Racial Privilege Research Articles

Disciplined Preferences: Explaining the (Re)Production of Latino Endogamy: Table A1.

While racial intermarriage is heralded as the last stage in integration processes, endogamy (intragroup marriage) is the overwhelming norm in the United States. What are the familial, dating, and community processes that produce endogamy? Drawing from 70 in-depth interviews with heterosexual Latinos concerning dating and marriage, this article reports that surveillance, punishment, and self-discipline harden racial boundaries and induce endogamy. Typically construed as highly personal, romantic preferences are, in fact, socially constructed and policed through family, peer, and community-level processes. “Third parties” such as family members, friends, and community members enforce intramarriage via advice, threats, censure, and violence. In turn, outsiders’ surveillance and punishment converts into self-discipline, which constrains romantic preferences and choices. To maintain social distance, both non-Hispanic whites and Latinos discipline their kin and their kin’s cross-racial romantic interests away from those who stand lower on the racial order. Latinos enjoy racial privilege relative to African Americans and preserve privilege by excluding blacks as romantic possibilities. Latino endogamy is a disciplined response to accumulated racial messages and racial boundary policing. Results show that racial communities are invested in perpetuating endogamy to preserve relative privilege and exert social pressures that largely support the contemporary racial hierarchy. Preferencias amorosas disciplinadas: Explicación de la (re) producción de la endogamia Latina Jessica M. Vásquez Mientras que los matrimonios interracialesson la señal que demuestra la última etapa de los procesos de integración, la endogamia (matrimoniosintragrupo) sigue siendo la normaen los EE.UU. ¿Cuáles son los procesos comunitarios, familiares y de noviazgos que producen dicha endogamia? A través de los resultados de 70 entrevistas en profundidad con latinos heterosexuales para comprender cómo son los procesos de noviazgo y matrimonio, en este artículo se señala que la vigilancia, el castigo, y la autodisciplinason las claves que endurecen las fronteras raciales e inducen a la endogamia.Las preferencias sobre la pareja, típicamente construidas como algo personal, son de hecho construidas y vigiladas socialmente a través de procesosdentro de la familia, los compañeros yla comunidad. “Las terceras partes”, como los miembros de la familia, los amigos y los miembros de la comunidad hacen cumplir el matrimonio intragrupo mediante consejos, amenazas, censura y violencia. A su vez, esta vigilancia externa se convierte en una autodisciplina que limita las capacidad de elección.Para mantener la distancia social, ambos grupos tanto los blancos no hispanos y como los latinos, disciplinan a sus parientes sobre las preferencias de pareja entre su misma razao parentesco, lejos de los que están más abajo en el orden racial. Los Latinos disfrutan de un privilegio racial en relación a los afroamericanos y para preservar estos privilegios excluyen las posibilidades de mantener relaciones románticas con los negros. La endogamia en la población latinase convierte en una respuesta disciplinada a los continuos mensajes raciales y las políticas asociadas conlimites-raciales. Los resultados muestran que las comunidades raciales invierten en la perpetuación de la endogamia para preservar sus privilegios y ejercen presión socialpara apoyarla actual jerarquía racial.

The hard-knock life? Whites claim hardships in response to racial inequity

Racial inequity continues to plague America, yet many Whites still doubt the existence of racial advantages, limiting progress and cooperation. What happens when people are faced with evidence that their group benefits from privilege? We suggest such evidence will be threatening and that people will claim hardships to manage this threat. These claims of hardship allow individuals to deny that they personally benefit from privilege, while still accepting that group-level inequity exists. Experiments 1a and 1b show that Whites exposed to evidence of racial privilege claim to have suffered more personal life hardships than those not exposed to evidence of privilege. Experiment 2 shows that self-affirmation reverses the effect of exposure to evidence of privilege on hardship claims, implicating the motivated nature of hardship claims. Further, affirmed participants acknowledge more personal privilege, which is associated with increased support for inequity-reducing policies.

Performances of social class, race and gender through youth subculture: putting structure back in to youth subcultural studies

This paper aims to advance debates in youth studies about the contemporary relevance of social structures of class, race and gender to the formation of youth subcultures. I demonstrate how drawing on a cultural class analysis and education literature on learner identities and performativity can be productive in theorising the continued significance of class, and indeed also race and gender in young people's lives. In examining school-based friendships and (sub)cultural forms through empirical research in urban schools, I argue that not only are young people's subcultural groups structured by class, race and gender but also they are integral to the production of these identities. By examining the discursive productions of two school-based subcultures as examples: the ‘Smokers’ and the ‘Football’ crowd, I further argue that these identity positions embody resources or capitals which have differing value in the context of the urban school and thus demonstrate how race, class and gender privilege are maintained and reproduced through youth subculture.

Night Heron Press and Lesbian Print Culture in North Carolina, 1976–1983

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In the inaugural 1976 issue of the journal Sinister Wisdom, founders Harriet Desmoines and Catherine Nicholson wrote, lesbians living in the South. We're white; sometimes unemployed, sometimes working part-time. We're a generation apart. Based in Charlotte, North Carolina, the women pledged political action to think ... keenly and imaginatively about how to develop lesbian-feminist consciousness and emphasized that they were using the remnants of our class and race privilege to construct a force that we hope will ultimately destroy privilege. Many lesbian-feminists around the United States recognized Sinister Wisdom as a vital entry into the landscape of lesbian print culture, particularly after the demise of Amazon Quarterly, a national journal headquartered in Oakland, California, that ceased publication in 1975. (1) During the 1970s and 1980s, lesbian-feminist books, shorter chapbooks, journals, periodicals, newspapers, posters, and broadsides were distributed across the United States through social networks, community organizations, and businesses. Locally, writers and publishers often circulated their goods hand-to-hand--selling, swapping, and sharing publications. The intent, as Desmoines and Nicholson expressed for Sinister Wisdom, was to challenge public consciousness and create materials for a lesbian-feminist revolution. Journals and zines proposed visions of a new world--one absent of sexism and homophobia where women and lesbians could live full, open lives, unencumbered by the oppression of heteronormative patriarchy. (2) Lesbian-feminism, as an ideology, was both a visionary and a practical expression of the Women's Liberation Movement (WLM), and lesbian print culture helped mobilize other women to share in its vision, philosophy, and activism. Although narratives of the WLM often focus on major urban centers, the movement flourished across the nation. In the early 1970s, for example, feminists in North Carolina organized a number of initiatives including the Durham Women's Center (a project of the Durham YWCA), the Durham's Women's Health Collective, Peer Information Service for Counseling and Education in Sexuality (PISCES), and Triangle Area Lesbian Feminists. The burgeoning feminist community prompted a group, including Elizabeth Knowlton, to publish 3,000 copies of the Whole Women Carologue: A Guide to Resources for Women in North Carolina. Emphasizing women's liberation, the guide included resources for health, athletics, law, and politics, among other things, and sold to women in North Carolina for $3. (3) From this culture of organizing grew two lesbian-feminist journals: Sinister Wisdom and Feminary--the latter having begun in 1969 as a newsletter of the Research Triangle Women's Liberation. The founding of these two journals in North Carolina demonstrates the vitality of local lesbian-feminist communities to launch and sustain projects of national significance. In addition to Feminary and Sinister Wisdom., three small publishers made their home in the Tar Heel State. Judy Hogan founded Carolina Wren Press in 1976 in Chapel Hill. While not solely a lesbian-feminist press, Carolina Wren illustrates the creative and artistic vibrancy of the region. Hogan was also a member of the collective that founded Chapel Hill's Lollipop Power in 1969. This publisher and print shop issued non-sexist and nonracist children's books. By the mid-1970s, it was a major operation, doing its own typesetting, printing, and design, and in 1975, Lollipop Power sold 1,500 books per month. Down the road in Durham, Night Heron Press emerged in 1981 as a vibrant cultural expression of lesbian-feminism, as well as a strategy to transform the material conditions of lesbians' lives. (4) Print culture was not the only thriving expression of feminism or lesbian-feminism in North Carolina. In 1976, three women started Ladyslipper, a mail order music distribution business in Durham. …

A Rebuttal to Jack Niemonen’s “Whither the White Working Class?”

Prof. Niemonen claims that the concept of white privilege is “anti-sociological” and “mask[s] complex race–class interactions.” He highlights the importance of including social class in discussions of white privilege but focuses exclusively on the white working class, neglecting how race and social class also intersect for people of color. Further, while different social identities mediate how whites experience race privilege, race remains a key factor in shaping life chances and opportunities. We agree that racial groups cannot be treated as homogenous, but we argue for the importance of teaching students about disparities between races before showing them heterogeneity within races; doing so in reverse minimizes the very real ways that race shapes people’s lives. Nonetheless, taking into account Niemonen’s points, we offer an addendum to our original exercise that stresses the importance of intersectionality; this can be offered as a second step once students have an understanding of white privilege.

White self-criticality beyond anti-racism: how does it feel to be a white problem?

Introduction: Un-sutured, George Yancy Chapter 1: Flipping the Script...and Still a Problem: Staying in the Anxiety of Being a Problem, Barbara Applebaum Chapter 2: Feeling White, Feeling Good: Antiracist White Sensibilities, Karen Teel Chapter 3: 'White Talk' As a Barrier to Understanding the Problem with Whiteness, Alison Bailey Chapter 4: Un-forgetting as a Collective Tactic, Alexis Shotwell Chapter 5: Don't make a labor of it: Relationality and the Problem of Whiteness, Crista Lebens Chapter 6: You're the nigger, baby, it isn't me: The willed Ignorance and Wishful Innocence of White America, Robert Jensen Chapter 7: Humility and Whiteness: How did I look without seeing, hear without listening?, Rebecca Aanerud Chapter 8: I Speak for My People: A Racial Manifesto, Crispin Sartwell Chapter 9: Being a White Problem and Feeling It, Bridget M. Newell Chapter 10: Keeping the Strange Unfamiliar: The Racial Privilege of Dismantling Whiteness, Nancy McHugh Chapter 11: Cornered by Whiteness: On Being a White Problem, David S. Owen Chapter 12: Whiteness, Democracy, and the Hegemonic Mind, Steve Martinot Chapter 13: Am I the Small Axe or the Big Tree?, Steve Garner Chapter 14: Contort Yourself: Music, Whiteness, and the Politics of Disorientation, Robin James

The wild (white) ones: comparing frames of white and black deviance

In this case study, I establish how a racial privilege shields whites from being framed as deviant by using two racially segregated motorcycle rallies as a naturalistic experiment. I conduct a content analysis of reader posts to online newspaper stories about the biker events (which regularly include deviance) and discover the bikers, their behaviors, and the proposed community reactions are framed in nearly opposite ways. Posters attribute a ‘white innocence’ to white bikers, framing them as upper class exemplars of American Individualism who temporarily suspend their morality during the rally by drinking, exposing their nude bodies, and ignoring newly passed laws, banning loud mufflers, and requiring helmets. Posters claim these unpleasant, although non-dangerous forms of deviance can be ignored, overlooked, and even celebrated as defiant acts against authority. The white innocence can appear racially innocuous until compared to the perception of black bikers who engage in similar behaviors at their rally but are framed as underclass criminals who attend the rally to steal and murder. This reveals how a usually unseen privilege shields whites from entanglements with the criminal justice system, as posters also call for further policing of racial minorities.

Color-cognizance and Color-blindness in White America

This study estimates how many white Americans believe that white identity is connected to the treatment they receive and the life chances of their racial group, and it explores the extent to which color-cognizance and color-blindness are related to the racial policy preferences of whites. The analysis uses data from five nationwide public opinion polls fielded between 2000 and 2009. Contingency tables are used to determine the prevalence of perceptions of racial privilege, racial disadvantage, and racial irrelevance, and logistic regression models are used to predict the determinant value of these perceptions on policy support. This study finds that a minority of white Americans report benefits from being white. However, whites who perceive racial privileges are consistently more supportive of policies aimed at minimizing such advantages and are more intent on securing racially equitable treatment than are those whites who believe that white identity is a liability. The analysis also finds that privilege-reporting whites are more likely to support a diversity-driven form of affirmative action than are their racial counterparts who express color-blind beliefs. Finally, this study provides evidence that whites who espouse color-blind views are more likely to support racially progressive policies when compared with whites who report racial disadvantages. The discussion advises researchers to remain attentive to the dominant population’s articulated views of whiteness and the fissures that animate their internal political differences.

Racial awareness: effects on justice perceptions and trust in management in the USA

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the effects of the socio-demographic diversity characteristic, racioethnicity, vs the deeper-level socially constructed attribute, awareness of racial privilege (which the authors termed “racial awareness”), on perceptions of organizational justice and on trust in management (TM) (trust) in a US context. The authors predicted that racial awareness would have a greater effect on perceptions of interactional and procedural justice and on trust than would participant racioethnicity. Second, the authors predicted that justice perceptions would influence trust. Finally the authors predicted that justice perceptions would mediate between racial awareness and TM. Design/methodology/approach – The authors surveyed Black, Hispanic and Native American professionals in one industry in the USA. The authors employed regression and bootstrap analyses to test the hypotheses. Findings – Racial awareness influenced justice ratings and TM. Justice perceptions influenced employee trust. Interactional and procedural justice had indirect effects on the relationship between racial awareness and trust, supporting the hypotheses. Research limitations/implications – Respondents were primarily African-American, so additional research to assess attitudes of other groups is needed. Respondents belonged to a minority networking group which provided the sample. It is possible that their membership sensitized the respondents to racial issues. Practical implications – The finding suggest that managers can positively influence US minority employees’ trust regardless of the employees’ racial awareness by treating them with dignity and respect and by ensuring fairness in the application of organizational policies and procedures. Originality/value – This study examined the impact of US minority employee racial awareness on justice perceptions and TM, important variables in the employer-employee relationship. Findings indicated that racial awareness was a better predictor of employee attitudes than was racioethnicity.

Intersections of Queer in Post-apartheid Cape Town

In 2013, Siona O'Connell, Nadia Davids and I were awarded an Arts and Humanities Research Council (UK) grant to support our Sequins, Self & Struggle: Performing and Archiving Sex, Place and Class in Pageant Competitions in Cape Town project, the aims of which are to research, document and disseminate archives of the Spring Queen and Miss Gay Western Cape (MGWC) pageants performed by disparate coloured communities in the Western Cape. Important to these performance events is the figure of the ‘moffie’, a queer male, often a transsexual, who has traditionally choreographed and designed the Spring Queen pageant, but who is forbidden from competing in it. Alternatively, MGWC is a platform for queers of colour to perform in a secure environment without exploitation. My individual work in this collaboration focuses on the MGWC pageant and the attendant methodological questions that have arisen in our attempt to forge bridges between Western queer theory and local articulations of gender identity and alternative sexualities, considering the current preoccupations in scholarship around (South) Africa that cut across geography, politics, economics and history. I will briefly outline the research questions that have arisen from my particular focus on the project aims: the relationship between post-apartheid South African national identity and gay rights, new postcolonial directions in queer theory and the sexual geographies of Cape Town that are bounded by race and economic privilege.

Whiteness and social studies teacher education: tensions in the pedagogical task

Utilizing a critical whiteness studies framework, the authors analyzed the experiences of a cohort of predominantly White pre-service social studies teachers discussing race and Whiteness in relation to education. The pre-service teachers resisted identifying White privilege as a form of structural racism, instead preferring individualized understandings of racism. The participants also utilized their personal biographies to accept or reject aspects of race privilege. The authors highlighted three tensions for teacher educators to consider when engaging pre-service teachers in discussions about race privilege, including recognizing the unfamiliar nature of structural thinking, appreciating the limitations of personal experience, and acknowledging the challenges of structural considerations within individual classrooms. The authors’ findings – and the tensions they highlight– depart from previous literature on White teachers and race by paying specific attention to pedagogical issues related to developing a critical racial consciousness in White teachers and by attending to the ways in which Whiteness, as a structural force, limits the ability of White teachers to engage in conversations about race. The authors attempt to trouble the assumption that the pedagogical practices in teacher education adequately create an environment in which White teachers can thoroughly engage in the problematics of race, racism, and Whiteness.

Sexual Disclosure among College Students in the American Deep South: Toward a “Sexuality as Structure” Approach

We investigate sexual disclosure among college students in the American Deep South. Gay, lesbian, and bisexual students were more likely to disclose their sexuality to friends than family. Sexual disclosure was reduced for younger students, international students, and students with more anti-gay prejudices, who live in less populous areas, and who were raised in the South. The results indicate sex and race privileges; men disclosed their sexuality more than women, and Whites disclosed more than Blacks. We conclude with a discussion of the importance of recognizing the diversity of GLB experiences and the utility of the “sexuality as structure” perspective.

I Ain't No Fortunate One: On the Motivated Denial of Class and Race Privilege

Invisibility makes privilege powerful. Hard to notice and easy to deny, privilege perpetuates intergroup inequality by giving unearned advantages to certain groups. However, recent social movements...

A Healthy Dose of Race? White Students’ and Teachers’ Unintentional Brushes with Whiteness

This paper reports on efforts by three Australian academics to develop students’ sociocultural awareness (in particular, their racial literacy) during a time of mounting pressure on teacher educators to narrow and standardise their approaches. The field of health education provides a vehicle for research; however, it is not the paper’s central foci. Of key concern is the development of a critical disposition in students – a disposition geared toward teaching for social equity. Learning of this nature transcends topic domains, and therefore allows for collaboration between academics in different parts of teacher education. Specifically, the paper focuses upon ‘whiteness’ and applies a whiteness lens (a form of critical discourse analysis) to portions of the research data to explore how discourses of race circumscribe the efforts of white students and teachers, often resulting in unintentional ‘brushes’ with whiteness (or reproductions of white race privilege). A collaborative approach that develops racial literacy through direct engagement with racial representations is considered as a way forward.

The Literary Theory of American Afro-centrism

The Literary Theory of American Afro-centrism Xiomara Santamarina (bio) For those new to Henry Louis Gates’s landmark monograph, the twenty-fifth-anniversary edition of The Signifying Monkey offers a bewildering editorial apparatus. The anniversary edition includes two prefaces, one original and one new; an original introduction and a new one; and finally, an epilogue—really an imprimatur—by W. J. T. Mitchell, the editor of Critical Inquiry, a journal for the academy’s all-stars. If this overdetermined layering of commentary doesn’t offer an example of “signifyin(g)” it’s hard to see what does. Representing classic Gates virtuoso volubility, the editorial material ranges across many genres: a conversion narrative, a bildungsroman, a memoir of institutional enterprise, and an aesthetic manifesto. Planting his explorer flag with zeal and conviction, Gates reaches the heights not of the North Pole but of formalist race theory. Signifying Monkey broke new ground when it appeared in 1988. It made visible a wide historical range of early, unknown texts by African American authors along with extensive readings of more familiar authors, like Zora Neale Hurston, Ralph Ellison, and Richard Wright. Gates’s linking of early authors to modern authors was highly generative: building on the earlier work on slave narratives by Frances Smith Foster, Robert Step-toe, and others, he challenged the omission of nineteenth-century texts from discussions of black literature by putting these in conversation with twentieth-century African American literature and theory. In so doing, Gates sought to carve a new route in literary criticism, intending to sail clear of the Scylla and Charybdis of competing Eurocentrist and Afro-centrist literary theories of race difference. The “blackness of black texts” he asserted, was indigenous to and constitutive of a “tradition” anchored in the vernacular of black wordplay, parody, and critique known as “Signifyin(g)” (132). By yoking a distinct, black vernacular to then-prominent deconstruction theory Gates appeared to bridge the divide that kept black [End Page 855] literary theory invisible to the academy at large. If theory, according to Jonathan Culler, can be described as “[the] pugnacious critique of common sense” (4), signifying appeared to be a classic application of the practice. But Gates’s effort to theorize black authors’ Bloomian anxiety about earlier African American texts points tellingly to his own anxiety about his role during the prominence of critical literary theory in the 1980s and ’90s. As he recalls about the institutional culture of English departments at that time, “Our burden was that we had to represent the tradition, in our writings and in our persons, in our comportment and in our demeanor, as members of the faculties of English and American studies departments, to show skeptics that ‘our’ literature was just as complex as theirs, the literature that had been created by white males” (xiv). This imperative to personally represent the race—as “complex,” no less—extended to the conditions of entry for the study of black literature. If African American literature was devalued and seen as transparent, it wasn’t because the methods and ideologies of literary study in the academy were founded in structures of white race privilege (and class); Gates attributed the invisibility of a black literary tradition to a “lack of sophisticated scholarly attention to it” (xxii). His was a rectifying effort “to lift the discourse of Signifyin(g) from the vernacular to the discourse of literary criticism” (xxi). With this formulation Gates invoked a key metaphor from the late nineteenth-century black elite ideology of “uplift” that was the backbone of a middle-class black Talented Tenth’s “civilizing mission” (Gaines 14). Notwithstanding these conservative class politics it did appear that African American literary critics had to be inside the academy in order for black literature to be respected. As to his motivation, in his new introduction Gates recalls wondering “if [Africans] had been theorizing about their aesthetic practices and principles all along, as Europeans had” (xi). Notwithstanding the discovery of an African trope of origin narrativized outside of Western time, the search for a “signifying” trope remained ironically anchored to an Anglo-European consensus that inescapably figured African Americanist theory in relation to its belatedness. Today we could describe...

Steve Biko and a critique of global governance as white liberalism

This article asks what it might mean to use African anticolonial theory – and Steve Biko's critique of white liberalism in particular – to speak directly to contemporary debates about global governance. Biko argues that white South Africans who opposed apartheid yet still benefited from racial privilege could not be the engines of meaningful political change. The difficult task of creating a more just and equitable form of governance, instead, depended upon the political activities of those most marginalized under apartheid rule, namely, the majority black population. I apply this argument to the claim that global governance institutions and ‘global’ civil society are best positioned to address the many problems facing Africa. Looking specifically at Invisible Children's KONY 2012 campaign and the United Nation's Millennium Development Goals, I argue that liberals who today advance global governance not only often ignore their own complicity within the existing ‘global’ order, but also are actually not well positioned to offer meaningful solutions to the problems of violence, poverty, and weak states.

Forum Introduction: Whiteness Redux or Redefined?

This introduction observes that claims that the 2008 election of President Barack Obama heralded the dawn of a “postracial” moment in US history have proved false in the intervening years. In addition to the ongoing wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, greater awareness of widening wealth and income inequality, and environmental crises, a number of incidents call attention to the continued significance of white privilege and white supremacy. This does not mean that whiteness itself has not changed. Whereas once it hid behind claims of universality, now whiteness is on the march. Hence, if the civil rights movement made it harder to express explicit racial antipathy, it also provided a language and a set of strategies through which whites could hold on to their racial privilege by paradoxically claiming their own marginalized status. That is, a perception of lost prestige has lent itself to the framing of whiteness as an identity characterized by vulnerability and victimhood.

The Representations of Race in the United States' Censuses from 1790-2010

The importance of race as a social category in the United States is evident in how the federal government over time has defined the racial categories on the census forms starting with the first census in 1790. Minority groups have always contested these official categorizations (Miller, 2007; Simon & Piche, 2012) because these categorizations were at variance with how these groups defined themselves. These categorizations are even more problematic because there is usually no single racial definition within the various racial groups in the United States. Moreover, these racial definitions are influenced by the history of White racial privilege and discrimination against non-Whites. Race is a major feature of American society (Philogene, 2004a; Zinn, 2005). Therefore, studying the evolving categorizations of race on the census forms in the United States is a study of the history of the cultural representations of race which is the objective of this chapter. The evolution and expansion of racial categories suggest that race as a social category is not fixed. The Jews and the Irish from Europe for example, were not considered White when the first major waves of Jewish and Irish immigrants came to the United States despite their white physicality. They were subsequently accepted as Whites in the society (Brodkin, 1998; Ignatiev, 2008). The decennial censuses of the United States since 1790 provide historical and contemporary evidence that race is a floating signifier (Hall, 1997b). This chapter explicates the content and evolution of these dynamic racial representations. The chapter starts with a discussion of how race has been represented in the United States followed by a discussion of social representation theory (SRT) which frames the study. Next, the method is outlined and the findings presented and discussed using SRT.

See no evil: color blindness and perceptions of subtle racial discrimination in the workplace.

Workplace discrimination has grown more ambiguous, with interracial interactions often perceived differently by different people. The present study adds to the literature by examining a key individual difference variable in the perception of discrimination at work, namely individual color-blind attitudes. We examined relationships between 3 dimensions of color-blind attitudes (Racial Privilege, Institutional Discrimination, and Blatant Racial Issues) and perceptions of racial microaggressions in the workplace as enacted by a White supervisor toward a Black employee (i.e., discriminatory actions ranging from subtle to overt). Findings showed that observer views on institutional discrimination fully mediated, and blatant racial issues partially mediated, the relationships between racial group membership and the perception of workplace microaggressions. Non-Hispanic Whites endorsed color blindness as institutional discrimination and blatant racial issues significantly more than members of racioethnic minority groups, and higher levels of color-blind worldviews were associated with lower likelihoods of perceiving microaggressions. Views on racial privilege did not differ significantly between members of different racial groups or affect microaggression perceptions. Implications for organizations concerned about promoting more inclusive workplaces are discussed.

Dva soudobé koncepty rasismu ve Spojených státech amerických: Laissez-faire rasismus a koncept privilegia bílých

The current article introduces the issue of race and racism in the United States of America with focus on two specific contemporary concepts that have a big attention and have formed the discussion in the last years. The first one is laissez-faire racism from Lawrence D. Bobo who stresses the reluctance of government and political parties to engage in racial questions. The second one is concept of white privilege of Peggy McIntosh who points at advantages and privileges of white race. Both concepts attempt to raise awareness about still present racial discrimination in the United States of America, although in the last years this topic has begun to be perceived as clichet and for some the problem is consired to be solved.