Qianlong Research Articles

Clockmaking in China under the Kangxi and Qianlong Emperors

Le patronage impérial a exercé une forte influence sur les arts décoratifs de la dynastie Qing (1644-1911) pendant les règnes des empereurs Kangxi (1662-1722) et Qianlong (1735- 1796). Ces empereurs étaient des collectionneurs si passionnés d'art chinois et même occidental, que la demande de la cour pour ces objets s'étendait à tout l'Empire. C'est particulièrement vrai pour la technique complexe de l'horlogerie européenne introduite à la cour de Chine en 1601. Ces horloges, que les Chinois nommaient « cloches auto-sonnantes », combinaient les connaissances techniques récemment apprises des mécanismes européens et un mélange de styles décoratifs sino-européen. Le rapport entre le patronage impérial et la propagation des styles artistiques apparaît clairement aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles à travers le développement de l'horlogerie européenne en Chine. L'horlogerie demande non seulement une grande compétence artistique dans la conception et dans la fabrication, mais aussi une compétence technique supérieure. La demande de la cour fut capitale dans la promotion de ces compétences techniques, à l'intérieur de la Cité Interdite comme dans les autres régions de Chine. Le zaozhong chu, ou Bureau de la Manufacture des horloges, fut créé au palais impérial au début du XVIIIe siècle. C'est là que des Jésuites, spécialistes d'horlogerie, travaillèrent avec des artisans chinois. A Canton et à Suzhou, les communautés d'artisans déjà établies profitèrent des commandes des hauts fonctionnaires désireux d'offrir, comme tribut à la cour, des horloges perfectionnées imitant celles que l'Europe exportait. Ces artisans améliorèrent leurs techniques et se familiarisèrent avec les motifs décoratifs, même européens, qui plaisaient à la cour. Mais la mode des horloges déclina après le règne de l'empereur Qianlong. Bien que les horloges européennes aient eu finalement peu d'influence sur l'ensemble de l'art chinois, on peut cependant dire qu'elles ont contribué à l'introduction en Chine d'une technique nouvelle et importante.

Peking Opera before the Twentieth Century

Peking Opera before the Twentieth Century Colin Mackerras Peking Opera, which takes its name from having been bom and matured in Beijing (currently the common romanization of the name of the city which was known as Peking)—the capital of China now and also at the time when this art form originated —is a highly comprehensive art, integrating music, singing, gesture, costume, make-up, movement, words, acrobatics, and stagecraft in a way unique in the world. Nevertheless, its form and content have their origin in earlier types of Chinese theater, mainly deriving from other parts of China. As possibly the most highly developed of numerous styles of regional theater which had grown up in China since the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), its development gathered momentum during the succeeding Qing dynasty (1644-1911), the latter a period dominated by the Manchus. In the twentieth century the Peking Opera has become a kind of national Chinese theater, with many both inside and outside the country associating it with "Chinese opera." Yet in fact at the beginning of the twentieth century it was not performed very commonly outside of Beijing and a rather small number of other centers. The early history of the Peking Opera took place in the China ruled by the Qianlong Emperor, whose reign (1735-96) was among the longest in all of the long history of the country —a reign that witnessed the acme of grandeur and power which so impressed the Europeans of his day. By the late years of this great reign, however, decline had begun to set in and accelerated over the next few decades. The Western imperialist invasions of China began in 1839 and grew more numerous and fiercer as the nineteenth century wore on. By the end of the century China had deteriorated to a very sorry state indeed; in the year 1900 the devastating Boxer Rebellion burst right into the capital Bejing itself, with eight foreign powers forming a united military front to invade China and to expel the ragged Boxer peasant army from the city. 19 20Peking Opera The Origins ofPeking Opera. Chinese theater does not share the usual Western categories of tragedy and comedy, but instead is divided between "civilian" or "civil" (wen) and "military" (wu). In the former the concern is focused on such matters as marriage, love, religion, and righted injustice, while the main thrust in the latter is warfare and rebellion. In the course of time, the single most important feature of "military" theater came to be acrobatic or gymnastic displays which represent battles. There were, of course, regional differences affecting both technique and content in the theater of the eighteenth century and thereafter. Nevertheless, in spite of such differences, the main distinctions lay in the music and the orchestras which accompanied them. The minor styles, which were very much folk theater, had extremely small casts with only two or three characters in each item. The larger-scale styles were based on ancient dramas of the Yuan period (1279-1368) and also, later, novels and occasionally local stories. Many of the various dramatic styles belonged to several "musical systems" (shengqiang xitong), which were groups of regional styles with common musical and other features . One of these was the Clapper Opera, which arose in northern China about the sixteenth century and by the eighteenth spread virtually throughout the north and into parts of the south. Another system, derived from the style favored by the aristocracy and characterized by the dominance of its music by the Chinese side-blown flute (dizi), is called Kunqu because of its origin in Kunshan, near Shanghai, in the sixteenth century. In performance and musical terms it is rather slow-moving even when the story is exciting. A third "musical system" is the Pihuang , so named because it represents the amalgam of two melodic systems, Xipi and Erhuang. Xipi originated in western China, initially from a style of Clapper Opera, and Erhuang in Yihuang, located in Jiangxi province in southeast China;1 these came to be heard together, thus forming new styles of drama, during the eighteenth century or possibly earlier in various regions of China, including Hubei, Hunan, and Guangdong provinces in the south...

Les Palais Européens de l’empereur Qianlong et leurs sources italiennes

The European palaces of the Emperor Qianlong, and their Italian sources. Built between 1747 and 1768, several European-style buildings were added to the summer palace of the Yuangmingyuan, the favourite residence of the Chinese Emperor Qianlong. Today these European buildings and their gardens are in a seriously dilapidated state, but old engravings and photographs still depict them in their former glory. Two Jesuits played an essential role in their design, Father Benoist for all the water works and Brother Giuseppe Castiglione from Milan (1688-1766) for the buildings themselves. It is possible to identify certain European sources for these remarkable works. In the gardens, the space is not organised around a principal building but is rather a succession of architectural, plant or hydraulic events. Several elements have analogies with certain motifs in the villas of post-classical Rome. Other similarities may be found with villas of Lombardy or Piedmont, such as the Venaria Reale, built by Amedeo da Castellamonte. The waterfall of the Haiyantang incorporated water effects similar to those of the villas of the Latium, whilst the table fountains of the Dashuifa evoke the thicket of the triumphal arch at Versailles. The labyrinth, the bosco and the open-air theatre are all inspired by Italian models, transmitted, notably, by the engravings of Falda and Dal Re ; the decorative ponds are inspired by French examples. Throughout this exceptional composition, Castiglione has masterfully given the Emperor a sort of secret garden, full of surprises, where the zig-zagging design helped acclimatise European models which had been imported to China and rethought there.

China and Western Technology in the Late Eighteenth Century

BY THE LATE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, THE BALANCE OF EUROPEAN OPINION had tilted against China. Westerners, earlier in the century almost uncritical in their admiration, came to the conclusion that the Chinese seemed unwilling, or unable, to improve on their earlier inventions, such as gunpowder and the compass, which formed part of the foundation for Western development. The famous assertion of Chinese self-sufficiency quoted above, made in 1793 by the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-1795) in response to Lord Macartney's embassy from King George III, seemed to epitomize Chinese aloofness to the potential offered by Western knowledge.2 Europeans specifically equated this apparent lack of interest in what the West

From Patrimony to Commodity: Changing Concepts of Land and Social Conflict in Guangdong Province during the Qianlong Reign (1736-1795)

From Patrimony to Commodity: Changing Concepts of Land and Social Conflict in Guangdong Province during the Qianlong Reign (1736-1795)

Safely Supping with the Devil: The Qing State and Its Merchant Suppliers of Copper

SAFELY SUPPING WITH THE DEVIL: THE QING STATE AND ITS MERCHANT SUPPLIERS OF COPPER* Helen Dunstan Introduction Among the many merits of William T. Rowe's outstanding study of late Qing Hankow is that it has highlighted the concept of "privatization" as a key theme in late imperial Chinese economic history. Rowe represents privatization of the economy as a secular trend established by the seventeenth century if not before.1 "Privatization" in this context can, it seems, mean any or all of the following: the passage of specific state-run enterprises or sub-sectors into private hands; the overtaking of state enterprise by private enterprise in certain fields; the transfer of regulatory functions from government to guilds; and, in the salt and brokerage sectors, the opening to a broader public of opportunities previously controlled by limited, and highly powerful, elite groups portrayed by Rowe as extensions of the state bureaucracy, or "quasi-officials."2 A closely related concept that features in Rowe's study is "liberalization" , also represented as a long-term trend. Tendencies towards liberalization and even economic liberalism (or at least "non-interventionism") in Qing policies towards the grain trade have meanwhile been noticed by Kishimoto Mio and the present author. Kishimoto and Dunstan, however, have identified these tendencies specifically in the early Qianlong period, and do not see them as having undergone continuing development thereafter. They see at most an episode, and not a trend.3 "This paper owes a great deal to the encouragement and detailed criticism of the late Jennifer Cushman, who gave both with the warm-hearted generosity for which her memory is cherished. I have received useful comments also from Mark Elvin, Sue Naquin, Denis Twitchett, Hans Ulrich Vogel, and Late Imperial China's editors and readers. The unpublished archival material used in this article was collected in 1984 when I participated in an exchange program between the Australian National University and Beijing University. I thank both institutions, as well as the staff of the First Historical Archives in Beijing. 1RoWe 1984:200, 341. 2Rowe 1984:111, 120 and refs. there cited, 123, 177, 191-93, etc. 3Rowe 1984:180, 192-93, etc.; Kishimoto 1987:27-32; Dunstan 1988:Sects. 33, 36-37, 41-42. Late imperial China Vol. 13, No. 2 (December 1992): 42-81© by the Society for Qing Studies 42 Safely Supping with the Devil: The Qing State43 The purpose of the present case study is partly to show how, in the highly regulated and restricted mid-Qing Sino-Japanese trade, some degree of "privatization " (in approximately the first sense identified above) and "liberalization " took place in 1736-37. This too was, however, but an episode: in 1744 the trade was notably "de-privatized" (in, approximately, both the first and the last senses of "privatization" noted above). The story is a long and complex one, shedding considerable light on how the Sino-Manchu state conducted its business relationships, and on the influence of the Imperial Household Department on public policy decision-making. Although, for several reasons, it cannot serve as a test of the general privatization thesis, it does suggest a little caution. The reasons why privatization and liberalization were not sustained in certain areas could be as revealing as the evidence for the posited general trend. The Chinese side of the eighteenth-century Sino-Japanese trade was at all times ultimately dominated by the Sino-Manchu state. The state was the chief buyer of copper, the main return cargo brought from Nagasaki; the copper was required for the central government mints till 1737, and for provincial mints thereafter. Down to 1737, the state alternated between two principles for organizing the acquisition and delivery of Japanese copper. Under "bureaucratic management," officials were formally responsible for buying and delivering the copper, but it was merchants who procured the copper through the controlled trade at Nagasaki. Such merchants will hereafter be referred to as "supply merchants." "Bureaucratic management" prevailed down to 1700, and from 1716 till 1737. During the years of "merchant management" (1700-1715), by contrast, formal responsibility for purchase and delivery was made over to a handful of contractors, most of whom were merchant consortia (the most notable exception being...

Portraits of Meritorious Officials : Eight Examples from the First Set Commissioned by the Qianlong Emperor

Entre les années 1755 et 1759 les forces chinoises subjuguèrent les Dzungars et les tribus musulmanes habitant la Dzungarie et le Turkestan oriental. Ces conquêtes éliminèrent les forces croissantes qui menaçaient la stabilité des frontières du nord-ouest de la Chine. Pour commémorer ces victoires, l'Empereur Qianlong, grand amateur d'art, décida de commander une série de tableaux parmi lesquels les portraits des cent officiels qui avaient assuré le succès de ces campagnes. Lorsqu'on étudie de près cette série, on constate qu'elle comportait trois versions distinctes qui furent toutes enlevées des collections impériales lors de la Révolte des Boxers en 1900. A l'heure actuelle on ne connaît, de la première version, que sept exemples dispersés dans des collections publiques et privées dans différents pays. De la seconde version il ne subsiste qu'un seul fragment conservé au Canada dans une collection particulière. Le contenu, la signification et les fonctions de cette série de tableaux, la première des quatre réalisées sur commande impériale à l'époque Qianlong, sont examinés dans cette étude.

Rice Prices, Food Supply, and Market Structure in Eighteenth-Century South China

RICE PRICES, FOOD SUPPLY, AND MARKET STRUCTURE IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY SOUTH CHINA* Robert B. Marks Introduction The story line is well known: commercialization and population growth fueled increasing economic prosperity in south China during the eighteenth century. Wet rice cultivation in China's southernmost provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi supported a population that grew from about fifteen million to twenty-eight million during the reign of the Qianlong emperor (173695 ), about seven percent of whom lived in towns and cities, the largest concentration (about 600,000) in Guangzhou. Whether owned or rented, farms managed by peasant families produced raw materials for handicraft industries such as silk weaving, and consumption goods such as sugar cane, tea, and tobacco, in addition to providing for the family's subsistence needs. To sustain such a diversified economy and growing population, both urban dwellers and rural producers of commercial or other non-food crops had to "This paper is a revision and expansion of a paper first given at the 1987 Qing Social and Economic History Conference in Shenzhen. A Graves Award in 1985 supported two months of research at the Number One Historical Archives in Beijing, followed two years later by another month's research. The latter was made possible by the indulgence of Whittier College's president who allowed me the luxury of scholarly work in addition to more bureaucratic duties. Many people have helped in the course of writing the paper. Qiu Yuanyou, head librarian at Beijing Teacher's College, introduced me to the archives at the Number One; Liu Wei and Wang Daorui, archivists at the Number One helped me locate, use and interpret various sources; fellow researchers at the Number One—Jack Wills, Tom Buoye, Lillian Li, Robert Antony, and David Kelly—shared ideas and experiences; Whittier College students Keith Black and Susan Ingersoll entered data and the former helped with preliminary statistical analyses; and Thomas Rawski kindly critiqued an earlier version. Kathy Walker, Robert Gardella, Katie Lynch, Yeh-chien Wang, and Kenneth Pomeranz offered numerous suggestions for improvement; Thomas Rawski, Lillian Li, and two anonymous readers for Late Imperial China critiqued the penultimate version of the paper. I express my sincerest thanks and gratitude to all of them, but the interpretations and mistakes that remain are mine. Special thanks goes to Professor Chen Chunsheng, whose pathbreaking master's and doctoral theses and willingness to share his ideas and findings, are exemplars of international colleagiality. Late Imperial China Vol. 12, No. 2 (December 1991): 64-116© by the Society for Qing Studies 64 Rice Prices, Food Supply, and Market Structure65 have a regular and reliable supply of food. To do so was not an insurmountable task, but the political, social, and economic organization necessary was nonetheless, quite impressive, especially when it is remembered that the population and land area of the two provinces were about the same as that of France during the same period. The problem of food supply in eighteenthcentury south China thus is an interesting and significant one; the purpose of this paper is to analyze the problem, paying particular attention to the commercialization of rice and the subsequent structure of the market for rice in Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. These provinces were chosen both because of prior interest in south China (Marks 1984), and because the configuration of the provinces enables testing and refinement of G. William Skinner's theses regarding China's macroregional structure (Skinner 1977). Geographically, the Nanling mountain range on the northern boundary of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces forms the watershed between the Yangzi River drainage system and the rivers which flow to the south. Three major rivers—the East, North, and West—comprise a separate drainage system that empties into the South China Sea through the Pearl River delta. With the exception of easternmost Guangdong, the two provinces comprised what Skinner has called the "Lingnan" macroregion. Studies of other parts of China have documented the exchange of commodities and the existence of both local and long-distance trade in food, and some have begun to estimate how well developed and integrated the resulting market was.1 Those are problems to be addressed in this paper, too. Other questions include: How did food...

Recycling Tradition: Culture, History, and Political Economy in the Chrysanthemum Festivals of South China

In the mid-nineteenth century, a gentleman in Xiaolan having the Mai surname wrote in his memoir:Age eighteen, the forty-seventh year of Qianlong's reign [1782], there was a chrysanthemum festival. Each major surname group put on floral displays, and six platforms were set up throughout the town. There were scores of theatrical troupes whose performance brought together kinsmen and friends. The tradition of the festival started that year.

The Elegant Brush: Chinese Painting Under the Qianlong Emperor, 1735–1795. By Ju-hsi Chou and Claudia Brown. Phoenix: Phoenix Art Museum, 1985. 376 pp.

The Elegant Brush: Chinese Painting Under the Qianlong Emperor, 1735–1795. By Ju-hsi Chou and Claudia Brown. Phoenix: Phoenix Art Museum, 1985. 376 pp.

Restitution des palais européens du Yuanmingyuan

The European Palaces of the Yuanmingyuan ideal restored. Built for the most part between 1747 and 1759 by Jesuits working for the Qianlong Emperor, the European Palaces of the Yuanmingyuan, burnt in 1860, are now the object of an extensive study undertaken in Paris by the Mission Palais d'Été. An important part of the work consists in a restoration of the site, based on 18th century engravings, early 20th century architectural studies, and old photographs. This article presents the method used for the restorations, and the results obtained at this point.

Manzhou yuanliu kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage

During the Qianlong period (1736–95) in China, knowledge of Manchu origins, much of which had been of a folk or informal character, was given documentary institutionalization—that is, incorporation into the Qing (1636–1912) imperial cultural mosaic by the act of writing something official about it. Much but by no means all of Manchu civilization was derived from Jurchen culture (tenth–seventeenth centuries), which was primarily a folk culture in which oral tradition, shamanic ritual, and clan custom were the mainstays of orderly social life. Inseparable from those folk traditions were elements of tribal rule that affected political life in many ways in the Later Jin (1616–35) and early Qing periods. To the extent that Manchu society retained the archaic forms through the Qing era, the folk heritage was brought into conflict with the political institutions and classical traditions of conquered China, especially the emperorship. The history of the Qing court and its relation to the Manchus may be viewed as the aggregate of the processes by which the dynasty attempted to resolve this conflict through formalization of the old culture. In its political aspects this meant the progressive bureaucratization, regulation, and depersonalization of the state in displacement of the personal, diffused authority that had once been vested by tradition in the clans and confederations. In its cultural and ideological facets, it meant the documentation of descent, myth, clan history, and shamanic practice; what had once been various and mystically obscure was now made visible, manageable, and standard.

Zhang Tingyu and Reconciliation: The Scholar and the State in the Early Qianlong Reign

Vol. 7, No. 1 Late Imperial ChinaJune 1986 ZHANG TINGYU AND RECONCILIATION: THE SCHOLAR AND THE STATE IN THE EARLY QIANLONG REIGN R. Kent Guy* The political styles associated with the reigns of the Yongzheng emperor and of his successor the Qianlong emperor present one of the most striking and suggestive contrasts in late imperial history. Perhaps no Qing emperor has piqued the historian's curiosity more than Yinzhen, the man who ruled as Yongzheng emperor from 1723 to 1735. The story of his rise to power has all the elements of a pot-boiler - violence, voodoo, murder and revenge - as the young and perhaps somewhat unstable prince eliminated rival claimants to his father's throne. Once in power, he embarked on an ambitious series of reforms which transformed bureaucratic communications, taxation, the administration of finance, and the organization of the army in remarkably modern directions, but which also generated significant hostility from China's landholders and powerholders .1 By contrast, the Qianlong emperor's rights of succession were apparently unquestioned, and when enthroned he seemed intent to make his reign a continuous celebration of the glories of the Chinese past and the harmony of relations between scholars and the state. Probably more important, many of the Yongzheng reforms were reshaped during the Qianlong reign, not so much by outright repudiation, as by subtle shifts in administrative goals and priorities. As the evidence below will show, the two monarchs not only had different styles of rule, but chose men of different political visions and different social backgrounds to serve them. This essay will begin the task of explaining the transition from Yongzheng I wish to acknowledge with gratitude the hospitality and research assistance of the staff of the First Historical Archives in Beijing, together with a grant from the Committee on Scholarly Communication with the PRC, which made this research possible. Useful critical comment came from Professors Beatrice S. Bartlett of Yale University and John Henderson of Louisiana State University, and the editors of Late Imperial China. 1 The nature of the Yongzheng succession has proven to be one of the most complex and recalcitrant issues of early modern Chinese history. For highlights of the discussion, see Meng, 1943, Wang, 1957: 147-193, and Wu, 1979. On the Yongzheng reforms, see Huang, 1974, Wu, 1970 and most recently Zelin, 1984. 50 Zhang Tingyu and Reconciliation51 to Qianlong and exploring its significance. The Yongzheng legacy became an issue in the earliest days of the Qianlong reign, and it was debated in terms of the moral and official obligations of those who served at court and in senior provincial office. Events in the early months of the Qianlong reign suggested, to those alert to their significance, the nature of the transition that was underway. Given the nature of the Chinese state, debate over political priorities often took disguised forms. Discussion of philosophy and political and administrative styles of behavior could become an oblique method for discussing issues of policy, and the Chinese courtier became adept at reading the political significance of gossip. The moment of imperial succession provided a natural opening for a break with the policies of the previous ruler, but in a Confucian setting, the successor was deemed bound by ties of filial loyalty to his father's legacy. In the early Qianlong period, the reforms of the Yongzheng era were a part of the Qianlong emperor's patrimony. Anyone who proposed or defended change in the structure of institutions ran the risk of suggesting that Qianlong was unfilial. No one could question the correctness of the deceased emperor's judgment. However, there was room to discuss whether a filial son and successor should pursue his father's policies with rigor and severity, or with generosity and leniency. The discussion of leniency and severity in early months of the new reign served to mask consideration of new policies. It most often centered around the role of the provincial governor.2 This was hardly surprising, for provincial governors had been the agents of the Yongzheng reforms. They had been the main authors of secret memorials, the main recipients of court letters, and they were the agents of government closest to the...

Silk and Horses: Trade and Tribute between the Qing Dynasty and the Kazakh Khanate

Silk and Horses: Trade and Tribute between the Qing Dynasty and the Kazakh Khanate

Mêng-ku Lü-li and Li-fan-yuan Tse-li

In the Meng-ku Lu-li and the Li-fan-yuan Tse-li, which are well known as the legislation enforced by the Ching dynasty on the Mongol tribes, are to be found laws and precedents originating from the Mongol law, such as penal regulations based on the principle of compensation, and the indigenous marriage regulations. These have been singled out and a comparative study made on the statutes of Western Mongolia-Oirat or Northern Mongolia-Khalkah, of that time because it was thought that the legal usages of Inner Mongolia under the Ching dynasty rule could be redintegrated. In recent years, considerable interest has been aroused in the study of the original text of the Mogol statutes. By making profitable use of the findings, the writer plans to undertake the above study. However, in order to do so, there will be need to clarify the character of the Meng-ku Lu-li and the Li fan-yuan Tse-li, both of which will serve as criteria. Intended to serve as an introduction, so to say, to the above issues, this paper will proceed to make an exclusive discussion of the two statutes.To date, it is not definitely known when the compendium of statutes appearing in the form of the Meng-ku Lu-li came into being. In this paper, the view is advanced that it actually assumed the semblance of a code referred to as Lu-li by including precedents in the statutes, under instructions from KAO-Tsung, early in the 5th year of the Chien Lung era and most probably became law sometime between the 30th and 40th year of the above Chien Lung era. However, from the standpoint of the principle of personal jurisdiction, a compilation of precedents for the Mongol tribes in actual court proceedings was considered necessary, and it is presumed that, for this reason, a collection of laws and precedents, thought to be the forerunner of the Meng-ku Lu-li, was already in use earlier than the Chien Lung era, in other words, about the middle of the Kang Hsi era. Furthermore, the Meng-ku Lu-li apparently underwent revision a number of times until, in the 19th year of the Chia Ching era (1814), it assumed the form we know today.. On the other hand, the Li-fan-yuan Tse-li dates back to the 16th year of the Chia Ching era, when the Tse-li Compilation Institute was established to undertake revision, and the law was promulgated in the 22nd year of the Chia Ching era (1816). This is considered the oldest legislation. Furthermore, it has been ascertained by means of historical records that the Meng-ku Lu-li, prepared in the 54th year of the Chien Lung era (1789) has served as the original text for compilation of these statutes.The Meng-ku Lu-li incorporates a number of administrative regulations imposed by the Ching dynasty-on, Mongol, as well as numerous penal and judicial regulations. On the other hand, the Li-fan-yuan Tse-li embodies administrative regulations over a wide scope, embracing the LAMA and Thibetan precedents, together with the Russian precedents, and even penal and judicial regulations, the same as the Meng-ku Lü-li. So far the connection between the two has not been clarified, but because of the fact that the initial compilation of the Li-fan-yuan Tse-li was based on the original text of the Meng-ku Lu-li ; also, that, after completion of the Li fan-yuan Tse-li, revisions were undertaken during the Tao Kuang and Kuang Hsii eras, whereas the Meng-ku Lu-li has remained unchanged since the Chia Ching era, (1814). The writer has thus come to the conclusion that the Meng-ku Lü-li. was absorbed in the Li fan yuan Tse-li; and became, in effect, -defunct as a result. As, from the above, . the nature of the legislation aimed at the Mongol tribes by the Ching dynasty has been clarified, the writer desires hereafter to make a study of the various provisions of the statutes, and to look into the substance of the Mongol law reflected therein, as well as the various legal usages of the people of Inner Mongoria under the Ching dynasty rule.

第36回日本癩学会総会台湾の癩の疫学的研究

The brief history of leprosy in China:The time of sporadic discovery and the origin of leprosy can not be traced or certified by the Chinese Medical Annuals. According to the ancient medicine, it was and now still is called "Lai (lepra) disease". From then on, owing to the demonstration of its specific symptoms and lesions, it has been called "Ma Feng" or "Ta Feng Lai" (Nodular or Neural type). In the age of Emperor Hwang Di (_??__??_2697 B. C.) leprosy cases were reportedly discovered and recorded in the Chinese Old Internal Medicine-Su Wen (_??__??__??__??__??__??_). On the Analects of Confucius, a case of leprosy (a student of Confucian) was noticed and recorded by Confucius. At a King of Tang Dynasty (_??__??_) ordered to catch venomous snakes for relieving the deformity and defacement of the lepers.The most prevalent areas of leprosy in China is in Kwang-Tung, Fu-Kien and Taiwan, while the next prevalent area is around the cosstal provinces. In view of the above mentioned infested districts, it is possible tha leprosy found in China might be from the West Country thru the trade communications.Speaking of Taiwan, in the sixth year of Emperor Chien Lung (_??__??__??__??_1736 A. D.), the Chang Hua Relief Hospital first admitted lepers, and later, received such patients. In 1930, the Taiwan Governor (a Japanese) was requested and convinced by a Canadian Dr. Gushe Tayler, (with the approval of the Emperor's mother of Japan) to set up a lepra hospital at the suburb of Taipei, it was named Lo-Sheng House of the Taiwan leper sanatorium with a capacity of 100 beds. It has been under expansion year after year. At present, Lo-ShengLeprosarium holding more than 1, 000 lepers and it is indeed Taiwan principal segregation leprosy. Beside the Happy Mount Leprosy Colony which can accommodate 60 patients operated by a Christian Society (T. L. R. A.). Leprosy is naturally a tropical chronic communicable disease. The Free China's territory is located at the sub-tropical zone where it is favorable to the existence of leprosy. It is estimated that the total number of lepers in Free China is about 9, 000. Among them, 3, 151 patients received treatment and control (at the end of December, 1962). Which is less than 0.09% in proportion with the whole population. It is especially prevalent in Southern Taiwan and Peng Hu Island.For the purpose of strengthening the project of leprosy control, a Leprosy Control Committee has been established since 1960. For the past two years, we have developed a string of activities in leprosy control, such as establishment of workshops for the training of Doctors, Nurses and Technicians (scattered in various localities throughout Taiwan) were summoned to attend the different kind of workshops for 2-week training in leprosy education and establishment of Special Skin Clinics (Leprosy Clinics) in various localities throughout Taiwan. At present, 16 Leprosy Clinics have already been established, 9 under the directorship of the Health Center/Stations and 7 under the directorship of T. L. R. A. Establishment of two Observation Houses for the leper's baby who be isolated immediately after delivery. In the past 5 years, the general inspection and prophylactic inoculation of B. C. G. against T. B. and Lepra has been widely given to the primary school children by the Anti-T. B. Association in cooperation with Lepra Control Committee, but it's effectiveness is uncertain at present and requires future evaluation.In order to bring leprosy in Taiwan under complete control, two mobile teams were organized which started inspection and examining people in County and Municipality in Taiwan since 1961. At present, a total number of 3, 151 lepers are under treatment and control, 2, 061 lepers were treated in the leprosy clinics and 1, 090 lepers were treated and controlled in the leprosarium.(1) According to the knowing cases, the incidence of leprosy in Taiwan about 2.74 per 10, 000 population.

Financial Regulation Abroad: The Contrasts with American Technique

Previous articleNext article No AccessFinancial Regulation Abroad: The Contrasts with American TechniqueA. Wilfred MayA. Wilfred May Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Political Economy Volume 47, Number 4Aug., 1939 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/255415 Views: 8Total views on this site Citations: 12Citations are reported from Crossref PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Sturla Fjesme, Neal Galpin, Lyndon Moore British IPO directors, 1891–1911, Business History 51 (May 2019): 1–24.https://doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2019.1569629Yueh-Cheng Wu, Qian Long Kweh, Wen-Min Lu, Noor Azlinna Azizan The impacts of risk-management committee characteristics and prestige on efficiency, Journal of the Operational Research Society 67, no.66 (Dec 2017): 813–829.https://doi.org/10.1057/jors.2015.101Fabio Braggion, Lyndon Moore The Economic Benefits of Political Connections in Late Victorian Britain, The Journal of Economic History 73, no.11 (Mar 2013): 142–176.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0022050713000053Fabio Braggion MANAGERS AND (SECRET) SOCIAL NETWORKS: THE INFLUENCE OF THE FREEMASONRY ON FIRM PERFORMANCE, Journal of the European Economic Association 9, no.66 (Sep 2011): 1053–1081.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-4774.2011.01031.xFabio Braggion, Lyndon Moore The Economic Benefits of Political Connections in Late Victorian Britain, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2011).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1799385Julian Franks, Colin Mayer, Stefano Rossi Ownership: Evolution and Regulation, Review of Financial Studies 22, no.1010 (Dec 2008): 4009–4056.https://doi.org/10.1093/rfs/hhn108Fabio Braggion Managers and (Secret) Social Networks: The Influence of the Freemasonry on Firm Performance, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2009).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1114043J. Harold Mulherin Measuring the costs and benefits of regulation: Conceptual issues in securities markets, Journal of Corporate Finance 13, no.2-32-3 (Jun 2007): 421–437.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jcorpfin.2007.02.005Tom Kirchmaier, Michael Gabor Kollo The Role of Prestige and Networks in Outside Director Appointments, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2007).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.930914Linda M. Sama Interactive Effects of External Environmental Conditions and Internal Firm Characteristics on MNEs’ Choice of Strategy in the Development of a Code of Conduct, Business Ethics Quarterly 16, no.22 (Jan 2015): 137–165.https://doi.org/10.5840/beq200616218Linda M. Sama, Victoria Shoaf Reconciling Rules and Principles: An Ethics-Based Approach to Corporate Governance, Journal of Business Ethics 58, no.1-31-3 (May 2005): 177–185.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-005-1402-yJulian R. Franks, Colin Mayer, Stefano Rossi Spending Less Time with the Family: The Decline of Family Ownership in the UK, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2004).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.493504