autonomy. So, this reclassification bears important implications for both scholarly debates and political issues.

How secular and religiously free are Europe’s “secular” states?

This study uses data from the Religion and State (RAS) project to examine the extent to which 43 European states are, in fact, secular and religiously free. I find that these European states engage in substantial levels of support for religion, regulation, restriction, and control (RRC) of the majority religion, and government-based discrimination (GRD) against religious minorities. This is true of both countries in Europe with official religions and those which declare separation of religion and state (SRAS) in their constitutions. This demonstrates a distinctly European pattern of state-religion relations that is influenced in no small part by anti-religious forms of secularism.

Social implications of the Islamisation of General Zia-ul-Haq for Pakistan

This study aims to understand the context, patterns, and social implications of Islamisation Zia-ul-Haq in Pakistan. After seizing power, Zia started a manic process of Islamisation. One segment of Pakistani society believes that it has positive impacts, while others believe that it has negative consequences for society. This study investigates this disconcerted debate, and its nature is descriptive and explanatory because it tries to examine the queries of what and why. It is based on the literature review of secondary sources and an analysis of primary data. The thematic analysis model is used for the analysis of data. It was found that the patterns of Zia’s policy regarding state-religion relations were opposite to the vision of the founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah. The global, strategic, and socio-political contexts of Islamisation were the impulse behind that process. The consequences of this process are of concern, as it brought about extremism, sectarianism, and terrorism and negatively affected the human rights regime, polity, and education system. It is suggested that the state should stop patronising extremists’ narratives, adopt peaceful, mystical interpretations, separate matters of religion from state politics, and promote progressive interpretations and arrangements for a better future for the country.

The Governance of Religious Diversity

Routledge Handbook on the Governance of Religious Diversity. Edited by Anna Triandafyllidou and Tina Magazzini, London and New York: Routledge, 2021, xix+327pp, $ 52.95, ISBN: 978-0-367-53826-2
 The Routledge Handbook on the Governance of Religious Diversity examines state-religion relations in more than 20 countries across the world. It particularly looks at how these states manage religious diversity. This book discusses that, in ancient times, empires and kingdoms, which were the embodiment of the states, used religion as a tool to control people. In modern times, many countries have become more secularized, hence the role of religion as a tool of control has diminished. States increasingly neglect the role of religion and religious people in society. This book argues that states with secularist ideology still need to pay attention to the role of religion in society.

Muslim Family Law Reform: Understanding the Difference between Muslim-Majority and Muslim-Minority Jurisdictions

Abstract 35 Muslim-majority and 18 Muslim-minority countries formally integrate Muslim Family Laws (mfl s) into their legal systems. Both groups of governments have undertaken legislative reforms to improve the status of women/children under mfl s and strengthen the rule of law within their mfl systems. The existing scholarship does not address whether mfl s are more reformed or human/women’s rights friendlier in Muslim-majority or Muslim-minority countries. Employing an innovative methodological tool, the Muslim Family Law Index, this exploratory article surveys cross-national and historical trends in mfl reform (1946–2016). It shows that although Muslim-minority countries appear to have more “reformed” mfl systems than their Muslim counterparts, a closer analysis reveals that they have prioritized different types of legislative reform. The former favored exit rights, while the latter prioritized substantive reforms. The type and extent of interventions were strongly associated with colonial heritage, state-religion relations, international norm diffusion, women’s activism, and ethnoreligious diversity/tolerance. These findings have implications for studying multicultural theory, human/women’s rights, and democratization in the mfl-applying world.

From separation between state and religion to religion-freeing state: the changing faces of secularism in Turkey

From the very beginning, the establishment of modern Turkey adhered to thesecularisation process, namely to separate the state from religious influence.Although religion has been marginalised, Islam remained a major societal force inTurkey. This scenario raises some questions: What is the idea of Turkish secularism?How can religion possess influence in the context of Turkey as a secular state?What is the form and orientation of secularism in Turkey? Therefore, this studyaims to answer these questions by scrutinising the idea, history, and orientation ofsecularism in Turkey. To fulfil this objective, we scrutinised documents and previousstudies related to Turkish secularism. Then, the idea of Turkish secularism was critically and chronologically analysed from the early time it was implemented upto the present time to assume its orientation. In the early time, Turkish secularismdid not solely separate the state from religion, but perceived that the state shouldcontrol religion as well. Its assertive nature has forced the emergence of a moreliberal version of secularism, which treats the idea of separation between the state and religion according to the notion of democracy, and hence, freed religion from the strict, tutelary state. Secularism in Turkey under the present regime is differentfrom before, as religious (Islamic) manifestation is increasingly visible in publicspaces even though the state remains secular. We argue that the present Turkishsecularism can become a “model” for other Muslim countries that are still dealingwith the conflict regarding the religion-state relationship.

Registration, recognition, and freedom of religion or belief

Abstract Violations of religious freedom resulting from how states arrange their recognition and registration policies continue to escalate around the world. States might seek to regulate the religious activities of their citizens and recognition and registration are convenient tools in this pursuit. Registration is sometimes made mandatory; groups may be barred from accessing it and what they must do to first obtain and then to maintain registered status can be onerous. Such restrictive policies serve to preserve a religious or political hegemony by filtering out religions and beliefs deemed unfavourable and unworthy of recognition. After surveying the ways recognition and registration are misused, this article contends that more definitive international standards are necessary to supersede ambiguous guidelines. Furthermore, this article deliberates over the plausibility that recognition, as a mode of state–religion relations, might still have the potential to facilitate freedom of religion or belief. This relies on whether a state uses recognition to facilitate all religions and beliefs by reducing deep-set favouritism and any administrative hurdles imposed during registration.

Beyond Fixed Political Models of Religion–State Relations

Some of the dominant academic approaches to Muslim politics continue to assume the centrality of Islam on the question religion’s relationship to the state and the possibility of successful democracy in Muslim-majority states. On the one hand, based on findings from large N-surveys, some scholars have argued that most Muslims in many Muslim-majority states desire a political ‘third model’ that is neither secular nor theocratic. Instead, they want democracy and a public role for shari’a and Islam. However, this literature does not fully explain what such a third model would mean for certain individual rights in practice. It also assumes a normative position that tends to favour one or another version of ‘Islamic’ democracy. On the other hand, some other scholars have argued that one or another form of a secular Muslim democracy is possible. Both views assume that the reinterpretation of religious resources is crucial to achieve the desired ends. This ‘reformist Islam approach’ to Muslim politics does not seriously consider the implications of servicing Islam, even in its more reformist forms, for political ends. Through a combination of theoretical and normative arguments and in-depth interviews conducted in the Maldives, this article argues that the plurality of viewpoints and underlying reasonings for those viewpoints among ordinary people suggest the necessity to move ‘beyond Islam’. As such, an alternative discursive democratisation approach that considers this plurality and takes discourses more neutrally without privileging religious discourses can be more capacious. Instead of fixating on a particular model of the religion–state relationship and a particular type of discourse (e.g., reformist Islamic), a discursive democratisation approach points to democratic possibilities and how the religion–politics and religion–state nexuses may be shaped and reshaped through discourse contestations within public spheres in Muslim-majority states such as the Maldives.

Ideological distrust: re-understanding the debate on state ideology, normalization of state-religion relationship, and legal system in Indonesia

This study intends to explain the phenomenon of ideological distrust among Indonesian students, the normalization of state-religion relations, and their evaluation of religious law in the national legal system. This study used primary data obtained from a 6-month online survey. It concludes that ideological distrust among students does not correlate with the political track records and capacity of state actors, instead, it correlates with the evaluation of religious norms that these students adhere to. The improvement in the performance quality of public institutions is not capable to reduce the distrust among students toward the state ideology. Meanwhile, Muslim students deem that the normalization of state-religion relations in Indonesia is necessary since the two are not in a harmonious condition and the current legal system still ignores religious norms.

Religion and State in Central Asia: A Comparative Regional Approach

This article analyzes Islamization process occurred in the five central Asian countries after their separation from Soviet Union in 1991, and ambivalent way in which authoritarian states reacted to this phenomenon to use it for political purposes and, at the same time, controlling its alleged subversive potencial. In this sense, article intends to demostrated that, with its particular nuances in each case, religion-State relationship after 1991 has been determinated by a triple contradiction between, first, the growing Islamic resurgence at societal level and states interest for using part of that religios simbolic capital to legitimize political regimes and prop up new national identities; second, between states' need to differentiate themselves from their former Soviet identity and their continuity attitude regarding power excersice and religion perception; and third, between states authoritarian nature, interested in excercising strict control over religius sphere, and the emergence of religius activism opposed to intervencionist and repressive governments policies, including the most radical forms of violent radicalism.

Theology and religion-state relations: Theorising on the middle range

The paper is devoted to the problem how a theologian would treat religion-state relations field of research. This field is to describe by middle-range theories in comparison to other levels: philosophy of religion (high-range theories) and social anthropology (low-range theories). The middle range deals with religion as actual social practice involved in a regional culture context. In world cultures, there is a lot of original views on religion and theology, it is difficult to generalize them in a correct way. It would be better to understand theology as optics. This optics is an insider view on religious community and its doctrines, including in-depth knowledge of its traditions, practices and worldview. A theologian analyzes correlation between religious reality and normative rules of a tradition as well as seeks to point out probable traits and changes of religion in the future. The optics of theology towards religion-state relations comprises several hermeneutical methods applied to reconstruct meaning of key religious concepts or to compare present-day opinions with heritage of tradition. This focus contributes to understanding of religion as social, historical and political reality. Nevertheless, the optics of theology does not exclude methods of religious studies or philosophy of religion when necessary.

Personal Law and Colonial Legacy: State-Religion Relations and the Practise of Islam in Myanmar

Personal Law and Colonial Legacy: State-Religion Relations and the Practise of Islam in Myanmar

A Comparison of the State-Favored Religions in Turkey and Hungary

Is it possible to establish a radical separation between religion and politics in constitutionally secular states? Is religion a private or political matter? In many countries, religious people are becoming activists, involving politics, trying to change the policies based on their beliefs or get a share of the state power. Their claims sometimes fall within the democratic structure of the country, and sometimes outside of it. This paper provides insight into the relation between state and religion by focusing on the religious politics of two countries, Turkey and Hungary This study is, in essence, a crossregional and cross-religious comparative study, presenting the very first comparison of the state-religion relationships in the two countries. Ninian Smart’s concept of dimensions of religion will be used as a framework to extract a pattern for each country. These dimensions exist in social systems and reflect the cultural and social milieu in which people socialize and build their own beliefs. Our goal is to present and prove that the religious features of Turkey and Hungary are comparable and show similarities along each dimension of Smart. Exploratory qualitative analysis will be employed to collect and analyze qualitative data in order to generate new concepts and generalizations. The data will be collected from open sources, such as newspapers, statistics, and survey results in Hungary and Turkey, to find the answer to the research questions. The main results of our comparative analysis are, first, evidence for substantial similarities regarding the presence of religion in the public sphere in each Smartian dimension, although in countries that are very different in terms of religion. Second, our systematic and structured analysis provides a strong and impartial invitation for further comparative research from both qualitative and quantitative perspectives. This study is going to provide data collected from open sources such as newspapers, statistics, survey results in Hungary and Turkey, in order to find the reply to these questions.

The Politics of Islam: The Muslim Brothers and the State in the Arab Gulf

The Politics of Islam: The Muslim Brothers and the State in the Arab Gulf

Mapping Hate Speech on Social Media: Religion-State Relations in Indonesia

The presence of the development of communication and information technology has also resulted in changes in all dimensions of human life, including of social interaction that have turned into digital interactions. Social media has also become a public sphere for people to express all expressions, opinions, ideas and feelings, including conveying hate speech. In Indonesia, there are many forms of hate speech, one of which leads to issues of racism, religious and state sentiment. This study tries to map the issue of hate speech that has relations between religion and the state on social media. This study is a descriptive qualitative study by taking data from Social Media Analysts using a query for hate speech words that have a relationship between religion and the state that are popular in Indonesia, namely the words Kadrun and Cebong. The results show that there are around 52,290 thousand mentions containing words of hate speech using the word kadrun and 25,290 thousand mentions of hate speech using the word cebong with the underlying issues involved. AbstrakHadirnya perkembangan teknologi komunikasi dan informasi turut mengakibatkan adanya perubahan dalam segala dimensi kehidupan manusia termasuk dalam dimensi interaksi sosial yang berubah menjadi interaksi digital. Media sosial pun menjadi ruang baru bagi masyarakat dalam menyampaikan segala ekspresi, pendapat, gagasan serta perasaannya termasuk dalam menyampaikan ujaran yang berisi kebencian. Di Indonesia ada banyak sekali bentuk ujaran kebencian yang salah satunya mengarah pada isu rasisme, sentimen agama dan negara. Penelitian ini coba memetakan isu ujaran kebencian yang memiliki relasi agama dan negara yang ada dimedia sosial. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan mengambil data dari Social Media Analyst menggunakan query kata ujaran kebencian yang memiliki relasi antara agama dan negara yang populer di Indoensia yaitu kata Kadrun dan Cebong. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa terdapat sekitar 52.290 ribu mentions yang berisi kata-kata ujaran kebencian menggunakan kata kadrun dan 25.290 ribu mentions ujaran kebencian menggunakan kata cebong dengan isu-isu yang ikut serta melatar belakanginya.