Racial Democracy Research Articles

Fateful Triangles in Brazil: A Forum on Stuart Hall’s The Fateful Triangle: Race, Ethnicity, Nation, Part II

Abstract Stuart Hall, a founding scholar in the Birmingham School of cultural studies and eminent theorist of ethnicity, identity and difference in the African diaspora, as well as a leading analyst of the cultural politics of the Thatcher and post-Thatcher years, delivered the W. E. B. Du Bois Lectures at Harvard University in 1994. In the lectures, published after a nearly quarter-century delay as The Fateful Triangle: Race, Ethnicity, Nation (2017), Hall advances the argument that race, at least in North Atlantic contexts, operates as a ‘sliding signifier,’ such that, even after the notion of a biological essence to race has been widely discredited, race-thinking nonetheless renews itself by essentializing other characteristics such as cultural difference. Substituting Michel Foucault’s famous power-knowledge dyad with power-knowledge-difference, Hall argues that thinking through the fateful triangle of race, ethnicity and nation shows us how discursive systems attempt to deal with human difference. In ‘Fateful Triangles in Brazil,’ Part II of Contexto Internacional’s forum on The Fateful Triangle, three scholars work with and against Hall’s arguments from the standpoint of racial politics in Brazil. Sharon Stanley argues that Hall’s account of hybrid identity may encounter difficulties in the Brazilian context, where discourses of racial mixture have, in the name of racial democracy, supported anti-black racism. João Nackle Urt investigates the vexed histories of ‘race,’ ‘ethnicity’ and ‘nation’ in reference to indigenous peoples, particularly Brazilian Indians. Finally, Thiago Braz shows, from a perspective that draws on Afro-Brazilian thinkers, that emphasizing the contingency of becoming in the concept of diaspora may ignore the myriad ways by which Afro-diasporic Brazilians are marked as being black, and thus subject to violence and inequality. Part I of the forum – with contributions by Donna Jones, Kevin Bruyneel and William Garcia – critically examines the promise and potential problems of Hall’s work from the context of North America and western Europe in the wake of #BlackLivesMatter and Brexit.

브라질의 인종민주주의: 다문화성에서 상호문화성으로

1930년대 프레이리(Gilberto Freyre)는 “인종민주주의”(Racial Democracy)를 제안했는데, 그것은 브라질의 공동체를 분리하거나 또는 고립시키는 것이 아니라 혼혈인을 ‘브라질 공동체’에 통합시키려는 전략이었다. 프레이리의 인종민주주의는 오랫동안 브라질인의 인종관계에 대한 사고에 뿌리 깊게 각인시켰다. 프레이리가 “주인과 노예”에서 다양한 인종의 혼혈은 새롭고 우월한 인종을 발생시킨다고 주장했다. 프레이리의 주장은 혼혈인종의 개인은 열등하고 우생학적으로 건강하지 않다는 기존의 주장에 도전했다. 프레이리 이전의 대부분의 브라질 지식인은 혼혈인은 국민적 질서를 혼란케 하는 이질적이고 비안정적인 요소로 여겼다. 그러나 프레이리는 이종 간 혼혈이라는 방식으로 브라질의 미래에 대한 해결책을 제시했다. 이전의 백인화이념은 혼혈을 통한 방식이지만 백인과 백인성을 보다 더 중시했다. 그러나 프레이리의 주장은 혼혈을 통한 같은 방식이지만, 백인과 백인성을 중시하는 것이 아니라 ‘혼혈인’을 보다 더 중시하는 방식이었다. 본 논문은 브라질의 다문화적 인종민주주의에 대한 대안으로서 상호문화적 인종민주주의를 제시하고자 한다. 이런 관점에서, 제2장에서는 인종민주주의의 기원을 살펴본다. 제3장에서는 인종민주주의 내용을 연구하려 한다. 제4장에서는 인종민주주의 특징을 분석한다. 제5장에서는 인종민주주의의 한계와 도전을 분석한다. 제6장은 결론으로서 인종민주주의의 대안으로서 ‘상호문화적전환’과 그의 연결고리로서 ‘횡단의 정치’의 가능성을 살펴보려 한다.

Child Savers and Unchildlike Youth: Class, Race, and Juvenile Justice in the Early Twentieth Century

This essay analyzes inequality and the construction of childhood in the early US juvenile justice system. Although the juvenile justice movement’s best intentions focused on protecting children from neglect and the criminal justice system, historians have argued that protective juvenile justice was unequal and ephemeral. I critically summarize three histories of juvenile justice: Anthony Platt’sThe Child Savers: The Invention of Delinquency(1969),Geoff Ward’s The Black Child-Savers: Racial Democracy and Juvenile Justice(2012), and Tera Agyepong’sThe Criminalization of Black Children: Race, Gender, and Delinquency in Chicago’s Juvenile Justice System, 1899–1945(2018). I argue that the common thread in these studies is the construction of poor and black youth as unchildlike. Because the juvenile court arose in a context where not all youth were considered children, it never treated all youth as innocent or in need of protection.

Race and Employment Practices in Northeast Brazil’s Ecotourism Industry: An Analysis of Cultural Capital, Symbolic Capital, and Symbolic Power

The ethnographic study of tourism in Latin America and the Caribbean offers the opportunity to examine the ways that racial ideologies perpetuate social inequality, debunking the myth of racial democracy in countries such as Brazil. In the case of Brogodó, in Bahia, Brazil, structural inequality and racial ideology limit the equal participation of Brazilians of African descent in the local ecotourism industry. This article draws on evidence from ethnographic research to investigate the relationship of structural inequality, racial ideology, and cultural and symbolic capital. In the ecotourism industry, employer discourses emphasizing the limits of local community members’ cultural capital conceal their preference for employees exhibiting both the habitus and phenotypic traits associated with whiteness, reflecting broader social and economic practices that discriminate against African-descendent Brazilians. The ability to naturalize habitus and disguise racial ideology behind discussions of education and qualifications reflects employers’ and members of the dominant classes’ symbolic power.

Viewing Japanese Incarceration from Above & Below

This article examines the role of landscape in the visual and narrative representation of Japanese incarceration in Ansel Adams’s Born Free and Equal. Specifically, by analyzing the way it both draws upon and reworks what art historian Albert Boime calls the magisterial and reverential gaze, I argue that Born Free revises the thematic and visual trope of US frontier mythology to articulate a US racial liberal structure of feeling in the American century. Born Free oscillates between landscapes and portraits to establish an aestheticized account of frontier nature. In so doing, it forges a vision of racial democracy that can simultaneously americanize the Japanese body and universalize US global power. In other words, Born Free’s aestheticized frontier positions the minoritized Japanese body as a national icon that testifies to the racial liberal values of the US, and thus can authorize American (neocolonial) power globally.

Brazil's Black Christianity and the Counter-hegemonic Production of Knowledge in World Christianity

Brazil is home for the largest African diaspora. In spite of that, until the end of the twentieth century, Brazil's Africanness tended to be hidden under the Eurocentric construct of a colour-blind national identity and the myth of racial democracy. Since the 1990s, Brazil's negritude or blackness has emerged as an important source of culture, knowledge, identity and public policy. Such a reconfiguration of Brazilian identity and culture to privilege black agency challenges common assumptions in the study of the religions of Brazil, including Christianity. This article examines the impact of Afro-Brazilian spirituality and religions upon Brazilian Christianity, shedding new light on Afro-Brazilian contributions to the formation of Brazil's cultural and religious mosaic. It highlights the often-overlooked agency of Afro-Brazilians as social, religious and cultural actors who have not only resisted colonial and neocolonial efforts to whitewash Brazilian culture, but have also positively contributed to the production of culture, knowledge and identities through a dynamic relation with their African roots. Finally, focusing on Afro-Brazilian spirituality as an important shaper of Brazilian Christianity, this article advances a decolonial perspective that draws attention to the ways Brazil's black Christianity contributes to the production of counter-hegemonic forms of knowledge and knowing.

BRAZILIAN RACE RELATIONS, FRENCH SOCIAL SCIENTISTS, AND AFRICAN DECOLONIZATION: A TRANSATLANTIC HISTORY OF THE IDEA OF MISCEGENATION

AbstractThis article analyzes how debates concerning Brazilian race relations, miscegenation, and racial democracy unfolded in France in the 1950s. During those years, Gilberto Freyre and those critical of him emerged in French social scientific discourse, offering distinct visions concerning race, culture, and the possibility of harmonious coexistence in a world structured by racial, social, and colonial inequalities. Certain French social scientists such as Lucien Febvre and Fernand Braudel embraced Freyre's vision as a possible source for racial and cultural mixing, whereas others, especially Alfred Métraux and Florestan Fernandes, directly criticized his work. Roger Bastide mediated between the two, translating Freyre's Casa-Grande & Senzala and coauthoring a UNESCO-based study on blacks and whites in São Paulo that largely repudiated Freyre's claims. I argue that in a period in which decolonization was already underway, Freyre piqued the interest of French social scientists looking to overcome the growing antagonism between colonizer and colonized, even if other models of cultural integration and autonomy contested the validity of Brazil's so-called racial democracy.

El contenido estereotípico y el discurso acerca del prejuicio racial en Bahía

Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo descubrir el contenido de los estereotipos asociados a las personas racializadas blancas y negras, así como verificar las justificaciones para la existencia de prejuicio racial en Bahía. En esta encuesta participaron 146 personas, de las cuales un 56.8% fueron estudiantes de una universidad pública de Salvador de Bahía y un 43.2% no estudiantes, con edades comprendidas entre 16 y 75 años (M =29.84 DT = 12.663), el 47.6% eran de sexo femenino y el 52.4% de sexo masculino. Los participantes respondieron a una prueba de asociación libre, que contenía las palabras estímulos: personas negras y blancas; además de una pregunta referente a la existencia de prejuicio en Bahía para justificar su respuesta. Los contenidos de los estereotipos indican que a las personas racializadas como blancas y a las negras se les asocian estereotipos referentes al estatus y condiciones sociales. Las personas blancas fueron percibidas como poseedores de un mayor estatus (ricos y guapos) y las personas negras con menor (pobres y trabajadores), lo que corroboró el modelo del contenido de los estereotipos de Fiske et al. (1999, 2002, 2007). Además, los participantes afirmaron que perciben la existencia del prejuicio racial en Bahía. Las justificaciones se agruparon en dos categorías. La primera presenta el prejuicio racial como un fenómeno histórico, mientras que en la segunda el prejuicio racial es visto como un fenómeno actual. Por lo tanto, se pudo verificar que el prejuicio racial fue percibido como un fenómeno social cuyas raíces están en la estructura social brasileña, que lo configura como un fenómeno institucional, que cuestiona el mito de la democracia racial en Brasil.Palabras clave: contenido de los estereotipos, prejuicio racial, prejuicio institucional.

Uma narrativa histórica da educação nacional entre mitos: do fundador ao de democracia racial

This paper aims to develop a debate about the characteristics that consolidated an autonomous national project with imposing pretensions, markedly from the turn of the 19th century to the 20th century. It tries to address how the different myths about equality between people have been treated historically by national education, up to the current document of the National Curricular Common Base. Through the literature review, a historical trajectory is recovered in six stages. It is identified that the myth of racial democracy serves as an argument to exclude compensatory measures in the name of a meritocracy that treats dissimilar as similar. Therefore, in addition to recovering the historical silencing, it seeks to indicate means for the construction of a democratic pedagogical political project for the national education system.

Hybridity and Prejudice: Jews and New Christians in Casa-Grande & Senzala and the Intellectual Context of Gilberto Freyre

The question of Gilberto Freyre's anti-Jewish proclivities is a matter generally omitted by most of scholars, since his views on colonial Brazil celebrated human miscegenation and cultural métissage as quintessential to Brazil's identity. How could a champion of Brazil's ‘racial democracy’ and a pioneer of historiographical hybridism, like Freyre, express anti-Semitic stereotypes imbued with racialist overtones? This article aims to give some answers to this riddle through a textual and contextual analysis of Freyre's masterpiece: Masters and Slaves (Casa Grande & Senzala, 1933). After reviewing past scholarship on this issue (mostly related to his education and early biography), I will first show the influence of the Portuguese-Brazilian historian João Lúcio de Azevedo on Freyre's views on Jews, conversos and Judaism. On the other hand, I will argue that Freyre's reification of ‘the Jew’ paradoxically comes from his way of depicting Brazil's identity as an inclusive combination between different ‘races’, cultures and ‘characters’. A comparison with Américo Castro's narratives of Spain, as stemming from an interaction between Christians, Muslims and Jews, will show that Freyre's anti-Jewish prejudices paradoxically emerged from his ‘mestizo’ views.

ВОПРОСЫ НАЦИЕСТРОИТЕЛЬСТВА В РИТОРИКЕ ЛАТИНОАМЕРИКАНСКИХ ИНТЕЛЛЕКТУАЛОВ И ЭЛИТ: ОТ ПРОШЛОГО К НАСТОЯЩЕМУ

Introduction: the review and analytical study based on the constructivist approach, examines the evolution of the Latin American intellectuals and elites rhetoric on the key issue of nation-building in Latin America after independence. Based on the example of a number of countries of the continent (Argentina, Peru, Brazil, Venezuela), analyses were made of the views of intellectuals and elites on the prospects of nation-building in the XIX – early XX century, the understanding and interpretation of the colonial past, the opinion of European culture, heritage and liberal values, the attitude to the indigenous population and former African slaves and the definition of their place in the future nation, reasoning about national identity and unique way of the Latin American continent. Aims: to estimate the role of intellectuals and their influence on vectors of development of the Latin American region. Methods: the constructivist concept of nation-building, which assumes the possibility of creating a nation with the help of such tools as language, common history and mythology, state regulation practices, propaganda and social mobilization.  Results: the influence of different directions of social and political thought (theories of racism, racial democracy, indigenism), as well as the change of political regimes, on the rhetoric of intellectuals and elites in the XX century has been demonstrated. The change of rhetoric of elites and intellectuals in different historical periods has been traced chronologically, with features of nation-building for a specific country being revealed. Conclusion: at the present stage there is a significant shift in the views of intellectuals and elites on the “national question” towards the recognition of the ideas of equality of rights and opportunities of all ethnic groups, as well as support for the fight against racial discrimination in public policy.

Intersections between Race and Class: A Postcolonial Analysis and Implications for Organizational Leaders

Abstract This article seeks to understand the construction of racial identity in the Brazilian social context and its intersections with social class, aiming to analyze the occurrence of race resignification in this intersectional process, a process called the classification of race herein. Considering that business students will be leaders involved with the elaboration of organizational policies, this article seeks to contribute to the development of racial diversity policies in the field. Interviews were thus held with undergraduate students of management in a Brazilian university. The interviews occurred in focus groups, and data analysis was performed by means of discourse analysis from a postcolonial identity perspective, which allowed us to conclude that the boundaries between race and class are quite tenuous, to the point that racial aspects are reduced to merely involving social class. At the same time, social class acts as a form of whitening. The reduction of race to social class is a strategy of denying race as a social marker that produces inequalities and denying the existence of structural racism in the Brazilian society, thus bearing the myth that Brazil is a racial democracy.

Understanding contemporary Brazil

Foreword Brazil has famously been called a country of contradictions. It is a place where narratives of racial democracy exist in the face of stark inequalities, and where the natural environment is celebrated as a point of national pride, but at the same time is exploited at alarming rates. To people on the outside looking in, these contradictions seem hard to explain. Understanding Contemporary Brazil tackles these problems head-on, providing the perfect critical introduction to Brazil's ...

Contracultura: Alternative Arts and Social Transformation in Authoritarian Brazil by Christopher Dunn

Reviewed by: Contracultura: Alternative Arts and Social Transformation in Authoritarian Brazil by Christopher Dunn Wesley Costa de Moraes Dunn, Christopher. Contracultura: Alternative Arts and Social Transformation in Authoritarian Brazil. The U of North Carolina P, 2016. 256 pp. ISBN: 978-1-4696-2851-6. Amongst the military dictatorships that ruled the Southern Cone of Latin America in the second half of the past century, the authoritarian government in Brazil was not the most violent, though certainly one of the longest, having lasted from 1964 to 1985. Despite the actual violence perpetrated by the Brazilian State, the confrontation [End Page 148] that arose in the cultural arena has been an object of wide academic interest. Christopher Dunn has been exploring the topic for a period longer than the Brazilian dictatorship itself, and Contracultura: Alternative Arts and Social Transformation in Authoritarian Brazil condenses his efforts to organize the expressions and movements that defined such confrontation. The umbrella of counterculture amalgamates his materials, distributed in five chapters along with a lengthy introduction that provides the essentials of this sociopolitical period in Brazil and lays the theoretical foundation of the book. In the introduction, Dunn explains that the Brazilian counterculture voiced discontent with the projects of national liberation and development embraced by the dictatorship. Although inspired in the international counterculture, factors like race, social class, and regional cultures came into play in ingenious ways in Brazil. Against the official project of nation where social rifts seemed nonexistent, the counterculture ventured other definitions of brazilianness with creativity and even humor, rescuing the country's native and ethnic heritages from neglect. Many of such attitudes escaped the censorship, while others were repressed by the police or led to exile. The authorities strived to decipher their witty ambiguity, which broke free from the divisive message sent out by the dictatorship propaganda: "Brazil, love it or leave it" (24). The book delves into four of such distinct yet aligned attitudes in a chapter each, while the fifth and last chapter mostly assesses their results as contenders of the status quo. Dunn investigates the practices adopted by certain social groups as well as mainstream culture, particularly the defying works and behavior of artists in music, film, literature, theater, and the fine arts. Chapter one is devoted to the anonymous youths, mostly from the middle and upper classes, who did not comply to social expectations, for instance, by refusing to enlist in the mandatory military service. This nonconformist attitude was called "Desbunde" (also the title of this chapter), and is parallel to similar rebellious youth movements that took place in other parts of the world during the 60's. In chapter two, "Experience the Experimental", Dunn disputes the charge that the Latin American counterculture was "imported and inauthentic" (13). The artistic activity that flourished amidst repression in Brazil contests such charge as it combined erudition and popular culture, from the poetry of Waly Salomão to the installations of Hélio Oiticica. Such mixtures mirrored the true fissions of Brazilian society while suggesting that the project of a genuinely inclusive collectivity was possible. The third chapter focuses on Bahia, a state of predominant African heritage that further supports the author's claims of authenticity in the Brazilian counterculture. The Tropicália, an offbeat lively aesthetic practice, became paradigmatic of an all-encompassing sense of brazilianness. Its quirky forms, embodied by artists like siblings Caetano veloso and Maria Bethânia, were even more elusive to the censorship. Dunn also highlights the influence exerted by syncretic religious practices such as Candomblé, and the importance assigned to a state expected to epitomize the harmonious racial miscegenation idealized by the dictatorship. After Bahia, Dunn goes back to Rio de Janeiro to explore yet more connections between race and counterculture. Chapter four, "Black Rio," strengthens the author's critique of the prevailing discourse of racial democracy. The empowerment [End Page 149] of black individuals in Rio put up resistance to a harshly discriminating environment and was influenced by the African American culture, especially through Soul music. Such influence complicates the defense of Brazilian counterculture as innovative; nevertheless, the dictatorship promptly asserted that the reality of Afro Brazilians was different from that of their counterparts in...

The myth of racial democracy in the labour market: a critical analysis of the participation of afro-descendants in brazilian companies

ABSTRACT This research sought to identify the participation of different races in organizations and to investigate the opportunities for black people, in terms of employability and professional growth, in Brazil. To meet this objective, documentary research was undertaken with 117 companies, which are among the 500 largest in Brazil. The results indicated that racial democracy is a myth in our society, hence the need to move forward with social policies that minimize inequalities between white and black people in the most significant company positions. The process of producing and reproducing racism continues to restrict the of black people to the highest hierarchical levels. In order to achieve equality for black people in the labour market, we must evolve from social policies of ‘good intentions’ to the concept of praxis and be positioned among the benchmarks of militant sociology, establishing a set of affirmative government policies, accompanied by practices that encourage diversity in companies and denounce ideologies which reinforce the myth of racial democracy.

“Looking for more Brazilian solutions”: Rhetorical Strategies against Ethnic Quotas in Brazilian Higher Education

Since the 1990s, Brazil has experienced a growing public debate about policies of ethnic affirmative action. The arguments invoked by the opponents of affirmative action quotas, expressed in scientific publications, the mass media and even manifestos, have been the subject of study in several research projects. In their analyses, these scholars have concluded that the the anti-quota arguments suffered from logical inconsistency, theoretical and methodological flaws or simple lack of empirical evidence. However, anti-quota rhetoric appears to persist seemingly unaffected by academic counter-arguments, if not in the academic debate, at least in public opinion. This paper argues that the persuasive power of anti-quota arguments derives from the strategic use of specific rhetorical strategies, based on time-proven classical speech imagery that foreground evidence and logic even where speculation and heuristics are the actual foundation. Using methods of Critical Discourse Analysis I will analyze a representative corpus of prominent public discourses against ethnic affirmative action quotas in order to demonstrate how rhetorical strategies are deployed in these texts, showing how they broadly mirror the proposition of a “Rhetoric of Reaction” (Hirschman 1991). These rhetorics, I argue, draw heavily on the myth of “racial democracy” combined with a long-standing national master-narrative of Brazilian exceptionalism, the combination of which masks racial animosity and defers policy action to support ethnic minorities.

Mixed and misunderstandings: An exploration of the meaning of racism with maternal, child, and family health nurses in South Australia.

The aim of this study was to explore child and family health nurses' (CaFHNs) understanding of racism. Despite a growing literature examining racism in health care, few studies have explored health professionals' understanding of racism and how they manage it in practice. A qualitative descriptive design was employed. Five focus group discussions were held from January-June 2013 with 31 maternal, CaFHNs working across metropolitan South Australia. Data were analysed using thematic analysis with discourse analytic techniques. Focus group discussions identified three major themes: the relationship between racism and children's health care; perception of racist health system structures that have an impact on choice and relationship building; and the need for professionals to manage the tensions arising in everyday healthcare practice. Limited understandings of individual, structural, and ideological racism and racist practice were found. These were underpinned by discourses of multiculturalism and individualism within a framework of democratic racism. There is urgent need for nursing practice and pedagogy to centralize race and racialization to address inequities in health care.

Experiencias de racismo desde la inmigración Haitiana y Africana en Brasil

Resumen El debate en torno de la racialización y la identidad siempre ha estado conformado por perspectivas muy diversas que otorgan al fenómeno migratorio un lugar fundamental a ser analizado. La construcción social del racismo en Brasil ha caminado lado a lado con la historia migratoria del país. Las nuevas olas migratorias del siglo XXI configuran un escenario en este país que nos provoca la reflexión, por ejemplo, sobre cómo los inmigrantes racialmente identificados perciben el racismo en Brasil, país que todavía se presenta en el exterior con el mito de la democracia racial. El presente artículo busca poner en diálogo los debates contemporáneos sobre las teorías de identidad y racismo con la actual inmigración racializada, mediante el análisis de artículos periodísticos y debates académicos.

O Jornal Quilombo, Abdias Nascimento, e o Ativismo dos Direitos Humanos no Brasil

Este artigo examina a importância do Jornal Quilombo em relação à dinâmica política que Abdias Nascimento representa, não só como organizador da revista mas também dentro do contexto maior de assuntos culturais afro-brasileiros, como o das relações raciais transnacionais. Enquanto críticos do culturalismo brasileiro como Michael Hanchard (1994) e Pamela Alberto (2011) questionam o simbolismo do ativismo em contraste às estratégias socio-libertários ativistas, as contribuições da revista Quilombo neste número especial facsímile são salientadas, especialmente, no que diz respeito ao papel crítico de Abdias Nascimento no jornal. Como uma figura singular pan-africanista que tem liderado a luta pela dignidade política e cultural dos afro-brasileiros, este estudo antecipa um diálogo mais engajado com a “democracia racial”, bem além dos simbolismos folclóricos do hip-hop, samba, futebol, e carnaval.

Saúde da População Negra: como nascem, vivem e morrem os indivíduos pretos e pardos em Florianópolis (SC)

Objetivo: Realizar um diagnóstico situacional das condições de saúde da população negra no município de Florianópolis (SC). Métodos: Trata-se de estudo do tipo levantamento, descritivo. Os dados dos sistemas de informação em saúde foram consultados nas bases disponíveis (prontuários eletrônicos municipais, dados censitários e TABNET DATASUS estadual e nacional), com análise da variável raça/cor, no período de 2010 a 2016. Resultados: Os resultados revelam, na população negra, piores condições de escolaridade e renda, maior proporção de mães adolescentes, menor número de consultas pré-natal, maiores proporções de casos de sífilis em gestantes e tuberculose e menor cobertura de plano privado de saúde. Os pacientes negros frequentaram proporcionalmente mais os Centros de Atenção Psicossocial, em comparação aos atendimentos nos Centros de Saúde. Dentre as três primeiras causas de óbitos que encurtam a vida, AIDS e homicídios aparecem todos os anos dentre a população negra, não aparecendo na população branca. Causas perinatais também aparecem apenas dentre negros. Em 2016, suicídio tornou-se a terceira causa de óbito que encurta a vida na população parda. Conclusão: As piores condições de saúde na população negra podem refletir as piores condições socioeconômicas dessa população, bem como o racismo institucional e o mito da democracia racial brasileira.