Radicalization Research Articles

L'oggetto sguardo nell'insegnamento di Lacan

The eye occupies a central place in the teaching of Jacques Lacan. In particular, it finds its almost final formulation in Seminar X (1962-63) and Seminar XI (1964). In these Seminars the field of vision is no longer the place of illusion and mirage of the subjective identity, but it becomes the same field crossed by Freud’s Unheimlich , namely that of the sudden apparition of what is invisible. ‘Look’ is the name that Lacan gives to this appearance. The effects of what Lacan calls the ‘look function’ are: a radical alteration of the coordinates of the visual field and an effect of anguish. In such a perspective, the visual field becomes the proper place to radicalize the idea of the ‘subversion of the subject’: the subject doesn’t look, he/she is looked, the gaze looks at the subject, grabs him/her, and, in doing so, it determines the subject. Thus, Lacan reduces the subject to a claim, a need, that crosses and distorts the visual field. This distortion forces the subject to meet his/her condition of object. From this point of view, visual arts are a privileged territory to establish a certain relationship with the constant distortion of the eye (since aesthetics is, after all, ethics), therefore with that objectual condition that each subject embodies.

A study of functional components antioxidant activity and sensory characteristics of Gastrodiae Rhizoma by steaming-drying cycles

ABSTRACT Objectives : The objective of this study is to determine the best numbers o f steaming-drying cycles of Gastrodiae Rhizoma for both efficacy and taste. We investigated various characteristics among Gastrodiae Rhizoma samples (GSD1, GSD3, GSD5 and GSD7) through the number of steaming-dryi ng cycles increased.Methods : Gastrodiae Rhizoma were steamed and dried at different repeated numbers. They wer e divided into samples (GSD1; steamed and dried once, GSD3; steamed and dried three times, GSD5; steamed and dried five times, GSD7; steamed and dried seven times) for experiment. The y were extracted using water, freeze dried and powdered to analyze proximate composition, free sugar amount, f unctional components, antioxidant activity and sensory evaluation.Results : Proximate composition and the amount of free sugars of Gastrodiae Rhizoma did not have meaningful differences among samples. Phenolic and flavonoid content of sa mples were increased by increasing steaming-drying numbers. Gastrodin content had different values and GSD7 was th e highest in comparison with others. Increasing steaming-drying numbers led to a increasing in radic al and nitrate scavenging activity in samples. Regarding to sensory evaluation, GSD5 was selected as the best sample according to its highest hedonic score mean (5.54/7) among all samples for appearance, color, taste an d overall acceptability.Conclusions : The results indicated that 5th-cycling sample was effective in views of functional components, antioxidant activity and sensory characteristics. Moreover, it was suggested that steaming-drying process improved remarkably the effects of Gastrodiae Rhizoma.Key words : Gastrodiae Rhizoma, steaming-drying cycles, gastrodin, antioxidant activity, sens ory characteristics

Maurus Reinkowski and Gregor Thum, editors. Helpless Imperialists: Imperial Failure, Fear and Radicalization.

Maurus Reinkowski and Gregor Thum, editors. Helpless Imperialists: Imperial Failure, Fear and Radicalization.

Representation of postcolonial identity in Naipauls works

This paper attempts to explore representation of postcolonial identity in V. S. Naipaul’s three works A House for Mr. Biswas, A Bend in the River and An Enigma of Arrival. This paper attempts to relate how these three works are replete with the theme of identity as the chief protagonists of all these three novels hanker after to find a place for them in the world to assert their identities. Their minds vacillate between two contradictory cultures existing in that time. Researcher attempts to analyze the different strands of identity to make the work more comprehensive and to radicalize its global demand. The origin of the word ‘identity’ and its literary importance has been projected through this paper along with the different meanings of identity having a slight difference in their meaning. Postcolonial Diasporic authors and their works have been mentioned in the paper to carry out further research on the theme of postcolonial identity. V. S. Naipaul’s earned vacuity of female authors by challenging them and their rabble-rousing strengthened his identity in the world, has been assessed and analyzed. It has been studied how in these three novels, main protagonists try to claim their place in the world that is full of challenges in their real life and consequently, the environment of these novels poses a cultural-clash to make their journey of life more complicated and hard to live in antagonistic surroundings. Key words: V. S. Naipaul, post-colony, identity, diaspora, home, place, Hinduism.

Radicalizing Enactivism. Basic Minds without Content

Fil: Satne, Glenda Lucila. Universidad de Copenhagen; Dinamarca. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Tecnicas; Argentina

PRELIMINARY PHYTOCHEMICAL ANALYSIS AND BIOLOGICAL SCREENING OF EXTRACTS OF LEAVES OF MELIA DUBIA CAV

The traditional knowledge on medicinal plants can lead to the development of drugs and plant based medicine. The lea ves of Melia dubia Cav ( Meliaceae) are used for the treatment of various ailments . In present study it was screened for antid iabetic and antioxidant activities and also tested for various phytochemical constituents. The phytochemical screening of extracts revealed the presence of alkaloids, carbohydrates, steroids, tannins, flavonoids, saponins and glycosides. Total phenol content and total flavonoid content was performed for all the extracts by s tandard methods. The extracts were screened for in vitro α - am ylase inhibitory activity and the ethanolic extract inhibited α - amylase at much lower concentration (IC 50 - 24.82 µg/ml ) than the standard Ac a r bose. The successive solvent extracts of Melia dubia exhibited excellent antioxidant activity by Nitric oxide radic al s cav enging method, evidenced by lower IC 50 ( 16.89 µg/ml ) value in the ethanolic extract. The results revealed that , ethanolic fraction of Melia dubia Cav which contains highest amount of phenolic and flavonoids compound may be contribut ing to antioxidan t and antidiabetic potential of the plant.

Comparative study of redox characteristics and antioxidant activity of porphyrins with 2,6-dialkylphenol groups

152 The oxidative stress of an organism is a result of the acceleration of lipid peroxidation (LPO) in cells and the formation of reactive oxygen species and free rad icals. This process leads to destruction of membranes, the emergence of numerous pathologies, and prema ture aging of the organism. The search for new antiox idants, as well as for methods to assess the antioxidant activity, is an important and interesting task [1]. Of particular interest are synthesis and study of properties of polyfunctional compounds with several pharma cophoric centers in the molecule, because such a com bination is able not only to enhance the known physi ological activity but also to cause the appearance of new types of physiological activity [2–4]. Ionol I (2,6 di tert butyl 4 methylphenol) is a known anti oxidant used in the manufacture of foodstuffs (food additive E321). 2,6 Diisobornyl 4 methylphenol (dibornol) IV is currently undergoing preclinical tri als as a promising drug [5]. CHEMISTRY

Homegrown Islamist Radicalization in Canada: Process Insights from an Attitudinal Survey

Abstract.Theories of radicalization make implicit predictions about variation among attitudes in the communities from which radicals are drawn. This article subjects some popular theories to empirical testing. The precise process by which individuals come to sympathize with, provide material support for or actually engage in political violence is fully comprehensible only by longitudinal analysis, but much existing work tries to reconstruct the process by looking only at one part of its outcomes: those who have become radicalized. The result is a large number of theories and mechanisms, with little compelling empirical support. A cross-sectional snapshot of an at-risk community cannot definitively support a particular theory of radicalization, but it can rule out those whose predictions about attitudes are at variance with the empirical observations. We designed a survey instrument to measure attitudes to issues widely believed to be relevant to radicalization and deployed it among Muslim communities in Ottawa. The results are remarkably inconsistent with patterns of variation in attitudes predicted by popular theories of radicalization. Instead, they show variation of attitudes along three independent dimensions: social/economic/political satisfaction/dissatisfaction, moral/religious satisfacton/dissatisfaction, and a dimension that appears to be associated with radicalization. This suggests that governments may have less policy leverage to mitigate radicalization than generally supposed.Résumé.Les théories de la radicalisation font des prévisions implicites quant à la variation parmi les attitudes au sein des communautés dont les radicaux sont issus. Cet article soumet quelques unes des théories populaires à une vérification empirique. Le processus précis par lequel des individus sympathisent avec, appuient ou s'engagent dans la violence politique ne peut être complètement saisi que par une analyse longitudinale, bien qu'une bonne partie de la recherche à date essaie de reconstruire le processus en regardant seulement une partie de ces résultats : ceux qui sont devenus radicalisés. En conséquence, un grand nombre de théories et de mécanismes sont soutenus par peu de preuve empirique. Un aperçu transversal d'une communauté à risque ne peut pas confirmer une théorie particulière de radicalisation, mais il peut éliminer celles dont les prévisions ne se conforment pas aux observations empiriques. Nous avons conçu un instrument de sondage pour mesurer des attitudes envers des enjeux qui sont largement perçus comme se rapportant à la radicalisation et nous l'avons administré au sein de communautés musulmanes à Ottawa. Le désaccord entre les résultats et les variations des attitudes postulées par les théories de la radicalisation est remarquable. Les résultats manifestent davantage une variation des attitudes autour de trois dimensions indépendantes : l'in/satisfaction sociale/économique/politique, l'in/satisfaction morale/religieuse ainsi qu'une dimension qui semble être liée à la radicalisation. Il s'ensuit que les politiques publiques risquent d'être moins utiles aux gouvernements pour atténuer la radicalisation que ce qui est généralement supposé.

Activating Support for Social Movements The Effect of the Internet on Public Opinion toward Social Movements in Hong Kong

Despite the stagnant democratization process, social movements and citizens' contentious collective action have become a prominent feature in Hong Kong politics in the past few years. One specific issue which has aroused the interest of both scholars and commentators is the role of new media technologies in the protest politics in Hong Kong. While much research in Europe and America has documented the Internet's ability to facilitate the expansion of social movement mobilization and participation, this essay examines whether the Internet has helped to foster positive public opinion toward social movements, their goals, and their collective action. Based on considerations of the characteristics of the online information environment and people's information-seeking behavior, this essay develops the hypotheses concerning persuasion, support activation, and opinion radicalization. These hypotheses are examined in the case of the anti-Express Rail protests in Hong Kong in early 2010. Analysis of survey data (N=1,007) confirms the support activation and opinion radicalization hypotheses. Theoretical and social implications of the findings are discussed.

Political Commitment under an Authoritarian Regime: Professional Associations and the Islamist Movement as Alternative Arenas in Jordan

How does political commitment develop when actors are confronted with authoritarian processes? Under a liberal authoritarian regime, even the creation of democratic institutions may mean authoritarian stabilization (contradicting classical transition theories) rather than open an arena for political protest. However, alternative contentious arenas may appear, where resourceful organizations can be partially transformed into a basis for protest with challenging frames of reference. In the Jordanian case, the professional associations (in contravention of corporatism theory) and the Islamist social movement have thus gained oppositional capacity. However, apart from repression, their own economic and social roles, and their integration in the regime frame and limit the kind of political commitment they can lead. Ambivalence arises between challenging and integrated positions and when alternative arenas become so integrated in the regime that they lose their contentious role, radicalization processes appear. Both cases underline the versatility of political arenas and their relational characteristics. These political arenas are also the places where alternative ideologies are produced. At that level, the Islamist movement has a very specific position as a hegemonic ideological producer with no hegemonic power and position. The case thus supports an analytical separation between power position and ideology and confirms the need for less state-centred definition of ideology.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: Radical Islam in Post-Suharto Indonesia

Indonesia provides a fruitful case study of differences between radicalization processes in liberal and authoritarian regimes. Political Science hereby tends to emphasize regime type as the determinant of Islamist political strategy (radical, militant or moderate) and therefore as the main explanatory factor for radicalization processes. Although this is true of the role of Islamists in various Middle Eastern countries, where electoral participation has moderated political programs and strategies, it is of little relevance to Indonesia. The democratic opening in 1998 provided Islamists with new opportunities to participate in electoral politics, and even become co-opted by formally “secular” forces, but at the same time opened up spaces for militant, radical Islamist groups. Whereas radical Islam faced severe state repression under Suharto’s New Order, we now find a highly ambiguous relationship between the state and radical Islamists, expressed in operational terms as a parallelism of repression and cooptation. This article tries to make sense of the relationship between the post-authoritarian state and radical Islam in Indonesia by transcending the institution-centered understanding of the role of Islam through an examination of the configurations of social forces that have determined the shape, scope, and practices of radical Islam within Indonesia’s new experiment with democracy.

Neo-liberal Governing of "Radicals": Danish Radicalization Prevention Policies and Potential Iatrogenic Effects

The Danish government’s counter-radicalization Action Plan of 2009 had intended and unintended effects. Primarily targeting Danish Muslims, it employs neoliberal governmentality approaches of governance through individual support and response, information and knowledge, empowerment, surveillance and intervention, and anti-discrimination. It aims to prevent radicalization by transforming, shaping, and disciplining illiberal and violence-prone “radicals” into active, liberal citizens. Prolonged fieldwork and in-depth interviews with seventeen Muslims from a targeted milieu reveal skepticism about the effectiveness of the measures. Implementation of the action plan in practice may yield iatrogenic effects.

Merleau-Ponty’s Theory of the Other as a Radicalization of Husserl’s Theory of the Other

Merleau-Ponty’s Theory of the Other as a Radicalization of Husserl’s Theory of the Other

Hidrogenasi Minyak Nabati

Hydrogenation of edible oils is a liquid­ phase process in which gaseous hydrogen is dispersed and caused to dissolve in the heated oils, where, under the influence of a solid catalyst (ussually nickel), it combines with unsaturated fatty acid ra dicals. Hydrogenation increases the mel­ting point and consistency of oils. In ad­ dition to its effect upon the melting point and consistency of oils and fats, hydro­ genation improves the resistance of the edible oil products to atmospheric oxidation.

The Economics and Ethics of Hurricane Katrina

How might free enterprise have dealt with Hurricane Katrina and her aftermath. This article probes this question at increasing levels of radicalization, starting with the privatization of several government “services” and ending with the privatization of all of them.

Chávez Pushes the Limits: Radicalization and Discontent in Venezuela

(2010). Chavez Pushes the Limits: Radicalization and Discontent in Venezuela. NACLA Report on the Americas: Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 7-12.

Redes católicas y estado en la “Revolución Argentina”

En 1966 sucede el golpe de Estado cívico-militar-religioso autodenominado Revolución Argentina, que colocó a Juan Carlos Onganía como presidente de facto de la Argentina. Ante este acontecimiento, mientras un grupo de intelectuales y expertos se opondrá activamente al gobierno militar, un número significativo de cientistas sociales apoyará activamente la experiencia dictatorial. Se trata de una militancia en el campo político y cultural, en universidades, think tanks y ocupando cargos en el Estado. Entre estos son significativos los sujetos socializados en redes y espacios socio-religiosos, especialmente aquellos vinculados con un pensamiento tecnocrático y desarrollista. En este artículo daremos cuenta de la participación de católicos en la dictadura comandada por Onganía, reconstruyendo ciertas redes emergentes en el estudio de la trayectoria de un individuo, José Enrique Miguens, que permite dar cuenta de la relación entre redes católicas y el sistema político argentino.

Le social et l’éthique comme réponses de la religion face au pluralisme religieux

La question du pluralisme religieux est devenue une interrogation centrale parmi les débats portant sur la religion au sein des sociétés occidentales. L’auteure propose trois postures choisies par les institutions religieuses en situation de pluralisme: l’aseptisation, la radicalisation et la voie intermédiaire en tension entre deux pôles: attestataire/protestataire. Cette dernière, la plus fréquente, constitue l’objet de cette étude. Or, que les acteurs religieux décident de collaborer, notamment autour d’une défense de la vision sacrée de l’homme, ou bien qu’ils adoptent des stratégies de différenciation dans le champ social, ils sont peu identifiés par la société civile comme porteurs d’une représentation du monde spécifique. L’hypothèse proposée est de considérer que la normativité d’origine religieuse est dévaluée dans la société, de même que le bien-fondé de cette normativité. La question qui en découle, à la suite de Jim Beckford, est de savoir si les sociétés occidentales sont en situation seulement de diversité religieuse, tolérant en leur sein des religions dites minoritaires, ou si elles parviennent à produire une réflexion concernant les modalités et les stratégies de prise en charge de ce pluralisme.

‚Gebremste Radikalisierung‘ – Zur Entwicklung der Gewerkschaftsjugend von 1968 bis Mitte der 1970er Jahre

The notion of “1968” as an expression of civil disorder in western countries is primarily attributed to students, but also to young people in general. This article pays special attention to the group of wage earners, as the biggest population group, and especially to the youth, that was organized in trade unions. The reason for putting young trade unionists from “1968” under closer consideration lies in the significant shift to the left, by which German trade unions were captured during these times. It will be asked why this shift happened and how it was linked to the protests at this time. In addition, the contribution analyses the trade unions attitude towards the 1968-movement – and the roles that have been played by young trade unionists. It is argued, that according to a general radicalisation in “1968”, similar tendencies can also be observed in the trade union youth in general though substantial variation cannot be overlooked.

To Lose God is to Lose Man: What “Public Reason” Can Learn from Public Faith

Much of liberal theory tacitly presupposes a secularized and radicalized form of the religious view called fideism, according to which reason and faith, Athens and Jerusalem, have nothing to say to each other. John Paul II defended the contrasting view that only rightly ordered faith allows reason to become fully itself. If he was right, however, then to purge civic discourse of expressions of faith would make it not more rational, but less. Carson Holloway convincingly demonstrates this point through a sustained examination of thinkers who shaped the present age.