Regional Cooperation Initiatives Research Articles

Differential spatial-temporal responses of carbon dioxide emissions to economic development: empirical evidence based on spatial analysis

Despite the heated debate over the relationship between economic development and carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions, few studies have focused on the impact of spatial relationships between neighboring countries on CO2 emissions. Adopting the World Bank’s classification of income levels, this paper classifies 177 countries into four groups and then analyzes the spatial-temporal variations in CO2 emissions. Based on that analysis, the core task of our study is to estimate a carbon Kuznets curve (CKC) from two methods of traditional statistics and spatial econometrics. The main findings indicate that global CO2 emissions have significant spatial clustering characteristics, and the clustering types are closely linked to geographic location and income level. In addition, the existence of standard CKC and spatial CKC were confirmed. Countries with different income levels have different CO2 emission stages, and a country’s CO2 emissions are affected both directly by its own economy and indirectly by the economies of its neighbors. In this context, the mitigation and adaptation strategies for CO2 reduction are proposed as follows. (1) Neighboring countries must develop regional cooperative initiatives to reduce CO2 emissions. (2) Clarifying the emission stage of a country is an important basis for policymakers to formulate emission reduction strategies. (3) The economic development and CO2 emissions of neighboring countries are also important factors in formulating emission reduction plans.

Balancing Multilevel Politics in Local Environmental Policy Choices

Although local governments are well poised to address complex environmental policy problems, balancing local and supra-local politics is a key obstacle to overcome. The authors argue that when making policy choices, local policymakers balance local and supra-local influences by exploiting uncertainty in policy goals and associated target populations. Using probit models and survey data of city and county agencies, the authors examine how local and supra-local politics influence local policy choices. Four scenarios are identified: (a) pollution prevention and regional cooperation initiatives affected by local politics, (b) outreach initiatives affected by supra-local politics, (c) transportation alternative initiatives affected by both local and supra-local politics, and (d) energy alternatives and smart growth initiatives affected by interactions between local and supra-local politics. The conclusions suggest ambiguity frames environmental policies, which is to local policymakers’ advantage when balancing contentious multilevel politics.

Важливість співробітництва в сфері Чорноморської безпеки між Турецькою Республікою та Україною та системи безпеки Європейського Союзу «Black Sea Synergy»

The article examines the content, main points, and objectives of the European Union 2007 Regional Cooperation Initiative Black Sea Synergy, issues that lie within the common interests of the Black Sea states as well as potential challenges to the regional stability in the Black Sea region. It also examines the basic legal documents which are an integral part of the European Union’s legal international cooperation in the framework of the Black Sea Initiative. It also researches the national interests of Ukraine, the main directions and the importance of building strategic relations between Ukraine and the Turkish Republic in terms of ensuring regional stability in the Black Sea region.The article researches the importance of the Black Sea region in building security and stability in Europe and Asia, international legal documents between the parties in building regional Black Sea security and strategic interests of Ukraine in cooperation with the Republic of Turkey in the Black Sea security. It is stressed that the Black Sea Region is one of the main factors in building security and stability in Europe and Asia. Along with other issues in the region, ethnic conflicts, ongoing state-building processes, possessing the vast natural resources, the strategic significance of transportation corridors means that the region is an extremelyimportant and sensitive area. Special attention is given to an analysis of bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and Ukraine that are becoming more strategic consideringTurkey’s special role in the Black Sea region and its complementary role for the European Union policy in the region. It states that the dramatic change in the geopolitical situation in the region in 2014 led to the revision of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards the Republic of Turkey. The Republic of Turkey has moved to the top of Ukraine’s foreign policy priorities following the loss of Crimea, the conflict in eastern Ukraine and the general aggravation of the security situation in theBlack Sea region. The article concludes that the Black Sea Synergy remains declarative as itdoes not provide a clear explanation of the EU’s political position on the Black Sea issues. It requires very specific action to prevent real threats. In the current situation, Ukraine can only achieve its strategic goal through cooperation within the framework of regional associations of different plans.

A geo-spatial database about the eco-environment and its key issues in South Asia

ABSTRACTThe South Asia has high variability in geographical features, climate, and landscapes. With the rapid economic development and population growth, the increased pressure on natural resources, land degradation, water crisis, and climate change become the common concerns for the countries in the region. To get a deep and general idea about the land and water natural resources and environment in South Asia, a knowledge database was constructed based on the climatic condition, land use/cover, water resources, water disasters, and geohazards. The results presented a scientific insight regarding the spatio-temporal changing pattern of the eco-environmental components in this region. Risk assessments were performed for the floods, droughts, and geohazards which occurred with a high frequency. In general, the big knowledge database established in this study would be helpful to aid the development of future policies and programs (like the Belt and Road Initiative) for environmental issues adaptation in the region, including initiatives for regional cooperation and capacity building in natural resources and environment management.

Towards European Union or Regional Economic Area: Western Balkans at Crossroads

Abstract The aim of the paper is to reflect upon the dilemma or whether the EU will continue the integration process in the Western Balkans or backlash on regional cooperation instruments and initiatives within the framework of the Western Balkans. The Regional Economic Area (REA) is analyzed as the more recent policy of the European Union for the remaining Balkan countries. It is crucial to analyze the idea behind REA, starting from two main assumptions: first, the creation of REA stemmed from EU internal challenges; and second, REA came up as a creative EU approach in efforts to find a specific model for reforms in the Western Balkans in the frame of regional institutions. The paper also discusses regional trade and specifically the role of the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC) in coordinating these initiatives in the Western Balkans. Taking into consideration the EU current challenges as well as difficulties of the Western Balkan countries to overcome the political and economic problems, then regional cooperation could appear as an alternative to the EU integration process for the Western Balkans. The main conclusion of this paper is that the Western Balkans needs the EU’s direct support, in particular, since RCC and other regional instruments cannot enforce, support and monitor the initiatives and reforms in the region.

Setting the Regional Agenda: A Critique of Posthegemonic Regionalism

AbstractThere is a growing scholarly consensus that Latin American regionalism has entered a new phase. For some observers, the increasing complexity of regional cooperation initiatives renders collective action ineffective. For others, the creation of new schemes signals a “posthegemonic” moment that has opened a space for collaboration on social issues. Both camps attribute this shift to the absence of the United States and the presence of left-leaning governments. By contrast, this study demonstrates that this agenda is not new, nor has the United States impeded similar initiatives in the past. In fact, the United States was instrumental in expanding regional cooperation on social issues in the early twentieth century. Instead, this article argues that agenda shifts are best explained by an evolving consensus about the role of the state. The “new agenda” is in line with historical attempts by governments to use regionalism to bolster their own domestic reforms.

Comparative Environmental Constitutionalism in South Asia

The South Asian countries share many commonalities in terms of environmental problems and opportunities. Many of them share natural boundaries, biodiversity hotspots, inter-state water resources. The Himalayas influence the confluence of cultural and religious practices of Himalayan states. They also share socio-political and economic interests in many ways. Again, most of these countries were affected by colonial exploitation of their natural capital and they strive to come out of the impact of colonialism after independence. In this context, the Constitutions of these countries play a decisive role in shaping and directing their developmental priorities and environmental mandate. Many a time, they use the Constitution as a tool to protect the environment. The environmental judicial activism through public interest litigation in India, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan is a case in point. The Constitutions of all the South Asian Countries contain environmental obligations that pave the way for good environmental governance. Environmental constitutionalism provides a constitutional mandate to the State to protect and improve environment besides rolling out a rights-based approach for the citizens to live in a healthy environment. Against this backdrop, this chapter analyses the strategy of environmental constitutionalism in South Asian countries and examines their effectiveness and reach in shaping the pace of environmentally sustainable development in the South Asian region. This chapter also argues the relevance of ‘thick’ environmental constitutionalism vis-a-vis ‘thin’ environmental constitutionalism and suggests a strong regional cooperation through South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) and other initiatives.

Europeanization and regional cooperation initiatives: Austria’s participation in the Salzburg Forum and in Central European Defence Cooperation

Multilaterale Kooperation mit Beteiligung einzelner EU Mitgliedstaaten hat sich in den letzten Jahren verstärkt, eine Entwicklung die von der Europäisierungs-Forschung bisher nicht hinreichend beachtet wurde. Dieser Artikel adressiert diese Forschungslücke. Untersucht werden zentrale Auswirkungen Österreichs Beteiligung an regionaler Kooperation – im Rahmen des Forum Salzburgs und der Zentraleuropäischen Verteidigungskooperation - auf die Europäisierung österreichischer Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik. Einerseits wird argumentiert, dass multilaterale Kooperation als eine Plattform zur Interessensdurchsetzung auf europäischer Ebene dienen kann (vertikale Europäisierung). Anderseits wird gezeigt, dass Formen multilaterale Kooperation zur Ausbildung von kooperativen Netzwerkstrukturen führen kann, die den horizontalen Austausch von Erfahrungen und ´Lessons-learned´ unter EU Mitgliedstaaten befördern, ein Prozess der oftmals über die Grenzen von regionalen Kooperationsinitiativen hinaus wirkt.

Meeting China Halfway - How to Defuse the Emerging US-China Rivalry

Meeting China Halfway--How to Defuse the Emerging US-China Rivalry. By Lyle J. Goldstein. Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2015. Hardcover: 389pp. Meeting China Halfway is a must read for anyone concerned about the current trajectory of US-China relations. It has much to say about how America and China might build greater strategic trust, and thus avoid the risks of a Thucydides trap. It puts forward constructive policy proposals about how these major powers might move from an escalation spiral in their relationship to a spiral. Recognizing that Chinese and American interests coincide over many global problems, successive chapters address major global issues, such as the environment, the Middle East, Taiwan and the Korean Peninsula, and how a spiral might proceed. For each issue it identifies a mutually reciprocal progression of steps that would promote cooperation and trust. Such a spiral would start with small steps and move on to more difficult initiatives. Associate Professor Lyle Goldstein was the founding director of the China Maritime Studies Institute at the US Naval War College, and has considerable expertise on China, with the language ability to analyse Chinese language sources, including military publications, not otherwise available to Western experts. Goldstein's basic concern in Meeting China Halfway is the increasing levels of distrust between Beijing and Washington. This is aggravated by the lack of appreciation on the American side of China's history, especially US imperialism, and the wide extent of anti-American sentiment in China. Goldstein notes that Most Chinese foreign policy and defense specialists are convinced that Washington seeks to contain and even derail China's rise (p. 355). With this background, it is not surprising that China responds robustly to US initiatives, especially those of a military nature, in the South China Sea. As Goldstein reminds us, there are hawks in both Beijing and Washington. In his view, Most troubling of all, the military establishments in both the United States and China each appears to hold that they must earnestly prepare for rivalry and even direct conflict (pp. 330-31). Given developments over the past year, with China's artificial island-building in the South China Sea and the US Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs), if anything these sentiments have increased since the book was published. This review focuses primarily on the chapter which addresses US-China relations in the South China Sea. title of this chapter is The New 'Fulda Gap' using the metaphor for US-China rivalry first introduced by Robert Kaplan in a 2009 Foreign Affairs article on the Indian Ocean. Given the depth of anti-American sentiment in China, Goldstein believes that it is Washington's responsibility to initiate the first steps of each spiral. With the South China Sea, the first step would be for Washington to invite China's participation in the Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) series of naval exercises. Subsequent steps by Washington might include promotion of regional coast guard cooperation, public recognition of China as a claimant in the South China Sea, and the scaling back of military activities in the region. last step involves terminating US military cooperation with Vietnam, believing that recent overtures toward military cooperation between Hanoi and Washington have violated reasonable principles of geopolitical moderation (p. 290). Similarly, Goldstein is opposed to the US encouraging India's entry into the South China Sea. reciprocal steps by Beijing might include proposals for combined counter-piracy patrols in the Malacca Straits (unlikely to be well received by the littoral states), clarification of the nine-dash line, joint resource development on the principle of equality and ending its own initiatives for regional military cooperation. …

Regional cooperation in widening energy access and also mitigating climate change: Current programs and future potential

Access to energy can significantly contribute to the development of the living standards of the energy poor. Also if the provision of access to energy is sustainable, i.e. via renewable energy sources, there is an added benefit of contributing to mitigation of climate change. Currently, the percentage of population with access to energy varies significantly between countries and across regions. This is due to the nature of national socio-economic situations and energy resource availability in differing settings. This article addresses issues and hindrances to energy access in regional contexts and also examines, in particular, the prospects of how regional cooperation initiatives linked with climate change mitigation objectives could assist in widening energy access. Existing relevant regional cooperation initiatives that may be upscaled or used as models to widen access to modern energy services are evaluated. Findings are that regional cooperation initiatives linked with climate change mitigation can potentially facilitate widening energy access. However, in order to realise such potential, synergies from regional cooperation that are indirectly linked to energy and wider climate change mitigation programs should be harnessed. Recommendations are made for development of sustainable energy programs in energy deprived regions that will also mitigate climate change impacts.

From the Chiang Mai Initiative to an Asian Monetary Fund

In the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis of 1997-98, East Asian finance ministers launched several new initiatives for regional financial cooperation including: (i) regional economic surveillance; (ii) a regional liquidity support arrangement; and (iii) Asian bond markets initiative. This paper evaluates the progress of such initiatives—particularly the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM)—and explores the possible evolution of the CMIM toward an Asian Monetary Fund (AMF). The paper argues that for an AMF to emerge, East Asian authorities need to strengthen regional surveillance and upgrade their capacity to formulate independent conditionality in the event of crisis lending so that the CMIM can be delinked from IMF programs. The paper also makes a case for more flexible use of CMIM when the type of external shock that affected the Republic of Korea in the fall of 2008 following the Lehman collapse hits Asia once again in the future. Given capital inflow risks, the paper suggests the authorities to prepare for exchange rate policy coordination—through intensive policy dialogue—to better manage macroeconomic and financial conditions while keeping intraregional exchange rate stability. An Asian Currency Unit should be developed to facilitate such policy dialogue for exchange rate policy coordination. Acknowledgment: This paper is prepared for the conference on the Future Global Reserve System organized by Columbia University in partnership with ADB and ADBI in Tokyo on 17-18 March 2010. It is a revised version of the discussion paper presented for the first phase of the ADB International Monetary Advisory Group (IMAG) meeting held in New York, 16-17 September 2009. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in the paper are solely the author's alone and do not necessarily represent the views of the Asian Development Bank, its Institute, their respective executive directors, or the countries they represent.

Institutions for Economic and Financial Integration in Asia: Trends and Prospects

Asian economic regionalism has emerged from a bottom-up process, driven by market forces in the absence of a grand plan for regional integration. While the financial crisis of 1997-98 triggered new regional cooperation initiatives, more recently several Asian political leaders have formulated proposals for the creation of a regional economic community, suggesting the possible start of a top-down approach. Based on the results of a survey of Asia’s opinion leaders conducted by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in 2010, this paper discusses how Asia’s institutional architecture for economic and financial integration is taking shape, suggesting the need to strengthen existing institutions that promote Asian regionalism and to create new ones.

Spatial Imaginaries of the Dutch–German–Belgian Borderlands: A Multidimensional Analysis of Cross‐Border Regional Governance

AbstractParallel to the proliferation of cross‐border regional cooperation initiatives in the European Union, increasing scholarly attention has been given to conceptualizing cross‐border governance in recent decades. In line with the recognition that cross‐border regions have not undermined the significance of nation‐state spaces but have added to their complexity, conceptual frameworks of analysis have become more and more refined. However, studies still tend to be framed in one spatial grammar, that of territory, scale or network, and fail to consider the ways in which these different dimensions become interlocked. The aim of this article is to address this lack by developing a multidimensional perspective, in order to finally circumvent state‐centric thinking on cross‐border regions and to offer a more nuanced account of whether and how new imaginaries of spatial governance institutionalize. These arguments are demonstrated by means of a case study of cross‐border regional governance in the Dutch–German–Belgian borderlands.

Editorial Foreword

A large part of the articles published in the current issue of Revista Română de Studii Baltice şi Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies have been initially presented at the Fourth International Conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania: Empire-Building and Region-Building in the Baltic, North and Black Sea areas held at Ovidius University Of Constanța in May 2013. The conference approached the North in the wider perspective of regional cooperation intra- and extra-Nordic muros. The North is regarded as a springboard of regional cooperation which has a strong though faltering historical and cultural background and an obvious European dimension. The downfall of the Communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the process of European integration (whether some of the Nordic countries belong to the EU or not, they are all part and parcel of the process and deeply affected by it) have encouraged the development of regional cooperation in Northern Europe. Belonging to the Northern dimension of the EU meant not only maintaining a regional identity with deep roots in history and culture and making the others acknowledge it, but also strengthening the influence of Nordic countries within and outside the EU and fostering other regional cooperation initiatives in the Baltic Sea area and outside it. Patterned on the Nordic regional cooperation, the Baltic States of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia strengthened their regional cooperation and envisaged deepening their ties to surrounding areas, especially with the Nordic countries. Alongside the Nordic countries, they also gradually turned into a model for the Danubian and Black Sea countries. In this respect, the conference addressed themes such as: the empire building, region-building, national/nationalist, cultural construction discourses present in these regions; the historic development of these regional initiatives and/or organizations and the relations between them; political, cultural and diplomatic relations between Baltic and/or Nordic states, on the one hand, and the Black Sea countries, on the other hand; the relations between the EU integration and different Baltic, North and Black Sea regional structures; education and leadership in the context of regionalization in the Baltic Sea and Black Sea areas; linguistic unity and diversity in Scandinavia and the Baltic states; Nordic and Baltic identity through cultural diversity; water protection in the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea Region and the role of agriculture; inter- and intra-regional comparisons.

The Declaration of the 1st Ministerial Meeting of the Latin American States Affected by transnational interests

In the past decade, Latin American States have begun to voice strong criticisms of the existing system for the settlement of disputes between foreign private investors and States through international arbitration based on investment treaties. Since the end of the nineties, said system has undergone an extraordinary development due to the direct right of action granted to foreign investors by investment treaties. Indeed, the great majority of the thousands of investment treaties existing today not only grant substantive protection to investments made by investors of one State party in the territory of the other State party to the treaty, but also contain investor-State dispute settlement provisions allowing investors to initiate arbitration proceedings against host States for an alleged breach of the treaty by the State. The practice of arbitration based on investment treaties has, however, generated many difficulties with respect to both the arbitral tribunals’ application of the substantive protections provided for in the treaties and to the functioning of the arbitration proceedings. In response to those difficulties, Latin American States are seeking to set up regional legal and political cooperation initiatives to create alternatives to the existing system. The Declaration of the 1st Ministerial Meeting of the Latin American States Affected by Transnational Interests (Declaration) adopted in Guayaquil, Ecuador on April 22, 2013 is one recent example of such initiatives.

Comment on “Regional Cooperation and Integration in the Mekong Region”

Comment on “Regional Cooperation and Integration in the Mekong Region”

Review of the legal aspects of environmental management in the South China Sea and Gulf of Thailand

The mandate of the Legal Task Force established under the South China Sea project was to evaluate the present status of legal environmental instruments at national, sub-regional and regional levels with a view to exploring ways to strengthen regional co-operation in the environmental management of the South China Sea. This article provides an overview of: signatory states' obligations for regional co-operation under major global environmental conventions; the status of existing regional co-operative mechanisms and instruments, including regional agreements and ‘soft’ laws11Soft-laws are non-legally-binding instruments, such as Declarations, Guidelines and Action Plans. An example is Agenda 21. They are usually adopted where states will not or cannot agree on the terms for a legally-binding instrument.; national environmental legislation; and an analysis of national environmental legislation regarding major issues and themes of interest. This article demonstrates that, while the global and international conventions to which the countries of the South China Sea are parties convey obligations on the states to co-operate regionally, this obligation has generally not been met. In addition, there is no single legally-binding regional intergovernmental agreement on marine environmental protection that involves all the countries bordering the South China Sea. This review indicates that, while all countries have a suite of legal instruments designed to protect the environment and conserve natural resources, these are often not harmonised and integrated with national policies. Countries continue to be without an integrated coastal/marine management policy that sets clear priorities, principles and guidelines that can steer policy conflicts towards resolution and encourage government agencies and offices to see themselves as part of a larger effort towards proper management of coastal and marine habitats.The article concludes with a review of potential mechanisms for future regional co-operation in environmental management and proposes alternative models. Lessons learned from the global community and regional programmes indicate a growing emphasis on the domestic implementation of global instruments via regional co-operative initiatives and maximising effectiveness. An emerging trend is the proliferation of calls to ‘strategically’ address these two needs. This suggests that an appropriate course of action for a region seeking to strengthen co-operation would be forging a legal agreement that suits regional needs and interests and, in so doing, incorporates ‘effectiveness’ into the design.It is further concluded that the SCS region is in a unique and enviable position. Unlike most other regions, it has never adopted a legally-binding instrument and, consequently, it is free of precedent and other legal baggage. Regional co-operation is gaining momentum and South China Sea states are indicating a greater concern for environmental sustainability. There is also a growing recognition that the inefficient use of resources will only worsen without horizontal and vertical co-ordination and regional co-operation. It seems an appropriate time to consider an effective and region-appropriate course for long-term sustainability of the South China Sea and its resources, including consideration of a regional framework for co-operation, co-ordination and communication. Political commitment will determine whether any new co-operative framework becomes a paper tiger or an Asian tiger.

REGIONAL CORRIDORS DEVELOPMENT: A FRAMEWORK

Regional corridors are popular components of regional cooperation initiatives and have been promoted for several years. Yet discussion about development of these corridors tends to be relatively general in scope and difficult to pin down in terms of content and implications. This paper outlines a simple framework for regional corridors development in the context of regional cooperation, anchored on two dimensions of these corridors: the extent to which they are national or regional, and the area of their utilization. The framework is subsequently applied to a specific example, the GMS regional cooperation program, yielding several implications for its future. The framework is also applied towards identifying an appropriate methodology for monitoring performance of regional corridors.

Institution Building for Macroeconomic and Financial Cooperation in East Asia

This paper discusses institution building for macroeconomic and financial cooperation in East Asia. The issues covered include the Chiang Mai Initiative Multilateralization (CMIM); the regional safety net mechanism that evolved from regional cooperation initiatives started after the 1997 financial crisis. A number of proposals are put forward to make the liquidity support role of the CMIM more effective. Other issues covered are regional economic surveillance; the role of the ASEAN+3 Macroeconomic Research Office (AMRO), which will support CMIM; how AMRO may evolve to become the Asian Monetary Organization; and how the Finance Ministers’ process can be integrated with the Central Banks’ process to create a more effective institutional structure for the region. JEL codes: E02, E44, F33, F36, F55

Shaping Asia's Institutional Architecture for Economic and Financial Integration: Opinion Leaders’ Views

Asian economic regionalism has emerged from a bottom-up process, driven by market forces in the absence of a grand plan for regional integration. While the financial crisis of 1997/98 triggered new regional cooperation initiatives, more recently several Asian political leaders have formulated proposals for the creation of a regional economic community, suggesting the possible start of a top-down approach. Based on the results of a survey of Asia's opinion leaders conducted by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in 2010, this paper discusses how Asia's institutional architecture for economic and financial integration is taking shape, suggesting the need to strengthen existing institutions that promote Asian regionalism and to create new ones. While the focus of the paper is on monetary and financial integration, the analysis also covers other integration pillars such as trade and investment, connectivity and infrastructure, and regional public goods. It suggests the need to create new institutions in support of Asian regionalism and to use a broad perspective in moving towards the formation of a region-wide economic community based on strong political commitment and grassroots participation.