(ProQuest: ... denotes formulae omitted.)1.INTRODUCTIONMicroeconomic theory suggests that the greater the number of children a household has, the less is the amount of household resources that the household can devote to each child and hence the lower will be the quality of each child (Maitra and Pal, 2008). Children with many siblings tend to have poorer human capital outcomes. According to De Tray (1973) and Horton (1986), an additional child increases demand for resources in households facing fixed constraints in terms of both financial resources and the time inputs of parents. Children in larger families are therefore disadvantaged by having to share material resources, as well as the time and attention of caregivers with other siblings (Glick et al., 2007).Children with many siblings typically do less well with respect to long-term nutritional status indicators such as height-for-age z-scores (HAZ) which reflects stunting (Wolfe and Behrman, 1982; Lalou and Mbacke 1992; Desai, 1993), have lower academic achievements (Blake, 1981; Lloyd, 1994) and lower school enrolments (Rosenzweig and Schultz, 1987; Alderman et al., 2001). Other studies tend to assume that the composition of the population of children classified by health is unrelated to prior fertility decisions (Makepeace and Pal, 2007). Moreover, poor rural households who have access to physical assets may not care about current income and hence might choose to have more children as insurance against anticipated future income short-falls.Whether or not prior fertility decisions affect the composition of children classified by health, the role of schooling on reducing fertility has been established (Baird et al., 2011; Fafchamps and Shilpi, 2014; Duflo et al., 2015). Female schooling typically delays choices related to the timing of employment, marriage and childbearing. In this context, better educated women turn to face a higher opportunity costs in bearing and rearing children than their less educated counterparts (Becker, 1981). Education also mediates the quantity-quality trade-off of children in favour of quality-engendering investments that improve child health and reduce child mortality (Schultz, 2010).Related to this view is the observation that with more schooling and exposure, women acquire more information about their bodies and are more able to process that information to their advantage (Vavrus and Larson, 2003). The ensuing autonomy also increases the wisdom of later marriages, the use of contraceptives and lower fertility (Mason, 1986). By the same token, communities with higher proportions of more educated women are likely to provide better sanitation, medical services and shared health knowledge (Alderman et al., 2003) that have implications for lower fertility and better child health.In other to verify these views empirically using Cameroon data, a key question arises: what are the proximate direct and indirect effects of fertility choices on child health in Cameroon? The corresponding main objective of this paper is to empirically establish a link between maternal fertility (captured by total number of children ever born by a woman) and child health (captured by weight-for-height z-scores). The specific objectives are: (1) to examine the effect parental education on fertility choices; (2) to evaluate the consequences of fertility choices on child health; and (3) to suggest policy orientations on the basis of the findings.These objectives are motivated by two hypotheses: holding other things constant, (1) parental education is expected to be inversely related to fertility choices; and (2) higher fertility rates are likely to bring about the production of poor child health both directly and indirectly. The rest of the paper is organized as follows: Section 2 presents some mother and child health indicators in Cameroon. Section 3 reviews the literature. Section 4 dwells on the methodology and data. Section 5 reports the empirical results and the conclusion and policy orientations are summarized in Section 6. …
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