Public Opinion Surveys Research Articles

A survey of Australian public opinion on using comorbidity to triage intensive care patients in a pandemic.

Objectives This study aimed to determine which method to triage intensive care patients using chronic comorbidity in a pandemic was perceived to be the fairest by the general public. Secondary objectives were to determine whether the public perceived it fair to provide preferential intensive care triage to vulnerable or disadvantaged people, and frontline healthcare workers. Methods A postal survey of 2000 registered voters randomly selected from the Australian Electoral Commission electoral roll was performed. The main outcome measures were respondents' fairness rating of four hypothetical intensive care triage methods that assess comorbidity (chronic medical conditions, long-term survival, function and frailty); and respondents' fairness rating of providing preferential triage to vulnerable or disadvantaged people, and frontline healthcare workers. Results The proportion of respondents who considered it fair to triage based on chronic medical conditions, long-term survival, function and frailty, was 52.1, 56.1, 65.0 and 62.4%, respectively. The proportion of respondents who considered it unfair to triage based on these four comorbidities was 31.9, 30.9, 23.8 and 23.2%, respectively. More respondents considered it unfair to preferentially triage vulnerable or disadvantaged people, than fair (41.8% versus 21.2%). More respondents considered it fair to preferentially triage frontline healthcare workers, than unfair (44.2% versus 30.0%). Conclusion Respondents in this survey perceived all four hypothetical methods to triage intensive care patients based on comorbidity in a pandemic disaster to be fair. However, the sizable minority who consider this to be unfair indicates that these triage methods could encounter significant opposition if they were to be enacted in health policy.

СУСПІЛЬНО-ПОЛІТИЧНІ НАСТРОЇ ГРОМАДЯН США В КОНТЕКСТІ МІГРАЦІЙНОЇ КРИЗИ 2022 – 2024 РОКІВ

This article is devoted to the attitudes of U.S. citizens toward new residents in the context of the migration crisis of 2022–2024. Understanding the socio-political views of Americans provides deeper insights into the intense confrontation between Republicans and Democrats in the U.S. Congress, which began in late 2023 and continued into early 2024. The study aims to clarify how public sentiments changed following the surge in illegal immigration and to identify the reasons behind these changes in public perception. Therefore, the goal of the research was to determine American citizens’ attitudes toward immigration into the U.S., and to identify the causes of their concerns and changes in attitudes during the migration crisis of 2022–2024. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the introduction and analysis of new sources on the history of the American migration crisis of 2022–2024. Based on empirical data, it has been proven that the surge in illegal immigration, rather than migration in general, led to significant shifts in public attitudes toward migrants, and subsequently, to a political crisis in the country. The methodological foundation of the article is the principle of historicism, widely applied in contemporary historical research practices. To accomplish the research objective, a positivist approach was employed, according to which the study must be based on empirical data derived from sources. The comparative method was used in the analysis of source materials, allowing for a detailed observation of changes in public sentiments over a specific period. Conclusions. The migration crisis of 2022–2024, which the U.S. faced, became the country’s greatest humanitarian challenge in decades. It exacerbated internal political strife due to widespread public dissatisfaction with the influx of illegal migrants. This dissatisfaction is clearly traceable through statistical data from government bodies and public opinion surveys conducted by major U.S. research centers such as Pew Research Center and Gallup. The highest percentage of citizens, since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, expressing a desire to reduce immigration levels is a clear indication of the crisis that has engulfed the country.

A Comparison of Attitudes of Teachers towards Students who Stutter in Selected Primary Schools and Colleges in Zambia

Purpose: To establish whether there are differences in attitude of regular education teachers, special education teachers, regular student teachers, and special education student teachers toward stuttering and students who stutter (SWS) in some selected primary schools and colleges of education in the Copperbelt, Luapula, Lusaka, and Muchinga provinces of Zambia. It also sought to determine whether attitudes of teachers differed based on gender, geographic location or educational level. Method: The survey had a random sample of 324 participants who completed the Public Opinion Survey of Human Attributes – Stuttering (POSHA-S) questionnaire. Nonparametric analyses were employed to determine any significant differences among the four groups of teachers surveyed. Findings: Significant differences in attitude toward stuttering and SWS were noted between practicing teachers and student teachers (N = 133 < 191, Mdn = 95.0 < 96.0), U = 9663.500, p = .000., and between special education teachers and regular education teachers (N = 62 < 71, Mdn = 95.0 > 97.0), U = 1526.000, p =.002. However, no significant differences were observed in attitude of teachers based on gender and geographic location except for educational level. Conclusions: Special education teachers have a comparatively positive attitude towards stuttering and SWS than ordinary, mainstream teachers. This is possibly because of the nature of their training and experience of working with learners with special education needs. The implication of this finding is the need to examine training programs for teacher education in order to determine how much content on stuttering student teachers are exposed to. This could, in turn, positively impact the preparedness of teachers to address needs of SWS.

Аналіз експертних оцінок результативності реформи системи охорони здоров’я України

The effectiveness, completeness, and timeliness of measures to reform the health care sector can be assessed differently by individual stakeholders, such as specialists, scientists, experts, and the public. Each of these interested parties has its own priorities regarding the results of reforming the medical industry. Despite this, the comparison of different evaluation points of view makes it possible to generalize the available results and to develop further steps to improve the operating conditions of the medical field. The results of the office analysis of data collected during 2020-2021 by WHO experts regarding the state of the Ukrainian primary medical care system were analyzed. Assessments of Ukrainian and foreign scientists, experts, specialists regarding the positive and negative results of reforming the medical industry are summarized. The results of a nationwide public opinion survey conducted by the SOCIS Center in 2019 and 2020 regarding the public's perception of the results of health care reform were analyzed, as well as the results of a survey of 1,000 Ukrainians in April 2023 conducted by the sociological company Factum Group within the scope of social “YOUkraina” initiative. In many respects, the representatives of academic and scientific circles agree with the opinions of WHO experts, who attributed the following to the shortcomings of health care reform: imperfect organization and insufficient funding, limited subject-legal relations, gaps in the functioning of the health care system, inefficient management of human resources and contradictory legislation. According to the patients, as a result of the reform measures, there were no significant changes in the level of quality of the provision of medical services. At the same time, the level of support for the medical reform from the country's population is insufficient, and almost 40% of respondents consider the reform to be unsuccessful.

Continuity of professional education: complementarity coaching and self-design of dental specialists

The problems of training highly qualified specialists - dentists and maxillofacial surgeons - are discussed, taking into account the level of their pedagogical competence, which allows them to develop professionally important qualities and establish adequate relationships in the doctor-patient pair. From this perspective, the parameters of domestic continuous dental education and its stages are characterized, based on scientific and pedagogical expertise and organizational innovations. The goals and objectives of such complementarity in the functioning of the structures of additional professional education; its high productivity is emphasized at the Central Research Institute of Dentistry and Maxillofacial Surgery of the Russian Ministry of Health. The study analyzes the content of the key concepts of “coaching” and “self-design”, and performs a comparative analysis of: 1) the results of a public opinion survey; 2) sociological research regarding the reproduction of medical personnel; 3) author’s surveys and in-depth interviews about the parameters and quality of educational processes. The novelty of the study lies in the substantiation of the urgency of introducing the concepts of “coaching” and “self-design” to concretize new approaches in the theoretical support of postgraduate training of dentists and maxillofacial surgeons. For the first time, the complementary nature of the relationship between them is substantiated. The author emphasizes that the adaptation of the corresponding pedagogical techniques allows us to more clearly highlight the role of the pedagogical component in the training of highly qualified specialists in these areas. The main conclusion of the study is that coaching and techniques of conscious self-design, being in a relationship of complementarity, determine a significant increase in the level of postgraduate education, meeting such conditions as a combination of pedagogical competence with the peculiarities of the structural and content components of scientific activity.

WHERE IN SOCIETY WILL AI AGENTS FIT? A PROPOSED FRAMEWORK FOR UNDERSTANDING ATTITUDES TOWARD AI OCCUPATIONAL ROLES FROM THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES OF STATUS, IDENTITY, AND ONTOLOGY

To better understand what drives the public’s perception and acceptance of AI in different roles, we propose a study that looks at varying AI domains by occupational status and individual differences across ontological perceptions, automation anxiety, perceived status, and identity threat. As a first step, we conducted a representative survey of the US population (N = 1,005) that looked into the public's perceptions of AI replacement of high-status jobs. Results indicate that a majority of participants hold negative attitudes about AI replacement in all domains presented. However, participants were more open to AI replacement in lower-status roles such as journalist and hiring manager compared to higher-status roles of spiritual leader and trial judge. Contrary to our expectations, participants believed that trial judge was a slightly worse idea than AI spiritual advisor. This finding suggests that the associated machine heuristic of the judge role as being a more rational and objective occupation was not triggered in our sample. Our results also suggest that more vulnerable populations are more reluctant to accept AI in the majority of jobs. These findings are in line with previous public opinion surveys and demonstrate that individuals with lower levels of power and status are more likely to be reluctant to accept new technology and potentially perceive it as a threat. Our next step will be to include more occupations that can be potentially automated and look for explanatory mechanisms driving the public’s view of AI integration.

Positioning Airlangga Hartarto dalam Gaya Komunikasi Politik Silent Authority

Silent authority is a communication style that shows a calm, polite, solution and inclusive attitude, which has been demonstrated by Airlangga Hartarto, General Chair of the Golkar Party and Coordinating Minister for Economic Affairs, a potential figure to run as a presidential/vice presidential candidate in the 2024 presidential election. This research aims to to analyze the silent authority's political communication style as a differentiation for Airlangga Hartarto ahead of the 2024 presidential election. The method used is a case study with a qualitative approach, using secondary data in the form of news, articles, interviews and public opinion surveys related to the research topic. The research results show that Airlangga Hartarto's silent authority political communication style has several characteristics, namely: (1) avoiding conflict and political polarization; (2) building open and equal communication with parties and community groups; (3) displaying performance and achievements as a form of responsibility and commitment; (4) offering concrete and realistic solutions to overcome the nation's problems; and (5) prioritizing national interests above party or personal interests. The impacts of this silent authority political communication style include: (1) increasing a positive image and public trust; (2) expanding networks and political support base; (3) strengthening his bargaining position and credibility as party leader; and (4) demonstrate capability and readiness as a future leader.

Forged in the fires of war: the rise of a new Ukrainian identity

ABSTRACT Ukraine has always been a plural state comprised of multiple ethnic, linguistic, religious, and regional subcultures. Yet, since 2014 and, in particular, since February 2022, these often-competing identities have been codified under a more overarching identity. The forging of unified plural Ukrainian identity as concept has arisen out of a mutual struggle for survival, international diaspora mobilization, the elevation of diverse narratives of experience from across Ukraine, and a connected digital environment that links and reinforces concepts of social capital. Rooted in theories of constructivist identity formation, this analysis examines those attributes of Ukraine and Ukrainian society which have been fused together under great pressure to create a new and perhaps more unified national identity. Leveraging cases examining discourses on identity and the production of shared socio-cultural artifacts and quantitative data from both public opinion surveys and large-scale social media sentiment, this analysis finds that Ukraine, often thought of in the West as fractured along multiple lines, is, in fact unifying behind a common national idea. This unification and the creation of a new national identity have profound implications for post-war Ukraine.

National Attitudes Toward Living Kidney Donation in the United States: Results of a Public Opinion Survey

Understanding national attitudes about living kidney donation will enable us to identify and address existing disincentives to living kidney donation. We performed a national survey to describe living kidney donation perceptions, perceived factors that affect the willingness to donate, and analyzed differences by demographic subgroups. The survey items captured living kidney donation awareness, living kidney donation knowledge, willingness to donate, and barriers and facilitators to living kidney donation. We surveyed 802 US adults (aged 25-65 years) in June 2021, randomly selected from an online platform with diverse representation. We developed summed, scaled indices to assess the association between the living kidney donation knowledge (9 items) and the willingness to donate (8 items) to self-reported demographic characteristics and other variables of interest using analysis of variance. All other associations for categorical questions were calculated using Pearson's χ2 and Fisher exact tests. We inductively evaluated free-text responses to identify additional barriers and facilitators to living kidney donation. Most (86.6%) of the respondents reported that they might or would definitely consider donating a kidney while they were still living. Barriers to living kidney donation included concerns about the risk of the surgery, paying for medical expenses, and potential health effects. Facilitators to living kidney donation included having information on the donation surgery's safety, knowing that the donor would not have to pay for medical expenses related to the donation, and hearing living kidney donation success stories. Awareness of the ability to participate in kidney-paired donation was associated with a higher willingness to donate. Potential for selection bias resulting from the use of survey panels and varied incentive amounts, and measurement error related to respondents' attention level. Most people would consider becoming a living kidney donor. Increased rates of living kidney donation may be possible with investment in culturally competent educational interventions that address risks associated with donating, policies that reduce financial disincentives, and communication campaigns that raise awareness of kidney-paired donation and living kidney donation.

Front and centre? Northern Irish electoral behaviour in the age of Brexit

ABSTRACT In post-conflict societies, traumatic experiences can have a profound effect on electoral behaviour. In Northern Ireland, Westminster elections between 2001 and 2017 were marked by the rise of hardline parties, but the 2019 election saw a significant shift towards the centre. The centre ground vote soared, resulting in the lowest level of political polarisation since the early 2000s. What are the factors underlying this transition to a moderate vote? Drawing on public opinion surveys and electoral data, we find that Brexit played a crucial role in incentivising voters to support parties prioritising non-sectarian constitutional interests. The findings suggest that voters employ party competition as a balancing mechanism. Our article contributes to the understanding of how individuals in post-conflict societies navigate the complex relationship between violence, politics, and peacebuilding.

Prostitution and Public Policy in Post-Socialist Bulgaria

The article examines prostitution in Bulgaria, which has become a widespread ‎phenomenon in the post-socialist period when the number of sex workers increases and the places where sex services are offered proliferate. At the same ‎time, the policies towards prostitution remain archaic and inadequate to the ‎new circumstances. ‎The text draws on an empirical base, mixing qualitative and quantitative ‎research conducted in the period 2008-2022. Results of two nationally representative surveys of public opinion on the subject are analyzed. Additionally, ‎reviews of court cases, other documents and Internet forums of clients using ‎paid sex services are discussed. Results from monitoring of specialized police ‎operations related to prostitution are presented.‎ The first part of the text presents the historical development of prostitution ‎in Bulgaria – before socialism and during the communist regime. The second ‎part focuses on the rise of prostitution in post-socialist Bulgaria – development of the sex market is traced; main layers of prostitution and social mobility patterns are analyzed; the role of the third party is discussed. The third part ‎examines the current policies regarding prostitution in Bulgaria. In the concluding section, the article discusses the potential for developing new policies ‎on prostitution in post-socialist Bulgaria.

Predictors of public attitudes in Saudi Arabia toward people who stutter.

The Public Opinion Survey of Human Attributes-Stuttering (POSHA-S) was used to measure the attitudes of the general population in Saudi Arabia toward people who stutter (PWS) and to identify the predictors of the overall stuttering score (OSS). A total of 404 adults from Saudi Arabia (16.8% male and 83.2% female) completed an online POSHA-S questionnaire. The attitudes of adults in Saudi Arabia were similar to those of other samples worldwide. Working status, income, and multilingualism were substantial predictors of the OSS. Saudi adults have positive impressions, beliefs, and self-reactions to PWS. However, their knowledge of stuttering tends to be limited. Therefore, campaigns conducted to raise awareness of stuttering should adopt the most widely used sources of knowledge in the Saudi Arabian community (i.e., the Internet and social media). Sociodemographic variables predictive of positive versus negative OSS include working status and multilingualism. Unpredictive variables, that do not predict positive versus negative OSS, include age, gender, education, parental status, health, abilities, and income.

Have Arguments For and Against Medical Aid in Dying Stood the Test of Time?

Have Arguments For and Against Medical Aid in Dying Stood the Test of Time?

Measuring ‘state-diffusion’ in post-conflict authoritarian Syria evidence from the 2021 public opinion survey

ABSTRACT The Syrian conflict was characterized by intense political contestation and violent clashes among various actors with contrasting views of statehood, a phenomenon termed ‘state-diffusion’. Within this landscape, Islamists, Kurdish separatists, and Ba'thists embody distinct perceptions of the Syrian state and nation. This study aims to measure the extent of “state-diffusion” in post-conflict Syria by exploring the outcomes of an independent public opinion survey. Specifically, it focuses on Syrians’ acceptance/rejection of the Assad regime by comparing regions that witnessed significant conflict-induced leadership changes with those that did not. The results reveal that regions under opposition’s governance exhibit a higher tendency towards ‘state-diffusion’; indicating a leaning towards rejecting the Syrian state-building and national unity initiated by the Assad regime. This rejection seemingly stems from the emergence of an alternative state and nation distinct from the existing Syrian nation-state. However, Assad’s legitimacy was more likely to be recognized in regions where the regime regained control after the conflict, perhaps due to their bitter experience of the devastating war and prolonged political turmoil. Thus, the ‘victory’ of the Assad regime does not necessarily promise the end of the conflict. Syrians are having a difficult time accommodating the resurgence of ‘Suriyya al-Asad’ or ‘Authoritarian Conflict Management’, leaving concerns about the future of political stability.

Public opinion on nuclear power plants in Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America: A prescription for peculiar Japan

In attempts to solve climate change and energy security issues, many countries have made plans to invest in nuclear energy. Public opinion on nuclear energy is an important factor in building support for the construction and operation of new nuclear power plants (NPPs). In this study, public opinion surveys on existing NPP use and the new construction of NPPs were conducted simultaneously using the same method in Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America. Japanese respondents were neutral on existing and new NPPs, citing “no strong reason”. In all three countries, the term “new construction” made the respondents anxious about NPP safety. This study also examined whether Japanese respondents’ attitudes change when the reasons for negative opinions toward NPPs are solved. By using the phrase “NPPs that no longer require evacuation,” respondent anxiety was resolved, and an increase in the respondents who agreed with the new construction of NPPs was observed. For Japanese respondents who believed that the problem of radioactive waste had not yet been resolved, the selection of a disposal site was not perceived as a solution. Based on these findings, this research provides valuable insights that can help advance energy policy in Japan.

Measuring societal attitudes and behaviours towards radon indoors: A case study of Slovenia

Public opinion surveys play a crucial role in assessing public awareness, knowledge, and radon risk perception in the context of national Radon Action Plans. However, many of these surveys are constructed without a solid foundation in behavioural theories, health protection theory, or social science methodology. This lack of foundation can lead to misguided priorities in radon mitigation interventions and ineffective communication strategies, ultimately resulting in low compliance with testing and mitigation in private homes. By developing and testing scales that measure a wide range of theory-based socio-psychological concepts influencing protective behaviour of individuals facing radon risk, this study provides researchers, authorities, and practitioners with a useful and versatile survey tool to explore the complexity of human behaviour in the context of radon. The results of this survey, conducted in Slovenia with a representative sample of respondents from low, middle, and high radon risk areas (N = 2012), offer a foundation for assessing gaps and strategies to increase testing and remediation of homes. The findings suggest that communication interventions need to be more precisely tailored to specific population groups and should go beyond enhancing awareness, knowledge and radon risk perception. Effective strategies should evoke emotions, share personal stories, highlight successful mitigation cases, and use personal testimonies from individuals affected by lung cancer. Moreover, incorporating positive social norms can inspire more individuals to engage in testing and mitigation measures. Assessing theory-driven socio-psychological concepts through a survey allows researchers and policymakers to craft more effective strategies aimed at promoting radon testing and mitigation, thereby enhancing overall public health.

Access to the Internet and Declining Democracy in Venezuela

ABSTRACT This article explores the effects of different social determinants on having Internet access in Venezuela amid recent economic and political turmoil affecting living conditions and satisfaction with democracy. It argues that the so-called digital divide, a term depicting connectivity gaps, uses a simplistic dichotomy measuring percentages of who has and who hasn’t accessed the Internet. The article goes beyond such a restrictive metric and grasps whether, and to what extent, having Internet at home is affected by more revealing sociodemographic predictors, including gender, age, place of residency, income, or education. To illustrate my point, the article draws on data from the 2017 AmericasBarometer public opinion survey conducted in Venezuela. It models logistic regression to explore the straightforward but often understudied characteristics that might carry voting-age adults to have Internet service. Given Venezuela’s democracy crisis, the article also questions whether having Internet at home affected respondents being satisfied with how democracy worked in the country.

Partisan Self-Interest and Views on the Electoral College: How Electoral Inversions Activate Differences in Support for the System

Most Americans have little knowledge about why we elect the president through the Electoral College. This complex system that requires understanding the impact of 51 different elections on the outcome of the presidential election leads many Americans to desire the simple effectiveness of the popular vote method. Previous scholarship highlights a majority of Americans wanting to replace our current system with the popular vote. Political science research lacks a clear understanding of the impact of partisan self-interest on views of changing the presidential election method. In this paper we look at public opinion surveys over the last 45 years and find there was no clear partisan difference in views of changing the system before the electoral inversion of 2000. We argue that partisan self-interest was activated because of this electoral inversion. The inversion of 2016 led to a hardening of opinions on replacing the Electoral College with the popular vote.

Using crisis text messaging service data to measure the impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on mental health in Ireland

ABSTRACT In 2020 and 2021, non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) were implemented globally to mitigate the transmission of COVID-19. This study is aimed to assess the impact of NPIs on the public mental health in Ireland by drawing on two datasets: (1) data of 43,433 chats initiated at Text About It, a free text-based mental health crisis service in Ireland, and (2) emotional well-being indicators reported by respondents of the Amárach public opinion survey, carried out on behalf of the Department of Health, Ireland. Our analysis reveals that COVID-19-related chats drove overall volumes of chats to Text About It between June 2020 to July 2021. Surges in text volumes immediately prior to new restrictions in Ireland indicate an association between the announcements of the new restrictions and a sudden rise in mental health concerns. Through segmented regression, seven distinct breakpoints were identified across weekly chat volumes at Text About It, the majority of which co-occurred with dates when considerable changes in NPIs were made. Significant high cross-correlation is found between emotional well-being variables in the Amárach dataset and the number of weekly COVID-19 related texts to Text About It. This analysis confirms the value of Text About It as community surveillance indicator for population mental health.

Examining the Crime-Conflict Distinction: Victimization and Political System Support in Colombia

How do crime and conflict compare in relation to victims’ support for their political system? Latin American Politics scholarship has emphasized the distinct motivations of criminal and political violence. However, victims might not distinguish meaningfully between these types of insecurity. Scholars have used surveys extensively to understand crime victimization's consequences, but we know less about conflict victimization's relationship with political attitudes. Analyzing public opinion surveys from Colombia (2012–2018), we find that crime and conflict victimization share a minimal relationship with system support at the national level. In conflict zones, however, victimization from political violence corresponds negatively with system support. Decreased confidence in security forces may be the explanation. Our findings have three implications: scholars risk overemphasizing the crime-conflict distinction without micro-level insight; analyzing public opinion in areas beyond state control is necessary to build such knowledge; and, amidst acute insecurity, attention to victims has systemic importance.