Regional Cooperation Initiatives Research Articles

Geopolitical Analysis of the Shusha Declaration: Constructing Theoretical Framework in the Regional Order Context

Comprehensive relations between Türkiye and Azerbaijan, characterized by the “one nation, two states” discourse, have not only an emotional but also a rational dimension. The Shusha Declaration upgraded bilateral relations to the level of a political and military alliance on cemented rational basis. In addition to advancing of bilateral relations, the Shusha Declaration also contributed to building a new regional order in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the entire Turkic World, legally and politically. The article attempts to construct a theoretical framework to examine the contribution of the Shusha Declaration on the regional order-building process in the context of regional power dynamics, common identity and ideology, exigent internal and external threats, domestic political transformation, political leadership, and tangible regional cooperation initiatives such as Zangezur Corridor.

Zachowując wspólne więzi: dyplomacja publiczna Turcji w Azji Środkowej

This article aims to analyse and assess the effectiveness of activities undertaken by Turkish public diplomacy organisations in Central Asia. Since the Justice and Development Party (AKP) came to power in Turkey in 2002, the state’s foreign policy doctrine has changed profoundly. The new government has adopted a program of active and multifaceted diplomacy, seeking to improve mutual relations with neighbouring regions (i.e. Middle East, North Africa, Balkans, Caucasus, Central Asia). Historical, social and cultural references play an extremely important role in the AKP’s political strategy, and numerous public diplomacy organisations promote Turkish regional cooperation initiatives on behalf of the authorities in Ankara. In Central Asia, institutions such as the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, the International Organisation of Turkic Culture, the Yunus Emre Institute, the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities, ensure that ties between Turkey and countries of the region are being preserved. By utilising Turkish soft power potential, these organisations support traditional diplomatic services in implementing Turkey’s foreign policy objectives.

WMO Typhoon Landfall Forecast Demonstration Project (2010–22): A Decade of Transition from Track Forecasts to Impact Forecasts

Abstract The Typhoon Landfall Forecast Demonstration Project (TLFDP) (2010–22) was an international cooperative scientific project conducted under the framework of the WMO. The primary objectives of the TLFDP were to enhance the capability of tropical cyclone (TC) forecasters and support related decision-makers in effective utilization of the most advanced forecasting techniques for the ultimate purpose of reducing and preventing disasters associated with TC landfall. Forty agencies/organizations/projects globally participated in the activities of the TLFDP following its inception in 2010, although the primary focus was on landfalling TCs in the western North Pacific. The TLFDP facilitated collaborations and workshops that realized notable achievements in four key areas: 1) the collection, production, and sharing of TC data; 2) the development and application of TC forecast verification metrics; 3) research on TC forecast skill; and 4) development of new techniques for TC forecasting. An obvious outcome was the shift from prediction of TC features, including track and intensity, toward prediction of TC impacts with more probabilistic conception. The final years of the project also promoted increasing application of artificial intelligence and machine learning techniques in various techniques for analysis and forecasting of TCs. Although the TLFDP ended in 2022, its core activities have continued to be extended through new WMO projects and regional cooperative initiatives.

The Contribution of Naval Diplomacy to Regional Maritime Security

In the context of the military conflict in the Black Sea region, with implications for regional security, the approach proposes a solution to strengthen international relations by capitalising on the non-coercive potential of the naval presence on the maritime communication routes in the Black Sea, starting from the premise that the Romanian Navy is the military instrument of power through which the state projects its naval diplomacy, a mission manifested under the auspices of ways of asserting national maritime and fluvial interests. With a wide range of diplomatic instruments through which the Romanian state manifests and consolidates its geopolitical position and interests in the Black Sea and the Danube River, at the political-military level there is the possibility of using specific ways of contributing to the consolidation of regional maritime security. Practically, the proposal to carry out a regional cooperation initiative in the Black Sea, by establishing an air-land-naval battle group, under the auspices of the collaboration of allied partners, candidates, and the riverine countries of the Black Sea Extended Area. Punctually, through this approach, a solution is presented regarding the contribution of the Romanian Navy to the consolidation of regional, maritime, and fluvial security, through simple steps, resuming a previously applied model, and effectively using military instruments through regional cooperation.

Contribuția diplomației navale la securitatea maritimă regională

In the context of the military conflict in the Black Sea region, with implications for regional security, the approach proposes a solution to strengthen international relations by capitalising on the non-coercive potential of the naval presence on the maritime communication routes in the Black Sea, starting from the premise that the Romanian Navy is the military instrument of power through which the state projects its naval diplomacy, a mission manifested under the auspices of ways of asserting national maritime and fluvial interests. With a wide range of diplomatic instruments through which the Romanian state manifests and consolidates its geopolitical position and interests in the Black Sea and the Danube River, at the political-military level there is the possibility of using specific ways of contributing to the consolidation of regional maritime security. Practically, the proposal to carry out a regional cooperation initiative in the Black Sea, by establishing an air-land-naval battle group, under the auspices of the collaboration of allied partners, candidates, and the riverine countries of the Black Sea Extended Area. Punctually, through this approach, a solution is presented regarding the contribution of the Romanian Navy to the consolidation of regional, maritime, and fluvial security, through simple steps, resuming a previously applied model, and effectively using military instruments through regional cooperation.

Indonesian Foreign Policy in Encouraging the Acceleration of Implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific

Background: The ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific has become an essential framework in shaping the dynamics of relations in this increasingly complex region. In this context, the role of Indonesian Foreign Policy is very significant. This article aims to investigate Indonesia's role in encouraging accelerated implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific by highlighting four main steps to focus on in achieving this goal.
 
 Method: This research adopts a qualitative method of collecting data through in-depth interviews. Four key sources with deep insight into Indonesian foreign policy and the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific were interviewed. Triangulation techniques were used to validate and strengthen the findings. Primary data from these interviews is combined with secondary data from trusted sources such as policy documents, reports, and related literature.
 
 Results: The research identified four main steps that are an essential focus in Indonesia's efforts to accelerate the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific implementation. These steps include a proactive approach in promoting regional stability and cooperation, balanced diplomacy with significant powers to maintain a balance of interests, in-depth analysis to understand the impact of foreign policy, and active participation in various regional cooperation initiatives.
 
 Conclusion: Indonesia's foreign policy is vital in promoting the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific. By implementing measures such as a proactive approach, balanced diplomacy, in-depth analysis, and active participation in regional cooperation, Indonesia has played a central role in accelerating the implementation of this framework. This advances stability and peace in the Indo-Pacific region and ensures that ASEAN remains a key player in shaping the future of this increasingly complex region.

The regional cooperation in the Western Balkans and the Open Balkans initiative

The paper examines the efforts to enhance regional cooperation in the Western Balkans and how this has increased engagement between the EU and the Western Balkans. The regional initiatives are more present when the European Union (EU) shows little interest in the Western Balkans region. However, these efforts have yet to address all the concerns adequately and have not brought to life tangible results despite many political declarations. One of the most commented initiatives, like the Open Balkans, has caused concern in the region and caused tension between Kosovo and Albania over the past few years. The paper enlightens the challenges of regional cooperation during the last years, the contribution of this process in the integration process, and the role played by Albania. Also, the paper tries to analyze the success and failures of the “Open Balkan” initiative and the Regional Common Market. Furthermore, the paper framework examined the progress of regional cooperation initiatives and the region’s attention to the European integration process. Additionally, the paper seeks to determine whether regional cooperation is a viable alternative for the region or merely an external-driven initiative and the role of the EU in promoting regional cooperation.

ASEAN states’ responses to China-driven regional cooperation initiatives: the BRI and the CSD revisited

ABSTRACT This research contributes to an understanding of the ‘intertwined destiny’ of China’s twin initiatives, the BRI and the CSD. We find that the security implications of the twin initiatives drive different patterns of responses among ASEAN states. The dynamism emanates from diversifying preferences of ASEAN states amid complex interdependence. The BRI does a better job of projecting China’s material and soft power, as it aligns closely with ASEAN states’ comprehensive national interests. The CSD fares less well because it seeks to impose Beijing’s hegemonic claims on the SCS, thereby posing a security challenge to claimant states in the region. The nuances suggest that the charm of the BRI cannot be readily converted into a passport for the CSD. For some ASEAN states, power asymmetry inherent in their relations with China requires a security commitment from this giant northern neighbour, which Beijing is still reluctant to provide.

Can regional cooperation mitigate the impact of COVID‐19 pandemic on greenfield investments? Evidence from the belt and road initiative

AbstractThis paper studies the impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic on greenfield investments using a large panel dataset comprising 78 countries and regions at the monthly level from January 2019 to August 2021 (32 months). Particular attention is paid to whether the Belt and Road (BRI), a regional cooperation initiative, contributes to mitigating these shocks. Three indicators are used to measure greenfield investments, i.e., capital inflows, projects and employees. The lockdown measure due to the pandemic is used to conduct a difference‐in‐difference analysis. This paper finds that the pandemic significantly reduces global greenfield investments, while the BRI participants experience a lesser shock than the non‐BRI countries (regions). Robustness checks using the numbers of monthly confirmed cases and deaths also support the role of the initiative in helping the BRI participants to mitigate the negative impact of the pandemic on greenfield investments.

Development of Multinational Formations in the European Context. Conceptual Determinations and Practical Reasons for Generating Defence Capabilities through Regional Cooperation Initiatives

This study aims to analyse the contribution of regional cooperation formulas in generating multinational formations that may be subject to participation in crisis management operations. From a chronological perspective, the development of formats of interaction in the field of defence were initiated in the period immediately following the Second World War, having as dominant reasons the creation of an efficient defence system to counter the Soviet threat. The criteria underlying the emergence of such formats undoubtedly concerned historical experience and affinities between European states, reinforced by the advantages of using geographical proximity in the development of joint programmes with immediate military applicability. On those coordinates, the regional dynamics recorded significant developments in the following decades, most of the initiatives being connected to varying degrees to the defence effort carried out in the context of NATO and the Western European Union (WEU). The end of the Cold War and, subsequently, the reorientation of multinational defence cooperation in support of crisis management efforts brought new challenges and opportunities for the optimization of regional interaction formulas. Most of them were focused on capitalizing on the results recorded in the operational contexts of the period, through which the structures generated through the regional cooperation were tested in demanding operational environments, offering validations for the continuation of this type of interaction and the consolidation of their permanence. Under those auspices, the launch of the European Security and Defence Policy provided an additional opportunity to exploit the potential of regional cooperation formats. Basically, they proved to be a link between the potential developed under the aegis of the WEU and the process of creating the EU profile in the field of security and defence. Regional cooperation initiatives must also be seen as an essential provider of forces and capabilities to support the objectives adopted by the EU in the context of defence cooperation. This trend has intensified as the European defence project has advanced, offering consolidated prospects for upporting this endeavour.

Dezvoltarea formațiunilor multinaționale în context european – determinări conceptuale și rațiuni practice de generare a capabilităților de apărare prin inițiative de cooperare regională –

This study aims to analyse the contribution of regional cooperation formulas in generating multinational formations that may be subject to participation in crisis management operations. From a chronological perspective, the development of formats of interaction in the field of defence were initiated in the period immediately following the Second World War, having as dominant reasons the creation of an efficient defence system to counter the Soviet threat. The criteria underlying the emergence of such formats undoubtedly concerned historical experience and affinities between European states, reinforced by the advantages of using geographical proximity in the development of joint programmes with immediate military applicability. On those coordinates, the regional dynamics recorded significant developments in the following decades, most of the initiatives being connected to varying degrees to the defence effort carried out in the context of NATO and the Western European Union (WEU). The end of the Cold War and, subsequently, the reorientation of multinational defence cooperation in support of crisis management efforts brought new challenges and opportunities for the optimization of regional interaction formulas. Most of them were focused on capitalizing on the results recorded in the operational contexts of the period, through which the structures generated through the regional cooperation were tested in demanding operational environments, offering validations for the continuation of this type of interaction and the consolidation of their permanence. Under those auspices, the launch of the European Security and Defence Policy provided an additional opportunity to exploit the potential of regional cooperation formats. Basically, they proved to be a link between the potential developed under the aegis of the WEU and the process of creating the EU profile in the field of security and defence. Regional cooperation initiatives must also be seen as an essential provider of forces and capabilities to support the objectives adopted by the EU in the context of defence cooperation. This trend has intensified as the European defence project has advanced, offering consolidated prospects for upporting this endeavour.

Good neighbourhood as an EU accession criterion for Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia?

For the new and future EU candidate countries of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, the path to EU membership is based on the same ?established criteria and conditions?? as for the long-term candidates of the Western Balkans (WB). However, the WB?s EU accession process brought with it additional conditions, such as regional cooperation, reconciliation and good neighbourly relations. The EU?s objective at the time was to encourage the countries in the region to improve relations with their neighbours and to deal with the war legacies through regional cooperation initiatives. This raises the question of how, and to what extent, these additional criteria could become part of the EU integration process of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia - all countries in conflict with neighbouring Russia. The theoretical background of the analysis is the EU?s actorness and its policy of external governance, expanding its normative sphere of influence to non-EU members. The paper discusses the additional WB conditions and identifies similar preconditions in the relevant EU agreements and documents for Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia since 2014. it shows that some of the WB preconditions are used in Eastern European Partner (EaP) countries but are, for now, seemingly less of a priority.

An Evaluation of the Priority Mitigation Technology Needs of Belt and Road Initiative Developing Countries

Climate technology transfer is vital to greening the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and strengthening the BRI cooperative partnership. The major concerns of technology transferrers are to clarify what to transfer and where to transfer. On the basis of technology need assessment reports and the cooperative patent classification system, as well as a set of indicators for measuring urgency and attractiveness, this study identified the priority technology needs of BRI countries from global and regional perspectives. We found that technologies such as photovoltaics, land-use policy measures, and road transportation technologies in the energy, agriculture, and transportation sectors are the priority needs in BRI countries; however, these are not fully recognized by China’s current regional cooperation initiatives. In addition, the regional perspective analysis revealed the urgent need for diverse climate technologies at the regional level. Regional mismatches were also detected between China’s current technology transfer efforts and the BRI countries’ requirements, which may be attributed to the demand-pull and market-driven modes of technology transfer. We suggest that technology transferrers adjust their focus on technology cooperation to reflect the changing needs and regional disparities of BRI countries.

The Open Balkans and the Impact on EU Membership

The Open Balkans and the Impact on EU Membership

Theoretical Thinking on India’s Cognition of Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor from the Perspective of Perception

The Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM) is a regional economic development and cooperation initiative of “the Belt and Road initiative” for South Asia and Southeast Asia. As one of the major countries crossing this economic corridor, India’s attitude towards this initiative has been passive for a long time, showing the phenomenon of “positive-negative-positive again”. This phenomenon has caused some uncertain factors for China to promote the construction of this economic corridor. Based on the analysis framework of “cognitive agreement”, “induced formula” and “historical analogy”, this paper makes a visual comparative analysis of the cognitive agreement of inter-country cooperation, so as to deeply grasp the evolution process and future prospect of India’s cognition, position and decision-making on this economic corridor.

BCIM Economic Corridor an Integral Part of BRI for Regional Cooperation: Positioning India’s North-East and Act East Policy

China proactively wants to establish the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) as an integral part of the Belt and Road Initiative for economic cooperation. Through the BCIM-EC, China wants to revive the ancient Southern Silk Road trade route. Beijing realises that to achieve the BCIM-EC, India’s cooperation would be indispensable. India has been hesitant to fully commit to the BCIM-EC owing mainly to the surging trade deficit with China, overlapping of objectives with other similar existing regional cooperation initiatives, China’s dominance in South Asia, security concerns, territorial disputes and trade-related logistic issues. However, in recent times, India has shown more interest in developing the economic corridor considering its potential to promote development, security and stability in the Indian Northeast, which would align well with the geostrategic objectives of India’s Act East Policy (AEP). India however needs to better align its AEP with BCIM-EC in order to promote and strengthen the AEP and thereby concurrently build the BCIM-EC to link Southeast Asia and China.

Regionalism in the Pacific Rim. The linkages between Latin America and Asia-Pacific (2000–2020)

One of the trends in the construction of the international system in the early 21st century has been the complexity of the regionalism and regionalisation processes in the world. In the case of the Pacific Rim, this set of interactions between governments and civil society organisations (CSO) in Latin America and Asia-Pacific highlights the slowly but surely political-economic dynamism among a representative group of social actors which have promoted these regional cooperation and integration initiatives. The research proposes that the linkages among specific zones on both sides of the Pacific Ocean during the 2000s and the 2010s, has favoured the social construction of an incipient, interconnected and integrated region based on mutual principles of dialogue, consensus, and co-operation. In this sense, the existence of regionalism and regionalisation processes shows the importance of top-down and bottom-up approaches to achieve these goals. And it considers the feasibility in the formation of regional community-building initiatives via inter-regionalism and trans-regionalism in the Pacific Rim.

542 Lessons Learned from Implementation and Management of Skin Allograft Banking Programs in Low- and Middle-income Countries: A Systematic Review

Abstract Introduction Wound excision and temporary coverage with a biologic dressing can improve survival for patients with large burns. Allograft skin possesses many of the ideal properties of biologic dressings and can play a major role in the management of large burns when autologous tissue is not available or the patient’s condition does not allow safe autografting. Healthcare systems in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) rarely have access to allografts, which may contribute to limited survival in large burns. Therefore, we aimed to describe the lessons learned from the implementation and maintenance of tissue banks in LMICs to guide system planning. Methods PubMed, MEDLINE, CINAHL, and World Health Organization (WHO) Catalog were systematically searched with database-specific headings and language to represent a priori terms (e.g., skin, allograft, tissue bank) and all LMICs as defined by The World Bank. Data regarding tissue banking programs (e.g., date of creation, location, lead agency, functions, products), governance, capital investments, safety, maintenance and operations, costs per donation, ethics and sociocultural issues were extracted and described in a narrative synthesis. Results The search returned 3,346 records. After eliminating duplicates and non-relevant records, 33 reports were analyzed. The synthesis represented tissue banks from 17 countries. Commonly reported barriers to ideal or planned implementation included high capital costs and operational costs per graft, opt-in donation schemes, and sociocultural stigma around donation and grafting. Reports repeatedly recommended: i) developing a legal framework for oversight, accreditation and ethical practice; ii) engaging diverse stakeholders (e.g., government and non-governmental agencies, community and religious stakeholders, health officials) to improve donation and transplantation rates, iii) creating regional training hubs, and iv) facilitating international cooperation across tissue banking programs to improve transplantation efficiency. Conclusions Many lessons were learned from the development and management of tissue banks around the world. The availability of skin allografts can be improved through strategic investments in international governance and regulatory structures, regional cooperation and training initiatives, standardized protocols, and inclusive public awareness campaigns. Capacity-building efforts that involve key stakeholders may increase rates of transplantations. Applicability of Research to Practice Ubiquitous challenges in implementing and maintaining tissue banks represent important lessons in program planning to improve allograft availability for patients in countries of all national income levels.

Is Post-Soviet water management transformation successful in Kyrgyz Republic? Mapping of perceived problems by water experts

The water management issue in the Kyrgyz Republic has been an unresolved problem for many years since the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to its complex set of issues. The regional cooperation initiatives over the Naryn-Syr Darya river catchment is yet a debate for many domestic and international experts on how to find a win-win solution for all the transboundary states, such as the Kyrgyz Republic, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kazakhstan. Some of the problems that the riparian states may have are power asymmetries in negotiation and decision-making processes, inequitable use of benefit-sharing mechanisms over the water resources, and non-consideration of multi-year hydraulic fluctuations in the water distribution and allocation scheme. The study aims to analyze the present situation on the water resource management of the Kyrgyz Republic. Sehring’s model of perceived problems is used to analyze water expert viewpoints and determine how decisions taken in the past may adversely affect the current institutional arrangements development in the water sector in the Kyrgyz Republic. The study concludes that in the current context of water management in the Kyrgyz Republic, a coordinated action of a strong single agency (National Water Administration) is needed to design long-term planning and address the existing challenges in the water sector.

The nexus between Asian and US short-term financing rate

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the nexus between Asian and the US short-term financing rates and compare them between pre- and post-Asian financial crisis. Design/methodology/approach The short-term financing rate is used in the estimation by employing two-stage cointegration test. Findings The result of the empirical study shows several outcomes; the short-term financing rates among the selected Asian countries are not highly correlated during pre-crisis period, but the rates become strongly associated during the post-crisis period. The US financing rate has significant influence on the Asian rate during both periods. Asian financing rates are not integrated by the influence of the USA, rather regional cooperation and financial initiatives lead the regional financing rate to be integrated. Originality/value The empirical finding of the study offers significant policy implications for strengthening regional economic bonding and developing the financial systems.