Sikhs can be considered as a ‘stateless nation’ (Guibernau, 1999), but they constitute a cohesive diaspora with considerable weight, despite being greatly dispersed across the world, and increasingly so due to the possibilities afforded to them by globalisation. On the other hand, the Nation-State has been brought into question by that very same globalisation, regardless of the long process of consolidation in which symbols, rituals, and culture as well as language have placed emphasis upon the uniqueness of a Nation’s character (Scholte, 2005). Globalisation has provided empowerments, but also the strong case for the need to stand out, and individuation of groups, whether they be national or sub-national. The organisation of that stateless nation as a cohesive diaspora can be explained by the historical context of how Sikhs have been perceived in India, but also how Sikh communities have constructed themselves through migration. In the new ‘home’, wherever that might have been, they have built their communities around calendrical rights, festivals and gurdwaras, firstly converting residential homes into make-shift places of worship, and then extending them into fully-established temples. Similar or even identical patterns are followed, regardless of the host country. With this in mind, it is proposed here to compare the case of Sikhs in France and the United Kingdom. Sikhs in France are less numerous than Sikhs in the UK. The ties that link Sikhs to the latter are stronger through imperial history, and the reasons why Sikhs came to both countries are very different. However, despite these differences, there has been a desire for Sikhs in both Nations to obtain recognition, deemed to be a vital human need, rather than just a curtesy (Taylor, 1994). One common element that stands out in Sikhs’ demands for recognition in both the UK and in France is their role in furthering imperial military success in both the British Raj and also in World Wars I and II. However, this remains largely unknown, or unrecognised in both France and the UK. While Sikhs are relatively well placed1 and less stigmatised that some other minority groups in both British and French societies, there is a common perception among them that they are a ‘mistaken identity’, at a time that demands individuation of groups, and the ability to stand out, and be recognised. It is proposed here to use material drawn from a number of interviews carried out with both Sikhs in the UK and those in France, to attempt to establish to what extent they are a visible, and yet invisible, community. The complexity of ‘visible invisibility’ means that they are recognised immediately as being different, but at the same time, they are unknown. In the UK, even if they benefit from a better perception by the rest of society because of their particular place in colonial history, they are still frequently confused with other groups, do experience crises of identity, and receive their share of violence and hate crime. In France, they are less known, due to lesser colonial ties, and to their more-recent presence on the territory.