Regional Security Architecture Research Articles

Understanding ASEAN's Perception and Response to Japan's "Indo-Pacific Strategy"

The ASEAN region is located along Japan's critical maritime lifeline and has maintained close cooperation with Japan in various fields for an extended period, making it a pivotal point for Japan's "Indo-Pacific Strategy". To successfully advance this strategy, Japan has strengthened cooperation with ASEAN and its member states in the economic and maritime security sectors through dual-track diplomacy, seeking ASEAN's recognition and support for the strategy. ASEAN views Japan's policies as beneficial to its development and capable of enhancing its strategic autonomy to some extent. However, the regional order constructed by Japan's "Indo-Pacific Strategy" undermines ASEAN's centrality in the regional security architecture and negatively impacts its amicable relations with China. To preserve its centrality, ASEAN introduced the "ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific", aiming to articulate its vision and stance clearly to maintain its central role in regional affairs. Furthermore, ASEAN employs a hedging strategy amid great power competition to safeguard its interests and actively collaborates with external countries to expand its strategic autonomy.

The Dragon's Overwatch: Chinese Private Security Expansion in Latin America and the Caribbean

This scholarly disquisition furnishes a comprehensive exploration of the burgeoning presence of Chinese private security companies (PSCs) across Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), delving into the strategic repercussions for regional security architectures and national sovereignty imperatives. Employing a meticulous qualitative methodology encompassing a thorough literature review, policy document analysis, and an examination of Chinese-language sources, the research elucidates the salient drivers catalyzing this phenomenon. These precipitating factors span cultural affinities, economic motivations, geopolitical ambitions, and the exigent security challenges besetting Chinese commercial entities operating within the LAC region. The operational modes of Chinese PSCs are subjected to forensic scrutiny, illuminating their diverse service offerings, geographical permeation across the region, and the obstacles they confront. Furthermore, the inquiry contextualizes the issue within the broader geopolitical milieu, accentuating concerns regarding transparency lacunae, regulatory deficiencies, and potential avenues for Chinese intelligence and military machinations, thereby potentially destabilizing the regional equilibrium. Ultimately, the research culminates in a series of substantive policy prescriptions aimed at mitigating risks, fortifying regional stability, and safeguarding national sovereignty through capacity-building initiatives, constructive engagement with Beijing, enhanced transparency mechanisms, and robust regional cooperation frameworks.

Türkiye’s Security Policy in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Constructivist Analysis

Türkiye’s comprehensive, pragmatic, multi-dimensional, and multi-stakeholder strategy towards Africa is commendable for adopting a collaborative approach that aligns well with the region’s needs. This study aims to explore Türkiye’s security relations in Sub-Saharan Africa through a constructivist perspective, focusing on the sub-regions of East Africa, West Africa, and the Sahel Belt. The research employs a qualitative methodology, drawing on official documents, academic literature, reports from international organizations, and discourse analysis to examine Türkiye’s security policy in the region. Türkiye’s security cooperation in Sub-Saharan Africa extends beyond mere military ties, encompassing a holistic strategy that supports regional peace and stability. By enhancing and strengthening these efforts, Türkiye significantly bolsters its standing in Sub-Saharan Africa and contributes to regional security architecture.

Climate change in the Asia-Pacific security architecture – the case of ASEAN

Human-induced climate change will likely cause more intense and frequent cyclones and typhoons, as noted in the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report Climate Change 2021: The Physical Science Basis. Within the Asia-Pacific region, regional security discussions at the leadership level focus on the imminent threats to states and societies of more frequent and intense extreme weather events and sea-level rise as it is the world’s most exposed region. This article examines recent developments and discourse regarding climate change in the Asia-Pacific security architecture using the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as a case study. It finds increasing recognition of climate change and its implications for peace and security within the regional security architecture. Debates over how best to address it to overcome an atomised approach to climate change impacts on peace and security in the region remain unresolved, but recent pronouncements at the leadership level signal an emerging mindset shift in understanding climate change within the regional security discourse. However, the substantive discussions largely take place in hybrid forums, albeit with official recognition in more traditional platforms, which may undermine efforts for an inclusive regional discourse on the climate change impacts on peace and security in ASEAN.

Иран на пути к региональной интеграции: политические и экономические аспекты взаимоотношений с государствами-членами ШОС

The article examines Iran’s relationship with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), analyses the process of establishing cooperation with the member states of this organization, primarily Russia and China, in the field of regional security, as well as the political and economic spheres. The history of Iran’s inclusion in the SCO, the dynamics of cooperation, as well as the impact of this interaction on regional and world politics are explored. The focus is on joint projects, diplomatic, trade and economic relations, as well as potential challenges and prospects for cooperation between Iran and the SCO. The work notes that Iran’s desire for full membership in this organization was reinforced by the confrontation with the leading Western powers led by the United States and fit into the framework of Eastern policy with the prospect of an alliance with Russia and China. It is emphasized that due to opposition to Iran’s desire to strengthen its independence and sovereignty, Western powers prevented its inclusion in the regional or international security architecture. Under these conditions, Iran has intensified its efforts in search of its place in the international security system, relying on the idea of national identity and drawing closer to Russia and China. It is noted that the negative consequences of sanctions, threats of military intervention, cyber warfare and attempts to destabilize the Islamic regime were the main methods of Western policy towards Iran. Based on this, accession to the SCO was considered by the Iranian leadership as the most important task to neutralize Western sanctions and become one of the leaders in the regional security system.

Vietnam-China and the Indo-Pacific

This research paper delves into the intricate relationship between Vietnam and China in the Indo-Pacific region, offering a multifaceted exploration across various dimensions. The study commences with an examination of Vietnam's demographics. The paper proceeds to underscore the growing relevance of the Indo-Pacific for Vietnam, on a strategic perspective. Vietnam's standing in the region is meticulously analysed, taking into account its historical and contemporary positioning amidst evolving regional dynamics. Vietnam's perception of the Indo-Pacific is a pivotal focus, examining its outlook and its strategic priorities within the broader context of regional challenges and opportunities, notably in the South China Sea. The study further delves into the development of Vietnamese South China Sea policy, encompassing territorial disputes and economic interests, culminating in an exploration of Vietnam's grand plan for the South China Sea. A central theme is Vietnam's "THREE NOS" policy, reflecting its judicious and pragmatic approach to regional complexities. The paper delineates Vietnam's efforts to enhance strategic partnerships with major Indo-Pacific powers, including the USA, Australia, India, and Japan, positioning it as an integral player in the regional security architecture. In addition to discussing strategic alliances with powerful nations, the paper offers details on Vietnam-China relations from the 1970s until their postCold War normalisation. In conclusion, the research provides a set of policy recommendations for Vietnam to navigate its complex relationship with China in the Indo-Pacific, emphasizing continued engagement with major powers, strengthening strategic partnerships, and adopting a balanced and pragmatic approach. This comprehensive analysis offers valuable insights into Vietnam's evolving role in the Indo-Pacific and its strategic imperatives.

The peace formula of Volodymyr Zelenskyy before and after the Vilnius NATO summit

Abstract. The Peace Formula put forward by Volodymyr Zelenskyy at the G20 Summit was a response to the challenges caused by the russian-Ukrainian war and the destruction of the existing world order that followed it. Undoubtedly, the Formula stirred great resonance both among diplomatic circles and the entire international environment since the old system of regional and global security was destroyed, and the global world now faced the problem of finding the contours of a new architecture of international security. Therefore, the Formula represented an attempt to simultaneously solve a whole set of different-scale and multi-directional strategic tasks: urgent and long-term, regional and global, etc. The level of priority of those tasks depends not just on the course and outcome of russian-Ukrainian war but also on the challenges and threats that subsequently emerged at the global level of international security. The article describes the conditions and factors that preceded the emergence of the Peace Formula, as well as the process of filling the sessions and content of the document. The author emphasises the Formula’s significance for potential negotiations with russia to end the war and analyses the positions of key geopolitical actors regarding the implementation of the Peace Formula and its role in formulating security guarantees for Ukraine. Other aspects covered in the study include the influence of the decisions of the Vilnius NATO Summit on the fulfilment of the items of the Peace Formula, the prospects of security guarantees for Ukraine, and the ultimate formation of a new regional security architecture. Key words: Peace Formula, security guarantees, NATO, regional security.

Some Trends in the Development of Regional Integration Processes in Southeast Asia in the 2020s.

This study discusses the long-term impact of the newly created institutions of the Indo-Pacific region (IPR) on the main regional integration institution of Southeast Asia (SEA), the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and assesses the consequences of the implementation of the IPR concept by ASEAN countries.Aim . Determine the main trends in the development of regional integration processes in Southeast Asia in the 2020s. in the context of the Indo-Pacific process.Tasks. Determine the role of SEA countries in the Indo-Pacific process; identify the nature of the influence of AUKUS on the development trends of the regional security architecture of SEA; establish the impact of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) on the sustainable economic development of SEA countries.Methods. The methodological basis of this study is based on general scientific methods (system analysis, forecasting), political science methods, approaches to the analysis of regional security complexes existing in international relations studies (B. Buzan [3], O. Waver [5], J. De Wilde [4], A. Acharya [2]) and to the analysis of regional economic integration and its stages (J. Pelkmans [10]).Results . The inclusion of ASEAN countries in the Indo-Pacific process initiated by the United States of America (USA) and its allies in the future in 2030 leadsto 1) an increase in military spending, which may indicate a reduction in the level of trust in the region, 2) a reduction in the rate of convergence of the economies of Southeast Asian countries, which may indicate a growing imbalance in the level of development of ASEAN countries.Conclusions . The implementation of the IPR concept by ASEAN countries leads to the erosion of the “ASEAN-centricity” of regional institutions in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as to the projected reduction in the effectiveness of ASEAN in achieving the goals of a regional integration institution, namely: 1) an increase in military spending in the countries of the Asia-Pacific region in the 2020s, including in the ASEAN countries, indicating about the declining level of trust in relations with the PRC, leading to a decrease in the effectiveness of ASEAN diplomatic mechanisms to resolve existing disputes with China over the South China Sea; 2) the pace of catching-up development of poor Southeast Asian countries in the 2020s. are reduced, the implementation of IPEF will only be able to ensure some uneven economic growth in the most developed countries of Southeast Asia, it is becoming increasingly difficult for poor countries to catch up with the more developed countries of Southeast Asia in their level of economic development, and ASEAN’s goal of ensuring equitable economic development is becoming less achievable.

Schimbarea ordinii globale post-Război Rece: noi centre de putere sunt în curs de dezvoltare – trecerea la o perioadă multipolară

The post-Cold War period, which began in the early 1990s and was generally considered a unipolar stage, with the United States as the only superpower, has passed into a new phase, largely, due to the global consequences of Russia and China’s actions, marked by the events generated by Russia from 2006 until 2014 and in particular by the triggering, on 24 February 2022, of a new unprovoked war against Ukraine, a country invaded for the first time in 2014 and partially occupied for almost nine years but also by China’s actions in the South and East China Sea. The last decade and, in particular, the recent period is characterised by a global strategic competition between the US, China, and the Russian Federation and the alliances they belong to, accelerated by the Ukraine war and the tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, with consequences, among others, on the aspects regarding international order and defence-related aspects to the global strategy. BRICS has firmly committed to promoting the interests of the Global South, to creating a new more inclusive international order, forcing major structural changes to global and regional security architectures. Thus, a conflict of interests emerges between the actions and the role of the US, as a superpower, in the world arena and the actions of China and the Russian Federation, mainly to create a highly multipolar global situation and to evolve as a regional and global hegemon.

The Changing of Post-Cold War Global Order: New Centers of Power Are Emerging – The Shift Towards a Multipolar Period

The post-Cold War period, which began in the early 1990s and was generally considered a unipolar stage, with the United States as the only superpower, has passed into a new phase, largely, due to the global consequences of Russia and China’s actions, marked by the events generated by Russia from 2006 until 2014 and in particular by the triggering, on 24 February 2022, of a new unprovoked war against Ukraine, a country invaded for the first time in 2014 and partially occupied for almost nine years but also by China’s actions in the South and East China Sea. The last decade and, in particular, the recent period is characterised by a global strategic competition between the US, China, and the Russian Federation and the alliances they belong to, accelerated by the Ukraine war and the tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, with consequences, among others, on the aspects regarding international order and defence-related aspects to the global strategy. BRICS has firmly committed to promoting the interests of the Global South, to creating a new more inclusive international order, forcing major structural changes to global and regional security architectures. Thus, a conflict of interests emerges between the actions and the role of the US, as a superpower, in the world arena and the actions of China and the Russian Federation, mainly to create a highly multipolar global situation and to evolve as a regional and global hegemon.

Southeast Asia in the context of the rivalry between the USA and China

The article examines the specifics of the situation in Southeast Asia (Southeast Asia) from the point of view of military security issues and in connection with the situation in the Indo-Pacific region (ITR). The author proceeds from the fact that a serious destabilizing factor in the region remains the presence of intraregional contradictions - political, territorial and ethno-confessional, which are used by extra-regional actors under the auspices of the United States. Having identified China and Russia as the main rivals, Washington improved its Indo-Pacific strategy, activated the activities of existing ones and began to form new military-political alliances, on the basis of which it is envisaged to create an Asia-Pacific branch of NATO to contain them. The author believes that Washington's policy in Southeast Asia is opposed by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which proceeds from its central role in the evolution of the regional security architecture. In the context of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China, ASEAN sees a way to overcome the complex of regional contradictions in creating a security system based on mechanisms associated with ASEAN. In the ASEAN concept, the ITR appears as a region of dialogue and cooperation, not competition, open to China and other interested states to participate in the project. The author comes to the conclusion that such a statement of the question is justified both from the point of view of the strategic interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves, and in general of the entire ITR. Analyzing the strategy adopted by Washington, the author believes that it becomes a long-term factor of strategic planning in the Pentagon. Its main goal will be to forcefully counter China's policy and put pressure on Russia and ASEAN, which seek to resist the dominance of the United States in the IT. In his opinion, in the current conditions of the situation, it is necessary to further strengthen the comprehensive strategic partnership between Russia and China and deepen cooperation with ASEAN on the basis of common interests in order to ensure regional security and stability.

The impact of political, military, and social factors on the repositioning of Belarus within the regional security architecture

The next phase of Russian aggression against Ukraine demonstrated that despite lacking a large military, territorial, population, or raw material potential, Belarus could play a significant role in the project to construct a new regional, continental, and even global security architecture. The purpose of this article is to discuss the problem of repositioning Belarus, which was affected not only by the multidimensional change in Belarusian-Ukrainian relations as a result of the war but also by long-term efforts to elevate Belarusian-EU relations. In this area, the fundamental research question is whether the war in Ukraine, the breach of the so-called Budapest Memorandum and the deepening of the multifaceted Russian-Belarusian integration within the Union State (including the militarisation of Belarus and the allocation of tactical nuclear weapons) will cause the projects for the redefinition of Belarus-EU relations (which are instrumental in reducing the intensity of political turbulence in the region) to disappear from the EU diplomatic agenda for a long time, with a direct negative impact on the future of European security. The article verifies the hypothesis that due to the specificity of the Belarusian authoritarian model, despite the systematically deepening Russian-Belarusian integration and the ever-expanding sanctions policy towards Belarus, (2) due to the shape of Belarusian-Ukrainian relations after 2014 and the periodically satisfactory Belarusian-EU relations, (1) there are still prospects for Belarus to pursue foreign policy diversification and repositioning of the European vector in it.

The Challenges of Regional Integration and Effective Implementation of African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Policy in Africa

The paper is an investigation of the challenges of regional integration in Africa and their effects on the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) policy. The major objective of the paper is to proffer solutions to the challenges for the effective actualization of the policy. The assumptions of the neo-liberal theory were used to support the AfCFTA initiative to promote economic growth and development in Africa. The data used to advance the argument were obtained from secondary sources of data collection. The study finds that language barrier, multiple currencies, porosity of borders, foreign interference, political instability and insecurity, poor human development, over-lapping of membership of sub-regional organizations, poor state of infrastructure, and state-centric nature of integration initiatives are some of the core challenges hindering the effective execution of the AfCFTA policy. The study recommends that the African Union (AU) should intensify effort at realizing a single currency policy for Africa; design comprehensive regional security architecture to include high technological surveillance, joint air and ground border patrol among member states of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) to address trans-border crimes and insecurity. There should also be institutionalization of counterpart funding among AU member-states for infrastructural development; and encouragement of private and civil society participation in the integration initiative, among others. In concludes that if the challenges identified are not effectively addressed, it will be very difficult for the AU to successfully realize the objectives of the AfCFTA policy.

India and Australia: Strategic Maritime Partners in the Indo-Pacific

In this article the author analyses the strategic, security and maritime aspects of cooperation between India and Australia and describes how this relationship is underpinned by growing economic and people to people ties. It addresses a number of important questions including, what are the strategic drivers in the Australia-India Relationship? What are the areas of convergence in the strategic outlooks of the two countries? What are the areas of divergence in the strategic outlooks of the two countries? Why both countries must cooperate within the Regional Security Architecture. What are our doubts and reservations about each other? What common challenges are Australia and India likely to face in the future? How can we develop the Regional Security Architecture for the Indian Ocean region? What is the Evolving Asian Maritime Landscape in the Eastern Indian Ocean? How do we assess the development of India-Australia Defense and Security Ties? How has Civil Nuclear Cooperation consolidated the Strategic Ties between the two countries? What are the prospects for India-Australia Economic and People to People Ties? How does India look at Australia?

ASEAN, Chinese and US legitimation strategies over the Indo-Pacific security architecture

Abstract As growing Sino-US tensions have led to increasingly contested architecture in the Asia–Pacific, rival actors have become more vocal in legitimizing their preferred structures. Yet supplanting existing, accepted structures requires legitimation, and raises questions this article seeks to address: how do competing actors legitimize their preferred architectures and what influences their legitimation strategies? This article looks at US-, China- and ASEAN-led legitimation strategies through Lenz and Söderbaum's three analytical perspectives (agent-, audience-, or environment-based approaches). The article argues that legitimation strategies will correlate with relative power in that established, rising and weak powers will source their strategies from agent, audience and environment bases respectively. The empirical basis is explored through three questions concerning the regional security architecture: the dispute over regional demarcation (‘Indo-Pacific’), the relevant structures of security provision and the idea of a ‘rules-based order.’ Assessing these issues against domestic sources of influence, adjustment for international audience demands and attempts to reconcile other actors' preferences, the article finds that actors' legitimation strategies correlate with their relational power: the US relied on agent-based legitimation, China usually pursued audience-based strategies and ASEAN used environment-based legitimation. These present distinct policy constraints for their respective goals.

УКРАЇНСЬКА "ФОРМУЛА МИРУ" ЯК УМОВА ЗАВЕРШЕННЯ ВІЙНИІ ПОБУДОВИ ПОВОЄННОГО МИРУЬКОГО САМІТУ НАТО

Abstract. The peace formula put forward by Volodymyr Zelensky at the G-20 Summit was a response to the challenges caused by the Russian-Ukrainian war and the destruction of the existing world order caused by it. Undoubtedly, it received great resonance both among diplomatic circles and the entire international environment, since the old system of regional and global security was destroyed and the global world faced the problem of finding the contours of a new architecture of international security. Therefore, the Formula represented an attempt to simultaneously solve a whole complex of different-scale and multi-directional strategic tasks: urgent and prospective, regional and global. The article describes the conditions and reasons that led to the emergence of the Peace Formula, as well as the process of filling the sessions and content of this document; its significance for negotiations with Russia to end the war; positions of key geopolitical players regarding the implementation of the Peace Formula and its role in formulating security guarantees for Ukraine; the influence of the decisions of the Vilnius NATO Summit on the implementation of the Peace Formula, security guarantees for Ukraine and the formation of a new regional security architecture.

Sino-Indian Dynamics in South Asia: A Systemic Security Environment Approach

The complex strategic scenario as a resultant of the Sino-Indian dynamics in South Asia require a comprehensive outlook that encompasses various theoretical underpinnings of the broader security school in International Relations. This article bases the conceptualization of such a reality upon Tang’s formulation. He outlines four major aspects to describe an approach to ‘security complex’ or regional security architecture. These are geographical barriers, state-to-state interaction, international structure and military technology. This article examines all four aspects in a comparative analytical format. Considering the flaring up of regional tensions as a resultant of the intermingling of factors outside the realm of traditional security conceptualization, a limitation of the framework espoused by Tang is observed. The article concludes that the limitations of Tang’s formulation, that is the exclusion of non-traditional security issues, often create similar systemic pressure on the regional security system as the traditional factors mentioned by Tang and require inclusion in the systemic security environment approach.

Europe Vis-À-Vis the Changing Regional Order in the MENA

Europe’s relations with the states of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) are facing a critical juncture. When looking at a regional security architecture, Europe’s overarching interest is stability as it prevents conflict and state vacuums from menacing trade and energy supply routes, creating safe havens for terrorist organizations or hostile powers and fueling refugee flows toward Europe. However, compared to the past, European actors are confronted with a sharply new scenario in MENA that challenges these interests, given a progressive retrenchment of the United States, the rise of China, and MENA actors playing a more assertive role in regional politics and conflicts. The February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine is further accelerating these trends. Against this shifting background, MENA countries have intensified efforts to diversify their partnerships with rising global and regional players. European actors still struggle to come to grip with the multipolar scenario in the making—and to design an appropriate strategy to respond.

Jordan and the Abraham Accords

This article argues that Jordan should advocate for transforming the Abraham Accords’ regional integration initiatives into a regional security architecture that brings prosperity and security to all its members—including the Palestinians. Jordan is well positioned to influence the Accords’ strategic planners given its credibility, diplomatic assets, and strategic location; it will continue to be a lynchpin in regional security and future integration plans.

Turkey in Poland’s Foreign Policy

Polish-Turkish relations have a rich history. Both states have played an important role in the regional security architecture. The geopolitical aspirations of the two countries also have deep historical roots and continue to retain their importance in the foreign policy of both countries. In the current circumstances, Polish-Turkish relations are of interest as an example of cooperation between two states whose key interests are focused on gaining a new status in the international system. The emerging model of interaction between Poland and Turkey represents a segment of the system of international relations, the process of renewal of which is currently being realised.