Rebel Movement Research Articles

Цели и потенциал изучения корпуса повстанческих командиров Гражданской войны

The necessity of further study of the people’s leaders during the Civil War is argued and the main tasks and directions of research work are proposed. The need to study the family circle of partisan and rebel leaders in the context of the demographic situation in Russia is assessed. Considerations are given on the importance of a comprehensive study of their biographies in order to understand the motives and possibilities of participation in the Civil War. Attention is drawn to the frequent situation of the leadership of brothers in the rebel movement. Estimates of the military abilities of the people’s leaders and their orientation are proposed. Perspective archives for the development of the topic are indicated. The importance of the rebel ego-documents is noted, of which there are relatively few, but research work with them is promising. The importance of ethnic and gender aspects of popular leadership is emphasized. The phenomenon of psychological kinship of people of the same environment, separated by military-political confrontation, is emphasized. Attention is paid to the party and political affiliation of the military leaders of the Civil War and their perception by their subordinates, population, descendants. The question is raised about how politically sophisticated were the military leaders of the civil strife. Thus, a scheme for studying the phenomenon of popular military and political leadership in the Civil War is proposed, based on available sources and a wide range of biographical data.

Служилые люди пограничной крепости на Волге в событиях начала царствования Михаила Романова

The Volga cities played an important role during the Time of Troubles, but the history of Samara has not been studied enough. There is practically no information about the voivodes and the garrison of Samara from 1602 to 1614. Newly discovered sources allow to correct this gap in historiography. It is known that there were 300 gunmen in Samara and 205 gunmen came to Samara from the destroyed Saratov. Despite the frequent change of power in Moscow, Samara remained loyal to the central authorities, particularly to Tsar Mikhail Romanov elected in 1613. False Dmitry II and his son Ivan (“Vorionok”) from Marina Mnishek, who failed to gain recognition in Moscow, did not receive support in Samara. The consistent identification of the Samara garrison and its commanders with the supreme authority served as a defense against internal unrest. In the face of an external threat, this factor saved Samara from the fate of Saratov and Tsaritsyn that disappeared during the Time of Troubles. Also the courage of the defenders of Samara was supported by the prophecy of Alexy, Metropolitan of Moscow, stated that the enemy would never capture this city. The article shows that in the Time of Troubles, the Samara fortress continued to be a reliable outpost on the southeastern border of Russia. The fortress had to play an important role, first of all, in the fight against internal enemies. After the liberation of Moscow from the invaders and the election of Mikhail Romanov as the Tsar ataman Zarutsky made the last serious attempt to struggle against the new dynasty in the Volga region. Before the government army went on the offensive in 1614, the rebel movement was restrained by the Samara garrison and by its voivode D. P. Pozharsky-Lopata. They also contributed to ensuring ties with the countries of the East, to the restoration of the Volga route, and eventually to the revival of national statehood. After 1614 the Samara authorities returned to “routine” duties to protect trade routes from robbers instead of fighting against the dangerous anti-government movement.

Collective biography of the leaders of the rural rebellion movement of middle Dnipro region (1918 – 1920’s)

There is the first attempts to write a collective portrait of the otamans of the Middle Dnipro region, who were the leaders of the rural rebel movement at this land during the Ukrainian National Revolution of 1917 – 1921. The authors of the article summarize the results of the predecessors in the study of the activities of individual otamans in order to identify certain trends and patterns of the insurgent movement, which at first glance seems spontaneous and chaotic. The collective portrait is based on the biographies of 22 otamans, namely such aspects as: their place of birth, age, education, profession, military experience (including participation in World War I), the time of the beginning and the end of the rebel struggle, political orientation and further destiny

Diplomacy of Deception and Tactics of Terror: Hybrid Politics in the Strategy and Practice of the Secret War of Soviet Russia against the Hetmanate (April – December 1918)

The article highlights the behind-the-scenes policies of hybrid war of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) against the Ukrainian State headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi (April – December 1918). The author examines anti-Ukrainian activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR, the ruling Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the allied Russian parties of left and right socialist-revolution-aries and anarchists. These include Soviet Russia’s efforts to undermine social and political stability in Ukraine; organisational, armed, and financial assistance to anti-government insurgent units; guidance of the rebel movement; organisation of large-scale strikes and sabotage via secret agents as well as setting up arms caches and underground networks of revolutionary committees, etc. The article exposes secret aspects of subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of Bolshevik diplomacy in Ukraine, particularly of the Soviet consulate in Odesa, and its assistance to the anti-hetman movement with the acquiescence of German diplomats accredited to the Ukrainian State. Special attention is attached to the Soviet-Bolshevik policy of establishing secret military units of the underground socialist terrorist army in Ukraine and such steps of the Russian Soviet government as supporting and sponsoring mass rebel and terrorist movements and the direct organisation of acts of individual terror against Ukrainian public figures, including several attempts to assassinate Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi. The author notes that Ukrainian security services were aware of the structure, network, subversive activities, and organisation of attempted assassinations of the Ukrainian hetman. The article describes the preparation of the Soviet armed invasion of Ukraine and records the beginning of the military aggression in the autumn of 1918. Keywords: Bolshevik terror, RSFSR, Skoropadskyi, Ukrainian State, hybrid war.

«Кліматичні страйки» як інструмент впливу громадськості на вирішення глобальної проблеми зміни клімату

The article considers peculiarities of climate strike as a new instrument that might stop climate change as a biggest challenge of the present. The author outlines main reasons that prompted Swedish schoolgirl Greta Thunberg to initiate school strikes for the climate. It is explained about environmental activism as a movement of representatives of various groups of individuals and organizations that work in collaboration in social, scientific, political and conservational fields with the main purpose of addressing environmental concerns. It has been analyzed an origin, goals, methods and tools of the climate strike activities of 350.org as an international environmental organization addressing the climate crisis. Special attention is paid to hydraulic fracturing, or fracking as a technique designed to recover gas and oil from shale rock. Based on US fundamental research, the author underlines dangers and risks of fracking due to earth tremor concerns as well as possibility of escaping of potentially carcinogenic chemicals during drilling and contaminating groundwater around the fracking site. Besides of FridaysforFuture and 350.org movements addressed climate crisis author describes the history, main goals, vision and strategy of the Extinction Rebellion movement. It is emphasized that Extinction Rebellion created with the aim of using nonviolent civil disobedience to compel government action to avoid tipping points in the climate system, biodiversity loss, and the risk of social and ecological collapse. It is underlined that activists often violate public order; most of them during protests accept arrest and imprisonment. It has been mentioned that 2019 was the year of climate change and because of coronavirus disease global climate strike nowadays moved online. The author draws conclusion, pointing that acknowledge the reality of climate change, cooperation of all stakeholders and far-sighted leadership are among the fundamentally important steps that must be taken to achieve the goals and consolidate countries around the global climate change problem.

Time to change course on climate

Summary The 25th annual climate conference marks a quarter of a century of humanity failing to do enough to avert a climate catastrophe. Although a wave of climate strikes and Extinction Rebellion protests has brought the issues to the forefront, experts warn that the pledged reductions are insufficient. A backlash from short-term corporate interests and populist politics could threaten even what little progress has been secured so far. Michael Gross reports.

Fighting and Broadcasting: A History of Ethiopia’s Radio Voice of Tigray People’s Liberation Front

The article explores the historical genesis and function of an Ethiopian rebel radio station in the fight against the rule of Mengistu Haile Mariam (1974–1990) through mobilisation, politicisation and organisation of the Tigrean population in and outside Ethiopia. As a motivational technology, the clandestine radio added momentum to the rebellion helping it expand into northern, central, southern and western Ethiopia in the late 1980s when the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front formed the nucleus of an emergent Pan-Ethiopian rebel group: Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front. The architects of the rebel movement were aided in the recruitment of fighters and conscientisation of the Tigray and other national groups through different strategies that helped acquire legitimacy in the “counter-state” of rebel held territories and beyond. Broadcasting from Ethiopia's cloud-capped highest mountain Ras Dashen and then from an inconspicuous cave to evade detection and bombing, the radio was a symbol of resistance that provided combat and political news and alternative perspectives to those of the government. The insurgent radio was also engaged in countering image threats from the Mengistu Haile Mariam state as well as rival rebel entities that had engaged in reputational attacks against it. The historic radio invoked mythology, heroism and martyrdom as important mass communication strategies of the insurgency until the culmination of the war in 1991.

Cossacks in the Movement of Zemstvo Militias in Russia (1611–1612)

ntroduction. The issue of the Cossacks’ participation in the events of the Time of Troubles in the last decades is one of the most relevant in connection with the modern social movement for “the recovery of the Cossacks”. Methods and materials. Studies of the late 20th – early 21st centuries show that one of the main forces of the rebel movement at the first stages of the Time of Troubles were the Cossacks who were in military public service of the cities of the southern Ukraine of Russia. Researchers have quite deeply developed the issue of the Cossacks’ participation in the movements of impostors of 1604–1610, begun studying the history of free Cossack troops in 1613–1618. However, the Cossacks’ participation in the zemstvo liberation movement is investigated insufficiently now. Analysis. The Zemstvo, an elective district and provincial administrative assembly in the prerevolutionary Russia, failed to call together a proper Assembly of the Land (Zemsky Sobor) of the correct composition. They were unable to do so due to the lack of members of the Sacred Council in the Boyar Duma detachments since the establishment of the Zemstvo militia. The lower curia of the Assembly of the Land was convened near Moscow. It comprised the members elected by the nobility and the tenements and formed the Sovet vsej Zemli. The Council appointed a three-man government which included boyar prince D.T. Trubetskoy, boyar hetman I.M. Zarutsky and Duma nobleman P.P. Lyapunov. On June 30, 1611 Sovet vsej Zemli adopted the Verdict which was a kind of Zemstvo Constitution. Under the circumstances, in the camps, there was a transformation of Cossack serving regiments from government and rebel troops into the free Russian Cossack Host on the pattern of the Don, Zaporozhye and Terek Cossack Hosts. The Cossack Circle similarly to Sovet vsej Zemli became a parallel supreme body of the state government. During one Circle gathering, P.P. Lyapunov was killed. After this, the significance of Sovet vsej Zemli in the camps near Moscow fell considerably. However, it was revived again in Yaroslavl in the regiments of D.M. Pozharsky and K. Minin. Over 1611–1612, it was the free Cossack Host that carried out the main siege of the capital and played a crucial role in saving the country. The free Cossack Host did not have constant members and in 1612 was divided into the Cossack camps headed by D.T. Trubetskoy, I.M. Zarutsky and D.M. Pozharsky. This factor subsequently led to the formation of two voluntary Cossack Hosts: Vyaznikovsky and Zaugorsky. However, the free Cossack Host and the Cossack Circle played an important role in electing the new Tsar.

The emergence of splinter factions in intrastate conflict

ABSTRACTWhy do some rebel groups fractionalize during intrastate conflict? The focus of this article is on understanding a particular phenomenon within fragmentation during civil war: the emergence of viable splinter factions. Splinter factions are when a new rebel group emerges from an ongoing violent challenge against the state and concurrently launches their own violent campaign rather than continue to pool resources to mount a more effective fight. In this article, we outline how the organizational characteristics of the original rebel movement can create several conditions in which splinter factions will emerge. Organizational decisions regarding, mobilization, central command, and territorial control creates opportunities for aggrieved members within the coalition to strike out on their own. Support for the theory is found through statistical tests on the internal characteristics of rebel groups demonstrating the importance of rebel group structure in understanding contemporary conflict processes.

Chad

Chad is a low-income fragile country that depends heavily on oil revenues. In recent years, it has been heavily impacted by an oil price shock and security tensions which intensified recently with a rise in terrorists attacks and rebel movements. Significant progress has been made under the 2017 ECF arrangement to help restore debt sustainability and fiscal stability. However, the economic, financial, and social situation is still very difficult, and the recovery in the non-oil economy has not taken strong hold yet as the economy continues to deal with legacies from the crisis and long-standing structural weaknesses.

Archive case Trifon Gladchenko as a source of the history of the peasant rebel movement

The article describes episodes from the life of Ataman Trifon Gladchenko, previously not covered by his biographers, reviewed the materials of the archival and investigative case, which was compiled by the staff of the Katerinoslav Province Emergency Commission at concrete time, unknown sources concerning the circumstances of Gladchenko’s death have been introduced into scientific circulation. In the above archival and investigative case, firstly, there is an accusatory material of the preliminary investigation, which explains the reasons for initiating the case and showing interest in Trifon Gladchenko by the relevant authorities (police, PEC). Secondly, the documents of the investigation, which make it possible to learn more about the crimes where Gladchenko was accused. The final chord of the investigation, which indicates its completion and closure of the case, is a detailed conclusion, which sets out the essence of the charges. At the end of the investigation, the case was referred to a judicial or extrajudicial body. In this case, the Gladchenko case was referred to an extrajudicial body – the collegium of Кaterinoslav PEC. In the minutes of the meeting of which the verdict is indicated – the death penalty for the convicted (shot). Later, the archival and investigation file of Gladchenko was reviewed twice – in 1955 and 1995, as a result Gladchenko was recognized as reasonably convicted and so that it could not be rehabilitated.

The Limits of Resistance Ideologies? The CNDD-FDD and the Legacies of Governance in Burundi

Why is it that ruling parties with origins as rebel movements fighting against perceived injustices and exclusion often abandon the ideas and visions of state transformation that they had articulated when they were fighting? Using the case of the Conseil National pour la Défense de la Démocratie–Forces pour la Défense de la Démocratie (CNDD-FDD) in Burundi, this article shows that rather than experiencing an abrupt ideological change when the CNDD-FDD became a ruling party, there had always been ideological divergence within the movement. Over time, progressive ideas of inclusive state transformation were repeatedly sidelined in favour of a focus on resistance, and then state capture. Paradoxically, then, once it became a ruling party the CNDD-FDD reverted to governance practices that were akin to those that had led it to take up arms in the first place. This is not because of an absence of commitment to progressive ideas among some CNDD-FDD members, but because the internal dynamics of the CNDD-FDD meant that those factions relying on power politics eventually gained the upper hand over those that articulated a more progressive, inclusive vision, due in part to their ability to back their ideas with force.

Who Wins, Who Loses, Who Negotiates Peace in Civil Wars: Does Regime Type Matter?

AbstractPrevious research has shown that the outcome of a civil war is related to conflict duration: military victory by either the government or the rebels occurs early if it occurs at all, and the longer a civil war lasts, the more likely it is to end in a negotiated settlement. The models of civil war duration and outcome that have produced these findings are built on characteristics of the civil war and less on attributes of the state itself, other than where the state lies on the Polity autocracy-democracy scale. We propose that how civil wars end varies not only between democracies and authoritarian regimes but among the different authoritarian regime types identified by Geddes, Wright, and Franz. The distinguishing attributes of these regime types—democracy, one-party, personalist, military, monarchical—should lead to different likelihood in defeating a rebel movement, being defeated by a rebel movement, and negotiating a peace agreement with a rebel movement. Results from a series of competing-risk models using the Uppsala–Peace Research Institute Oslo Armed Conflict Dataset demonstrate support for our claim that how civil wars end is partly a function of the characteristics of the regime.

The Battle for Algeria: Explaining Fratricide among Armed Nonstate Actors

Unity among a rebel movement is associated with positive returns, yet rebel groups often fail to come together and even fall into fratricide infighting. Focusing on a rebel field in which one group enjoys primacy, I present three pathways that are likely to produce rebel fratricide: first, power shifts within the rebel movement; second, spillover from internal conflict within the dominant group; and third, disagreements over targeting noncombatants. I explore the role these mechanisms played in fratricidal violence among the Islamist opposition in Algeria during the 1990s civil war.

The Rebel Movement in Hunan and Motivations of Participants during the Chinese Cultural Revolution

The Rebel Movement in Hunan and Motivations of Participants during the Chinese Cultural Revolution

Fratricide in rebel movements: A network analysis of Syrian militant infighting

Violent conflict among rebels is a common feature of civil wars and insurgencies. Yet, not all rebel groups are equally prone to such infighting. While previous research has focused on the systemic causes of violent conflict within rebel movements, this article explores the factors that affect the risk of conflict between pairs of rebel groups. We generate hypotheses concerning how differences in power, ideology, and state sponsors between rebel groups impact their propensity to clash and test them using data from the Syrian civil war. The data, drawn from hundreds of infighting claims made by rebel groups on social media, are used to construct a network of conflictual ties among 30 rebel groups. The relationship between the observed network structure and the independent variables is evaluated using network analysis metrics and methods including assortativity, community structure, simulation, and latent space modeling. We find strong evidence that ideologically distant groups have a higher propensity for infighting than ideologically proximate ones. We also find support for power asymmetry, meaning that pairs of groups of disparate size are at greater risk of infighting than pairs of equal strength. No support was found for the proposition that sharing state sponsors mitigates rebels’ propensity for infighting. Our results provide an important corrective to prevailing theory, which discounts the role of ideology in militant factional dynamics within fragmented conflicts.

И. Маевский – организатор повстанческого движения на Подолии в 1918-1919 гг.

The article attempts to uncover obscure episodes of the rebel movement in Podillia in late 1919 - early 1919. and display the activities of the former member of the Ukrainian Central Rada Josyp Albinovich Mayevsky with the organization of the antihetman uprising in 1918 and the Khotyn uprising in 1919 in Northern Bessarabia.
 During the whole time of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917-1921, the rebel movement played a significant role in Podillya. The mass rebel movement contributed to the fact that the Podillya province was one of the first to establish the authority of the Directory, the activities of the rebels contributed to the destruction of the Bolshevik regime in 1919, at its final stages, the Bolsheviks had to make significant efforts to win. The beginning of the rebel movement in Podillya can be safely considered in 1917, when Podillya started fighting between peasants and Polish legionnaires, and the ending was lost in the mid-1920s, when he became sabotageous as a result of a long confrontation with the Bolsheviks.
 Despite the considerable interest of the researchers in the course and the personalities of the leaders of the rebel movement in Podillya, there are certain gaps in his study. Insufficiently studied are the origins, the course, as a peasant rebel movement during the Hetmanate of Skoropadsky in 1918, and the anti-Bolshevik rebel movement of spring and summer 1919.
 In light of the above, the author in his article attempts to reveal the little-known episodes of the rebel movement in Podillya in late 1918 - early 1919, through the prism of the former member of the Ukrainian Central Council, Joseph Albinovich Mayevsky, in organizing the anti-Hetman uprising in 1918 and armed protest against Romanian troops in January 1919, known in historiography as the Khotyn uprising.
 The biography of this person, his participation in the revolutionary movement before 1917, the circumstances of his arrival in Ukraine in March 1917 are shown. His activities with the organization of the insurgency in 1918-1919 are shown. on the territory of Podillya. It was concluded that I. Mayevsky was sent to Podillya from the Ukrainian National Union or from the Ukrainian Party of Socialists-Revolutionaries with the goal of organizing a counter-insurgency uprising and that his actions produced a Khotyn uprising against the Romanian troops, moreover, he acted for everything on the instructions of the Ukrainian Left Social Revolutionaries.

Красноармейцы в повстанческом движении на Южном Урале (1920—1921 гг.)

Красноармейцы в повстанческом движении на Южном Урале (1920—1921 гг.)

Crier's War by Nina Varela

Reviewed by: Crier's War by Nina Varela Natalie Berglind Varela, Nina Crier's War. HarperTeen, 2019 [448p] Trade ed. ISBN 978-0-06-282394-6 $17.99 E-book ed. ISBN 978-0-06-282396-0 $9.99 Reviewed from galleys R Gr. 9-12 Crier was Made sixteen years ago to be the daughter of Sovereign Hesod, the ruler of most of Zulla, in a society where Automa are the dominant race and humans their subservient laborers. Automa are Designed to be stronger, smarter, and longer-lived than their human counterparts, which sixteen-year-old human Ayla resents, particularly as Sovereign Hesod directly caused her family's deaths. As Ayla works with the rebel movement to get closer to Hesod's household to murder his daughter in vengeance, Crier faces a betrothal to the leader of a movement that seeks to separate humans and Automa completely and replace the ever-depleting source of Automa life. When Ayla is appointed Crier's handmaiden, she has the perfect opportunity to take her life and exact revenge, but Crier isn't at all what Ayla expected, and the two quickly become embroiled in conspiracies that simultaneously pit them against each other and bring them close enough together to harbor romantic feelings. Amidst conspiracies and genuinely surprising plot twists, Varela raises classic sci-fi conundrums: Would androids be capable of love? Can an android and a human morally be together? At what point is something considered "alive"? This interesting mesh of sci-fi and fantasy situates androids within court intrigue, enhanced with a steamy, well-paced lesbian romance that will make readers impatient to nab the next novel in this planned trilogy. Copyright © 2019 The Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois

Феномен религиозных повстанческих движений в Африке: Движение Святого духа и Господня армия сопротивления

Феномен религиозных повстанческих движений в Африке: Движение Святого духа и Господня армия сопротивления