Regional Parliaments Research Articles

Выборы в Законодательное собрание Нижегородской области в 1998 г.: партии, технологии и итоги

The article deals with the organization of the election campaign to the Legislative Assembly of the Nizhny Novgorod Region in 1998 and reveals the role of political parties operating in the Nizhny Novgorod Region at that time and the peculiarities of using electoral technologies. The authors indicate the most important problems that the candidates who ran for office addressed to the voters, and determines the most significant aspects of the results of the elections to the Nizhny Novgorod Regional Parliament in 1998. They reveal that charismatic politicians who distanced themselves from political parties were more successful in the struggle for votes than politicians who openly declared their party affiliation.

Polish Regional Elite Career Paths and the Impact of a Multilevel System

Abstract This paper aims to investigate the multilevel careers of members of Polish regional executives from the first direct election to regional parliaments in 1998 until the end of 2014. Formation of self-government in regions is assumed to have started the process of formation of the multilevel system in Poland. Consequently, political career paths began to be diversified and to take place at more than one level. Among the factors with a critical impact on the specificity of Polish regional careers was the fact that regionalisation was preceded by local government reform (1990), and it was assumed that the local elite would become its natural recruitment base. On the one hand, the challenge to the development of the multilevel system has to be recognised. First, regional politics has undergone rather limited professionalisation (only positions in regional executives are full-time political jobs). Second, the legacy of communist centralisation resulted in lukewarm regional decentralisation in 1998. However, one can observe a certain increased prominence of self-government due to access to EU funds and increased financial autonomy. Positions in regional executive boards, especially as heads of regional boards [marszałkowie], have been seen as increasingly attractive career choices for professional politicians. Therefore, modification of the traditional career model is expected, e.g. some inflow of national politicians into regional boards (from positions in the legislature to executive posts).

The Existence of Courts and Parliaments in Regional Organizations: A\xa0Case of Democratic Control?

Why do states design regional organizations with courts and parliaments? Is it indeed the case that states establish them because they expect these organs to exert some kind of democratic control over executives? Undoubtedly, this is an important question given that politicians and political scientists alike regularly lament the lack of democratic control of many international organizations. We tackle this question empirically. Based on an original data set of 72 regional organizations and by using simple logistic and ordinal logistic regression analyses, this article tests for the association between domestic regime type and the existence of regional courts and parliaments. These organs were selected because they are associated with dimensions of democracy, namely constitutionality and inclusiveness. The most consistent correlates of the existence of each of these institutional bodies and the aggregate of them are functional ones: policy scope, trade-related variables, and conflict-related variables. There is no significant association between any measure of democracy and the existence of these institutions. These results are discussed the context of debates about the democratic deficit of international and regional organizations and the question of whether democratic standards are applicable to regional organizations.

Działalność publiczna Tęczyńskich w XVII wieku. Kariery Gabriela (zm. 1617), wojewody lubelskiego i Andrzeja (zm. 1613), kasztelana bełskiego

The article presents the careers of two representatives of one of the oldest Polish magnate families – Tęczyński, coat of arms Topór, the elder sons of Andrzej (d. 1588), the governor of Krakow: Gabriel (d. 1617), the voivode of Lublin and Andrzej (d. 1613), the castellan of Bełz, living at the turn of the 16th and 17th centuries. It has been proven that after a long period of education outside the borders of the Commonwealth, which was interrupted in 1593 by an episode, when the brothers were sent to the General Sejm, from the beginning of the 17th century, as young magnate sons, they actively participated in the public life. Gabriel worked in the local government of the Lublin Voivodeship, while Andrzej was a member of the Opatów regional parliament. Although the brothers did not reach the highest state offices – the end of Gabriel's career was Lublin voivodship, and Andrzej castellany of Bełz – they showed significant activity during the Sandomierz rebellion in 1606-1607, taking the side of the royal camp. In the following years, Andrzej Tęczyński expressed his support for the royal party in his views and attitude, while the elder Gabriel distanced himself from the policy of Sigismund III Vasa at least from 1611. Their careers ended with fairly sudden deaths, after which the public activity was taken up by the youngest of their brothers - Jan Magnus (d. 1637), the voivode of Kraków, with whom the Tęczyński line came to an end. &nbsp

Выборы в региональные парламенты России на примере Государственного Собрания (Ил Тумэн) Республики Саха (Якутия)

The article analyzes the tendencies of elections to the regional parliaments of Russia on the example of the State Assembly (Il Tumen) of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Local parliaments are called upon to fulfill the function of separating the legislative and executive branches of government. However, in the modern Russian political system, the institution of parliamentarism is poorly developed at the federal and local levels. Regional parliaments have little influence on decisions on financial aspects, often continuing the all-Russian legislative process. The electoral process associated with elections to local legislative assemblies developed based on the logic of the development of the federal electoral system and the development of federal relations. In the 1990s during the period of decentralized federalism, various types of regional regimes with developed party systems took shape. In the 2000s during the period of centralization, the powers of the regions were reduced, which led to the abolition of direct elections of heads of subjects, and the reform of party and electoral systems. By now, a mixed electoral system has been formed according to party lists and the majority system. The party composition of regional parliaments also does not differ from the federal list of Duma factions. The Republic of Sakha (Yakutia) is a national republic, which influences the formation of the local regional elite. There are noticeable tendencies in the interdependence of representatives of the elite of the executive and legislative branches of government, as well as signs of community, family ties. According to the party lists of the party of power “United Russia”, the Head of the Republic and representatives of the upper echelons of the republican government are usually represented. In the elections of 2013 and 2018 four parties, representatives of the small parties “Civic Platform” and “For Women of Russia”, are steadily receiving deputy mandates to the local parliament

Zum ausnahmslosen Primat des Parlaments

Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen contains articles on political issues dealing with representation and legitimation of the political system. The articles provide a broad overview of the functioning of national and regional parliaments as well as a forum for comparative analysis of international parliaments. One stress is on the parliamentary development of different countries.

Ist der Mitgliederschwund der Parteien wirklich irreversibel? Überlegungen zur Rekrutierungs- und Repräsentationsfähigkeit von Parteien

Parties link the society with the state . It is their task to recruit members, integrate and train them for taking over leadership positions at different levels . Since 1990 the parties in (unified) Germany lose members . Does this prevent them from fulfilling their functions for the parliamentary democracy? The analysis detects differences between the Länder: Indeed, the capability of parties to recruit members increases with the number of officeholders in local and regional councils and state parliaments . Big cities and the so-called city-states (Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen) reduce the chances for political participation . Where the organisational structure of public administration was reformed the number of local and regional councillors sank and - with some delay - also the number of party members . Are the remarkable differences in the capability of the parties to recruit members a reflection of their internal organisation? Do the structures that are formally laid down in the party statutes influence how opinions are formed and majorities are found? How does the linkage between officeholders and their party - which is necessary for political leadership - work? Do the parties communicate to the people why it pays to get engaged? The differences found between the parties indicate how the capacity for recruiting members can be improved .

The Results of 2019 Parliamentary Elections in the Perspective of 2018 Local Government Elections

The analysis of the results of the elections to regional parliaments of 2018 allows to take a closer look at the current political preferences of the electorate one year before the parliamentary elections. The distribution of support for political parties in individual provinces shows that Law and Justice (PiS) enjoys constant, high and stable support, which will most likely allow this party to extend mandate to rule the country for the next 4 years. The largest opposition party, the Civic Platform (PO), sees the chances of victory in uniting further opposition groups around itself. The common start with Nowoczesna under the name of the Citizens’ Coalition (KO) did not meet the expectations. However, the distribution of support in the local government elections showed that the actions consolidating the opposition are currently the only chance to fight a leveled electoral fight with Law and Justice (PiS).

Nulidad de los preceptos reglamentarios estatales que regulan la actividad administrativa de los parlamentos autonómicos. Insuficiencia de rango del Real Decreto

En el conflicto positivo de competencia núm. 259-2019 promovido por el Gobierno vasco, en relación con el Real Decreto 1112/2018, de 7 de septiembre sobre accesibilidad de los sitios web y aplicaciones para móviles del sector público se declara la nulidad de los preceptos reglamentarios estatales que regulan la actividad administrativa de los parlamentos auto­nómicos y atribuyen a la Administración General del Estado el ejercicio de funciones ejecutivas de titularidad autonómica.

Measuring the Arab Parliament’s institutional development

Purpose This study aims to deal with the evaluation of institutional development and effectiveness of regional parliaments; it provides a scientific contribution to the development of the field of parliamentary studies by developing a set of indicators to present a parameter for evaluating regional parliaments with application to the Arab Parliament. The study concluded with the development of a parameter of 35 indicators to measure institutionally, efficiency and effectiveness of the institution, with application to the Arab Parliament, as well as developing an integrated assessment of the strengths and weaknesses in the institutional aspects and organizational efficiency. Design/methodology/approach The study is predicated on the principle of institutional approach and the systems analysis. The curriculum is applied to the Arab Parliament as an institution to quantify efficiency and efficacy according to the implementation of a set of proposed practical indicators. The study additionally applies both Huntington’s institutional standards such as Adaptability, Involution, Autonomy and Coherence, as well as the indicators of institutions efficiency according to PrePanti such as Openness, Reception (R), Autonomy (A), Balance (B), Congruence (C), Internal Efficacy (I), Reformulation (R) and Roles (R), which refer to the first seven Latin letters “First RABCIRR”. Findings The researcher endeavored to answer the main questions; How to quantify the degree of institutionalization, its impact on the efficiency and efficacy of regional parliaments. The researcher’s approaches and the standards of efficiency and efficacy figured a comprehensive set of indicators that composed an integrated parliamentary standard to assess the degree of institutionalization, efficacy and efficiency of regional parliaments as a scientific contribution based on the Arab Parliament that can be applied to all regional parliaments. Originality/value This research is an attempt to create a Parliamentary Index to complement the previous scientific initiatives and efforts in developing such an index, which consists of 35 indicators and its application to the Arab Parliament. This research uses the principles of institutional approach, system analysis methodology and efficiency. The approach is applied to the Arab Parliament as a regional parliament to measure efficiency and effectiveness by applying a set of the proposed indicators.

Doctrina del Tribunal Constitucional sobre la aplicación del artículo 155 de la Constitución Española a raíz de la Declaración de Independencia por el Parlamento de Cataluña: Estudio de las STC 89 y 90/2019, de 2 de julio

After the political events happened in Catalonia, that finished with the Unilateral Declaration of Independence, by the Regional Parliament, on 27 October 2017, it was activated the extraordinary procedure foresee in article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, that establishes that if a Self-governing Community does not fulfil the obligations imposed upon it by the Constitution or other laws, or acts in a way that is seriously prejudicial to the general interest of Spain, the Government, after having lodged a complaint with the President of the Self-governing Community and failed to receive satisfaction therefore, may, following approval granted by the overall majority of the Senate, take all measures necessary to compel the Community to meet said obligations, or to protect the above mentioned general interest. The Sentences of the Spanish Constitutional Court 89 and 90/2019, have determined, in its main aspects, that it was constitutional the activation of the procedure foresee in article 155 of the Constitution, whose consequences were the dismissal of the Regional Government, the dissolution of the Regional Parliament, and the calling for regional elections. The authors of this paper advocate for the necessity of political dialogue, and the renouncement of maximalist positions, as the only way to find a solution of the great problems posited.

The Primacy of Economic Power: State-Led Privatization and the Dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic, 1990–1992

This historical and comparative analysis shows that neoliberal economic policy creating a domestic private sector triggered a series of events that culminated with the dissolution of post-communist Czechoslovakia in 1992. Placing primary emphasis on neoliberal economic reform, this research departs from existing accounts of the breakup positing ideological differences between Czech and Slovak elites or preexisting regional economic structures as the primary factors behind the dissolution. As neoliberal policies took place through the entire federation, an unexpected boom in tourism in Prague fostered the creation of a service sector catering to visitors, lowering the capital’s unemployment rate. Outside of Prague, neoliberal policy failed to alleviate the economic crisis. As federal economic policies failed to resolve mounting economic problems in Slovakia, particularly unemployment, the perception that federal policies did not fit regional needs gained salience. By 1992, whereas parties calling for the perpetuation of the federation lost popular support, separatist political parties gained the majority of seats in both regional parliaments, leading to the dissolution of the federation.

Political Responsibility of the Deputy of the Regional Parliament in the Russian Federation

This work studies the distinctive features of political responsibility of regional deputies representing the interests of various electoral groups. The status of a regional parliament deputy in Russian regions is characterized in two ways. It is regulated not only by laws and ethical norms, but also by political guidelines. Regional deputies are held legally accountable for violating laws, and by straying from party or state guidelines, they risk being held politically accountable. This is why the object of study of this article is the negative consequences that regional deputies suffer as a result of the political practices in Russian regions. In 2016-2019, there was an expansion of legal grounds that affect termination of deputy duties. Deputies are frequently limited in their rights to address other participants of regional politics. In some cases, artificial barriers are created to interfere with the work of regional deputies. These limitations are political in nature, and thus have a vague definition in law. Because of that, the author pays special attention to the political norms that, if violated, result in special negative consequences for regional deputies, including their inability to perform their parliamentary duties.

Молодежный «парламентаризм» современной России: тенденции и перспективы развития в регионах

Youth parliamentary movement in contemporary Russia had passed through approximately fifteen-year history and had attracted much attention of both government and non-governmental activists. An attempt to raise this movement was inspired by an idea of accommodating European experience of youth activism to the promotion of values like civil identity, non-profit activism and political participation in Russia. The movement was expected to achieve these goals both by state and local authorities, and was sponsored by them. In fact, real activities of youth parliaments matched these goals incidentally and their routine work was seldom linked to social and political activism. At most, they lacked the means for representing youth’s social interests, the means to participate a dialogue with authorities. It is still a question if they had become able to provide opportunities for getting some experience of real politics. The paper brings the analysis of the activities of local and regional youth parliaments in Tyumen oblast’ and KHMAO-Ugra in order to make sense of their present state and the part they play in local and regional social life.

Parlamentos regionais nas negociações comerciais: o Parlamento Europeu e o do Mercosul no acordo União Europeia-Mercosul

As negociações Mercosul-UE são tradicionalmente analisadas pela perspectiva dos governos. O objetivo deste artigo é discutir o papel e a relevância dos parlamentos regionais nessas negociações, que perduram mais de 20 anos. A análise verifica se a existência de um parlamento regional amplia as discussões sobre as negociações e influi no andamento destas, considerando o período entre 1999 e 2017. O artigo analisa as posições dos parlamentares em relação às propostas apresentadas pelos respectivos blocos, o nível de informação que os parlamentares possuem sobre as negociações a que têm acesso e a capacidade de influência dos parlamentares regionais nos termos do acordo. O intuito foi verificar o grau de envolvimento dos parlamentos regionais nas negociações comerciais. Concluímos que, embora os dois parlamentos tenham graus de competências bastante distintos, em ambos os casos se observa uma atuação autônoma com relação aos Executivos, que apresenta um importante grau de polarização política em relação aos resultados do acordo e uma forte demanda por negociações comerciais mais transparentes.

О некоторых вопросах роспуска законодательных органов субъектов Российской Федерации

The article examines the issues of dissolution of the legislative body of the subject of the Federation. Attention is drawn to the fact that the institution of dissolution is an institution of constitutional law, and when the legislative body is dissolved, it is not responsible to the body or official who decided to dissolve it, but to the population, its voters. On the basis of the study it is concluded that it is necessary to Supplement the list of grounds for early termination of the powers of the regional Parliament, as a measure of constitutional and legal responsibility, by including such grounds as the loss of voter confidence. The question of the need to empower the population of the subject of the Russian Federation with the right to decide in a referendum on the dissolution of the legislative (representative) body of state power of the subject of the Russian Federation.

Regional Parliaments and African Economic Integration

Regional Parliaments and African Economic Integration

Explaining the end of Spanish exceptionalism and electoral support for Vox

The 2018 regional elections in Andalucía marked the end of Spain’s exceptional status as a country with a party system free from the radical right. The electoral success of the radical right-wing challenger, Vox, who gained 11% of the vote and 12 seats in the regional parliament, brought this exceptionalism to an end. This paper analyses the individual-level determinants that explain the electoral success of Vox and the emergence of the radical right within the Spanish party system. The results indicate that concerns over devolution, likely engendered by the Catalan separatist crisis, predominantly explain voters’ preferences for the right-wing challenger. This is true both amongst the general electorate as well as amongst the former voters of other right-wing parties. Significantly, against popular assumptions and empirical observations explaining the rise of radical right-wing parties across much of Western Europe, the results display no empirical link between immigration and electoral support for Vox.

Neofrancoism and the Problem of Territorial Integrity of Modern Spain

The article is devoted to the strengthening of right-wing and populist sentiments observed in Spanish society in recent years, which is largely a consequence of both ethno-national conflicts, primarily in Catalonia, and of social and ideological confrontations that have become aggravated in the country. There is an increase in the influence of neo-traditionalists and neo-conservatives, whose calls to protect the territorial integrity of the country, the Christian values and historical traditions of the Spanish nation are heard louder, echoing Franco's ideological and political heritage. Neo-francoists, neo-phalangists, monarchists, carlists, and some military circles in Spain praising now the contribution of the dictatorial regime to the historical and socio-economic development of the country in the 20th century. The article cites facts proving that the basic tenets of Francoism, associated primarily with the preservation of the territorial integrity of the country and the unity of the Spanish nation, are finding welcome response in modern Spain. With the growth of separatist aspirations in the regions the nationalism in the form of neo-Francoism, has recently acquired more and more real political power. The conclusion is proved by the success of the right-wing Vox party in the elections to the regional parliament of Andalusia in December 2018. If the current trends continue, Spanish ultranationalists and neo-francoists will be represented not only in regional parliaments, but will also receive mandates in the General Cortes and the European Parliament.

Proces decentralizacji i podział kompetencji w programowaniu i realizacji polityki publicznej w Hiszpanii na przykładzie Katalonii

In accordance with the Constitution of 1978, Spanish autonomous communities are “equipped with” all features of a composite state (regional parliament, government, autonomous administration) and function on the basis of autonomous statutes approved by the national parliament. The Catalan Statute of 19th July 2006 establishes the division of responsibilities, including exclusive regional competences (agriculture, culture, sport and tourism, spatial planning); shared competences (education, health care, environmental protection, industry, banks and insurances); and executive competences (waterworks, prisons system, intellectual property). The analysis of chosen competences in Catalonia will present the characteristics of autonomy and decentralization in Spain with reference to the attempts to create a regional model of programming and realization of public policies.