Reform Capacity Research Articles

Ambedkar and the cinema of reconstitution

ABSTRACT The article analyzes an interview with Ambedkar, published in Filmindia, in 1942 as an insightful deliberation on the idea of decolonial cinema. The singularity of the interview derives from its anti-caste premise, occasioning the enunciation of the intersectional operations of caste in cinema as much as its being the only document in English (so far) that records Ambedkar’s views on the modern medium. His concept of cinema as corrective marks a significant shift in the way early cinema was perceived in pre-independent India. Contrary to the restorative function attributed to the modern medium during the time, Ambedkar found in it a potential for reconstitution. Cinema, according to him, held the possibility of reimagining a conceptual space that was taken over by Brahminical religion in India. Elaborating on four aspects of cinema in particular—its potential to reconstitute a liberating culture of joy in the place of an ensnaring culture of asceticism, its capacity for social reform, the exigency of narrative justice in the depiction of Dalits, and the fashioning of modern spectatorship, Ambedkar describes cinema’s possibility of conceptualizing an anti-caste, decolonial space.

Reinventing the Division of Labour? How Organisational and Micro-Level Factors Influence Work in Local Public Welfare Organisations

Abstract Many professions in the public sector, such as healthcare staff, social welfare officers and teachers are experiencing a heavier workload and an increasing number of work tasks of growing complexity. This study examines the policy tendency to introduce a stricter division of labour, by delegating lower status tasks professionals preform to assistants, as a key to reduce public sector workload. In contrast, the public sector has been subject to organisational reforms the past 20–30 years resulting in a reduced division of labour among professions. This article explores the reversibility of the division of labour within a local public sector context, and it demonstrates how different micro-level factors may promote or counteract changes in the division of labour at the workplace. A main contribution is the prospect to rethink the capacity of organisational work-related reforms in professional settings directed at processes of division of labour in local public organisations.

Институциональные реформы в условиях этнокультурной разделенности и неконсолидированных границ: опыт Киргизии

The study investigated the role and the capacity of institutional reforms in mitigating chronic political instability in Kyrgyzstan, which often manifests itself in mass protests, ethnopolitical conflicts and border disputes. Combining macro-historical, macro-sociological and institutional approaches into a research framework allowed the authors to focus on such root causes of instability as ethnocultural divides and unconsolidated centers and borders. The analysis of the institutional reforms with pro-democratic and pro-authoritarian models led to the conclusion that with the current general lack of material and financial resources the political system responds rather weakly to any institutional changes while the expectations and orientations of the society are rather flexible. Thus, the situation suggests a rather pragmatic approach in strengthening the cooperation with Russia on bilateral basis as well as within such regional organizations as the Eurasian Economic Union, Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Collective Security Treaty Organization rather than choosing a multivector foreign policy that is currently declared by the Kyrgyz elites.

Towards gender equality reform in police organisations: the utility of a social justice approach

ABSTRACT Recent investigations into sex discrimination, sexual harassment and predatory behaviour within police organisations have led to a range of gender reforms that aim to create more inclusion, respect and safety. These reforms have tended to be female-focused and designed to support greater equality for female police. This paper reports on an interview-based study that sought to understand and address resistance to gender equality reform within a large police organisation in Australia. The paper draws on Nancy Fraser’s model of social justice to consider the capacity of particular reforms to reproduce and/or transform the organisation’s hierarchical structures and masculinised cultures. Fraser’s model is presented as enriching current understandings about how the policy aims of gender equality might be realised in police organisations through a broader focus on supporting political, cultural and economic justice for all. The paper concludes by considering the practice implications of this social justice approach for police organisations.

Congress Overwhelmed: The Decline in Congressional Capacity and Prospects for Reform. Edited by Timothy M. LaPira, Lee Drutman, and Kevin R. Kosar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020. 352p. $105.00 cloth, $35.00 paper.

Congress Overwhelmed: The Decline in Congressional Capacity and Prospects for Reform. Edited by Timothy M. LaPira, Lee Drutman, and Kevin R. Kosar. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020. 352p. 35.00 paper. - Volume 20 Issue 3

The COVID-crisis as an opportunity for welfare recalibration? Panel-data evidence on the effect of the COVID-crisis on welfare preferences in Spain, Germany, and Sweden

ABSTRACT The reform capacity of welfare states to adapt to the needs of post-industrial labour markets has been a key question of the welfare literature for the last two decades. In a context of austerity, such adaptations (retrenchment or recalibration) are notoriously difficult because of extremely high levels of support for existing policies, particularly old age pensions. We investigate how the recent economic shock caused by the COVID-pandemic has changed social policy preferences in three West European countries (Germany, Sweden, Spain). Relying on original panel data observing the relative support for social policies before and during the crisis, we show that support for old age pensions has dropped substantially relative to other social policies. This drop can be observed in all three countries and among all ideological and age groups. The drop is strongest among current and soon-to-be pensioners who in turn increased support for benefits to the working-age population. At the expense of pensions, the economic shock has especially boosted support for active labour market policies and (in Germany) childcare services. This shift of support from pensions to social investment policies might have opened up a window of opportunity for recalibrating welfare reforms.

The Italian National Recovery and Resilience Plan: coordination and conditionality

ABSTRACT As one of the greatest beneficiaries of the NextGenerationEU (NGEU) recovery package, and given its low past absorption capacity of European Structural and Investment Funds and lacklustre implementation rates of Country-Specific Recommendations within the European Semester, in 2022, Italy is at the centre of the attention of its European partners. What are the chances of success of the Mediterranean country, which has disproportionately suffered from the fallouts of the global financial crisis and the Covid-19 pandemic? The article tries to assess the odds by looking at the Italian case from two perspectives. First, it evaluates Italy’s past performance in light of the several modifications to the conditionality that underpins the NGEU’s Recovery and Resilience Facility. Second, it elaborates on the implications of the governance structure introduced by Mario Draghi’s government to implement Italy’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan. The evaluation yields mixed results. Considering that several – but not all – aspects of EU conditionality have been strengthened, this may force Italy, as much as other member states, more closely to follow supranational recommendations. Yet, the risk that path-dependent shortcomings in the reform and absorption capacity of the country may prevail is great. Moreover, the new, very centralized governance structure may generate implementation problems, as sub-national actors have been somehow side-lined, against European advice.

Between Participation and Capture in International Rule-Making: The WHO Framework of Engagement with Non-State Actors

Abstract There has been a tremendous rise in the participation of non-state actors – notably business – in international rule-making. While such participation has many benefits, the risk that rule-making gets captured – that is, that rules are made in line with business’ profit-driven interest rather than in the public interest – has increased too. This article, first, explores the growing problem of capture in international rule-making and identifies three modes of capture that have become particularly prevalent in international policy-making: information capture, representational capture and resource capture. The article then explores the World Health Organization’s (WHO) 2016 Framework of Engagement with Non-State Actors (FENSA) and how effectively it manages these risks. FENSA is interesting because it is the first policy by an international organization seeking to comprehensively and systematically regulate non-state actor engagement and to prevent related risks. In assessing FENSA, the article focuses on the WHO’s engagement of two main actors: the Big Food industry and voluntary donors. Finally, the article seeks to draw more general lessons as to the capacity of FENSA-like reforms to prevent capture in international rule-making.

Identifying Opportunities to Participate in Advanced Energy: An Investigation into Estimating Real Capacity for Green Manufacturing and Structural Reform

: Global climate change will require changes in how we produce energy. At the same time, recent geopolitical events combined with the COVID-19 outbreak is certain to lead to a reevaluation of global supply chains. Taken in combination it is likely that market and policy changes will create significant opportunities for the domestic manufacture of the components associated with the production of “green” energy. Using a combination of NAICS industrial data and proprietary firm data, that is scalable to the national level, we attempt to determine the real capacity for Wisconsin State manufacturers to participate in the component supply chain associated with wind and solar power. We find that, despite extensive industry and firm data, there are significant gaps in our ability to estimate firm-level output, in real terms, in the aggregate. This finding is indicative of the significant challenges associated with rapid structure economic reform such as the “Green New Deal” or the COVID response. Attempting to bridge this gap, this work provides the data requirements to apply firm-level supply chain mapping methodologies to the State or National economies.

Evaluation Model and Enhancement Strategies for Teaching Reform Capacity of Art Courses in Higher Vocational Colleges

In higher vocational colleges, the teaching reform of art courses faces complex problems, namely, the evaluation system is imperfect, and the evaluation model involves complex calculations. To solve these problems, this paper strives to enhance the teaching reform capacity of art courses in higher vocational colleges. Firstly, the factors affecting the said teaching reform were identified. Next, an index system was established to evaluate the teaching reform capacity. The index system was integrated with the gray theory into an evaluation model of the teaching reform capacity. Based on the evaluation results, several strategies were put forward to enhance the teaching reform capacity. The research results provide a good reference for higher vocational colleges to reform the teaching of art courses.

Особливості реформування українського парламенту

Метою статті є детальний аналіз особливостей реформування Верховної Ради України в сучасних реаліях.
 Наукова новизна полягає у дослідженні шляхів реформування українського парламенту в умовах формування конституційної демократії, вивчення його ролі в системі державної влади України.
 Висновки. Одним із головних напрямків змін у нашій державі є парламентська реформа, що передбачає посилення інституційної спроможності Верховної Ради України та забезпечення реалізації її основних функцій: законодавчої, контрольної та представницької. Завданням парламентської реформи в Україні є не тільки побудова раціональної системи законодавчої діяльності, формування оптимальної структури Верховної Ради України як єдиного органу законодавчої влади, єдиного представницького органу Українського народу, а й удосконалення його правового статусу. Під час парламентської реформи має бути розв’язане широке коло питань, пов’язаних зі становленням Верховної Ради України, передусім як професійного парламенту. Водночас, слід займатися і створенням науково обґрунтованої комплексної системи управління законодавчим процесом, яка забезпечувала б планомірність, послідовність і системність у здійсненні законодавчої діяльності в Україні.
 У лютому 2016 року Європейською комісією була запропонована «Дорожня Карта реформ щодо внутрішньої реформи та підвищення інституційної спроможності Верховної Ради України». Цей документ містить рекомендації щодо реформування українського парламенту, метою яких є вирішення вищенаведених проблем, підвищення якості законів, забезпечення прозорості та відкритості ВР України, дотримання народними депутатами етичних норм і стандартів та підвищення рівня адміністративної спроможності парламенту.
 Ефективність виконання зазначених напрямків безпосередньо вплине на якість законодавства, дієвість контролю за імплементацією законів та представництво інтересів як загалом держави, так і безпосередньо конкретних виборців.

The empire strikes back: options and reform decisions

Political decision making based on institutionalized coordination between the state and relevant societal interests facilitated consensus and generated stable political solutions in the era of class politics. Beyond class politics and in the era of permanent austerity, governments are often caught in situations in which they pursue reform intentions that necessitate infliction of concentrated losses on organized interests, which reduce the possibility to achieve consensus. We argue that partisan governments in the post-class politics terrain rather than experiencing reduced reform capacities have more room for maneuvering and more flexibility in formation of viable reform alliances with organized interest groups. In effect, governments have improved strategic opportunities to maximize a partisan imprint on policy. The price they pay, however, is reduced consensus and reduced political stability around the decisions and policies that are carried through. We illustrate the relevance of this theoretical argument in case studies of three significant policy decisions in Denmark: a) (parts of) the local government reform from 2007, b) the decision to regulate public school teachers working conditions by law from 2013, c) the reduction of the inheritance taxes imposed on family-owned companies from 2017. In all three cases, the government implemented reforms in strategic alliances with some interest groups against the preferences of others and broke with traditional allies in the interest group terrain. In all three cases, the government maximized policy influence and had to accept that the policy decisions remain contested by alternative coalitions and majorities.

Capacity for reform: the changing roles of apprenticeship in three Nordic countries

Despite similar societal systems that have given rise to the concept of a Nordic model, the vocational education and training (VET) systems in the Nordic countries are strikingly diverse. This article provides an analysis of why the role of apprenticeship in the Danish, Norwegian and Swedish VET systems evolved along different paths from the late 1970s until the present (2020). During this period, the most fundamental changes took place in Norway, as apprenticeship was established in most VET programmes through a major reform in 1994. Sweden took the opposite course in the 1990s and instead strengthened the statist and school-based nature of its system. In Denmark, a dual system with apprenticeship where the social partners have a decisive influence has remained largely intact. We argue that differing policy positions taken by organised labour are important in order to explain the three countries’ different trajectories over the last 40 years.

Are third states pulling the strings? The impact of domestic policy change on EU-third state cooperation

ABSTRACT Since the launch of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) in 2004, scholars have extensively analysed whether the EU’s external governance strategy is effective. In this paper, we propose a change in perspective and argue that domestic policy change in third countries is not merely a possible outcome of the EU-third state cooperation, but also a condition for the design of cooperation between the EU and third states in the first place. ENP states with a track record of domestic policy reforms are more likely to agree on a comprehensive reform agenda with the EU than states with no prior domestic reform activities. This implies that third states are 'pulling the strings', since their willingness and capacity for reform is the crucial determinant of close cooperation with the EU. We probe our argument in the field of asylum policy across all 16 ENP states and proceed with a within-case analysis of asylum policy reform in Moldova.

Modernization Potential Capacity of Great Reforms of Alexander Ii: Alcohol Reform of 1863

Serfdom and alcohol tax farming emerged in Russia almost simultaneously – at the end of the XVI century. 250 years later again at the same time serfdom and tax farming were abolished. The alcohol reform of 1863 is one of the greatest events of the day. Despite the limitations of the proclaimed goals, this transformation had a significant modernization potential capacity and was systemic. In the course of its implementation not only did change the way of collecting alcohol charges. The entire related reality was radically altered: industrial production, agriculture, trading, system of public administration, social relations. The replacement of tax farming with the excise system, as well as the elimination of serfdom, was the basis and condition for future transformations of 1860s-1870s, which otherwise, like seeds thrown into the unprepared field, would be doomed to miserable stagnation or even death. Evaluation of the transformation effectiveness concerning the alcohol issue was made on the basis of a set of indicators related to modernization. In the economic sphere, the alcohol reform resulted in the development of new technologies based on the use of scientific (rational) knowledge, the enhanced division of labor, the complication of alcohol production organization, increasing incentives for the creation and implementation of technological and organizational innovations, the growth of production indicators; the social sphere witnessed a replacement of direct and direct control by universal regulators of activity, minimizing the dependence of professional growth on personal ties; in the political sphere there was the creation of effective management bodies, the growing number of channels of participation of public institutions in alcohol policy. But in the country itself there remained the traditional form of strong drinks consumption. Moreover, the process of modernization gave rise to a compensatory effect, which was expressed in the increase of people's drunkenness.

Adjustment under Conditions of Crisis: Irish and Greek Public Administrations in Comparison

ABSTRACT The impact of the sovereign debt crisis has been particularly severe in Ireland and Greece. Both countries received financial assistance and were obliged to commit to policy conditionalities for fiscal consolidation and a structural reform agenda. The subsequent period has witnessed a considerable state retrenchment in both cases under study. However, the crisis has also given rise to a period of substantial public service reform. The study attempts to assess the impact of the fiscal adjustment process on the Irish and Greek public administrations. Drawing on empirical evidence from the period 2010–20018, the effect of fiscal crisis and external conditionality on the process of implementing domestic administrative reforms is analyzed with reference to quantitative and qualitative indicators. The findings of the comparative study indicate that the scale of fiscal crisis and changes in public administration do not necessarily go hand in hand. Adapting to external pressures to reform administration does not mean that the direction and the outcomes of reform are obvious or given. The study highlights certain similarities and differences in the strategies used and the external pressure exercised through policy conditionality. A combination of fiscal pressures, programme particularities, country’s reform capacity, organizational recourses and political ownership of reforms may explain the extent and direction of reform, observed variations in outcomes and prospects of reform programmes.

Macroeconomic pathways of the Saudi economy: The challenge of global mitigation action versus the opportunity of national energy reforms

We analyse the mid-term macroeconomic challenge to Saudi Arabia of a global low-carbon transition reducing oil revenues, versus the opportunity of national energy reforms. We calibrate a compact, dynamic recursive model of Saudi Arabia on original energy-economy data to explore scenarios. We first assess the consequences of oil prices declining from their levels in the New Policies Scenario (NPS) of the IEA, to their levels in its Sustainable Development Scenario (SDS). By 2030, the Saudi economy loses 1.4 GDP points, 1.6 employment points and USD 504 billion trade surplus accumulation. Its cumulated public deficit rises to 92.8% of GDP. National reforms gradually aligning Saudi energy prices on international prices and inducing structural change of Saudi activity away from energy-intensive industries mitigate these costs if a share of the public income from energy-price deregulation is directed to investment. However, they reduce the cumulated trade surplus and fail to control public deficit accumulation. Sensitivity analysis confirms the capacity of national energy reforms to mitigate the activity cost of global mitigation action, but aggravates the threat of an escalating public deficit. These results underline the importance of broader economic and fiscal reforms as part of the ambitious Vision 2030 Saudi initiative.

Regulating the Pollution of Queensland’s Waterways from Natural Resource Extraction: Potential Pathways to Law Reform Inspired by Recent Chinese Developments in Environmental Law

This research paper critically evaluates the status of natural resources law in Australia in relation to its capacity to disincentivize the capacity for mining and natural resource extraction related activities to pollute essential water sources. This paper articulates the historical development of the law protecting waterways from pollution within Australia and Queensland and identifies the deficiencies in this development. This paper then investigates mechanisms for improving the capacity of the law to incentivize environmentally sound practices from groups that carry out natural resource extraction. This topic warrants investigation due to the vital nature of water for sustainable growth and development in Queensland, particularly with Australia and Queensland’s dependence on waterways such as the Murray-Darling basin for agricultural and ecological sustainability. This paper investigates the complicated relationship between the necessity of water for facilitating mining infrastructure projects such as coal seam gas extraction, alongside the potential for waterways to become polluted through these processes and negatively impact the livelihood of local populations. This research looks toward jurisdictions who have recently made law reform attempts to address similar issues relating to pollutants from mining practices in waterways such as the recent reforms made by the People’s Republic of China. In studying these reforms, this paper critically assesses the capacity for these law reforms to provide solutions to address pollution caused by natural resource extraction in Australian waterways.

Rethinking Design-Based Approaches for School-Based Improvement: The Experience of the TAMAM Project

The School Based Reform in Arab Countries (TAMAM) project aims to build leadership capacity for school-based reform. This paper asks: (a) To what extent can a design-based approach frame the design of school improvement projects such as TAMAM? (b) What characteristics of design-based approaches are most relevant to guide the design of school-based improvement projects? Results of the qualitative analysis demonstrate that a design-based approach can be used to describe TAMAM and highlight the most important elements. This study proposes that design-based approaches be used for designing and describing comparable school-based improvement initiatives, especially in contexts similar to the Arab region.

Intelligence Sector Reforms in Romania: A Scorecard

Since 1989, reforms have sought to align the Romanian post-communist intelligence community with its counterparts in established democracies. Enacted reluctantly and belatedly at the pressure of civil society actors eager to curb the mass surveillance of communist times and international partners wishing to rein in Romania’s foreign espionage and cut its ties to intelligence services of non-NATO countries, these reforms have revamped legislation on state security, retrained secret agents, and allowed for participation in NATO operations, but paid less attention to oversight and respect for human rights. Drawing on democratization, transitional justice, and security studies, this article evaluates the capacity of the Romanian post-communist intelligence reforms to break with communist security practices of unchecked surveillance and repression and to adopt democratic values of oversight and respect for human rights. We discuss the presence of communist traits after 1989 (seen as continuity) and their absence (seen as discontinuity) by offering a wealth of examples. The article is the first to evaluate security reforms in post-communist Romania in terms of their capacity to not only overhaul the personnel and operations inherited from the Securitate and strengthen oversight by elected officials, but also make intelligence services respectful of basic human rights.