Provincial Elites Research Articles

Rise and Fall of Provincial Elites in the Philippines: Nueva Ecija from the 1880s to the Present Day

The position of local and provincial elites in the Philippines has changed in character. At the beginning of the century the landed elite was relatively autonomous, keeping the state weak and using it to reinforce its position. Since the 1950s a new elite of mercantile entrepreneurs has emerged, dependent on state credit and political protection. Under the martial law regime in the 1970s the state ceased to be an extension of regional elites and acquired the features of a separate level of organization. The transition to the Aquino administration has led to some degree of decentralization. However, provincial politicians are more than ever interested in finding their slot in the central state apparatus.

Review essay: The 1911 revolution in China

These four books-a local history, an intellectual history, a collection of essays, and a diplomatic history-help to bring the 1911 Revolution into sharper focus. Perhaps the time is close when someone may synthesize new approaches to the revolution and present a thematic understanding of the period as a whole. Three generations have passed since the last Chinese emperor reigned, yet voluminous memoirs, hundreds of narratives of local events, and thousands of pages of analyses have not resolved the fundamental questions of 1911. Who made the revolution, and why? And given the continuities in local and provincial elites, in what sense was there a revolution at all? What period do we actually indicate by “1911”—1895–1911, 1890–1913, or 1864–1915? How does the 1911 Revolution stem from long-term changes in Chinese society? How does it represent a Western impact? And, looking forward, how is it related to the rise of Chinese communism and the cultural changes of the twentieth century?

Population Density, Elites, and the Distribution of Infrastructural Resources in Thailand

This paper operationalizes both political-economic and ecological/economic explanations of infrastructure development (roads water electrification) using 1970 provincial data (except for the Bangkok Metropolis) from Thailand. The political-economic approach states that because elites make decisions which disproportionately benefit the interests of their class policies create or perpetuate regional economic inequalities. This approach stresses the needs of both central and non-central elites as a key force behind policy implementation in sharp contrast to the public need imagery of ecological/economic formulations. In Thailand decision making is extremely centralized policy is highly elitist and there are clear examples of the use of development policy for accumulation and social control. The findings support those of previous studies; the distribution of infrastructural resources is primarily a function of gross provincial product per capita (GPP) density and the presence of elites. The political-economic variables explain almost as much variance in the distribution of infrastructural resources as do the ecological/economic variables. Because Thailand is a patrimonial society both patrons and clients possess resources which the other needs. Provincial elites in their role as clients are able to demand resources and therefore villages without a large local elite political stratum fail to receive a share of available projects and resources. Both the inherent elitism in patrimonial policy making and the actual behavior of provincial entrepreneurs administrators and bureaucrats show that resources are allocated where elites are present.

État et société en France au XVIIe siècle. La taille en Languedoc et la question de la redistribution sociale

Un débat concernant la nature de l'État moderne est en cours. Étant donné la longueur de son évolution, sa complexité croissante tant dans sa forme que dans ses fonctions et ses nombreux caractères quantifiables, l'État peut être traité comme une structure de long terme, émergeant de la société, l'influençant, éventuellement la dominant. Mais à quel degré peut-on considérer l'État moderne comme un agent indépendant et quand est-il tout simplement l'expression des besoins d'un certain type de société ? Existe-t-il une contradiction entre un État, organisme analysé encore en termes de centralisation progressive, et une société dont les historiens reconnaissent la grande diversité régionale et un développement plutôt cyclique?.

The empire and provincial elites: An interpretation of some recent writings on the English Atlantic, 1675–1740

(1980). The empire and provincial elites: An interpretation of some recent writings on the English Atlantic, 1675–1740. The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History: Vol. 8, The British Atlantic Empire Before the American Revolution, pp. 2-32.

The State, Elite, and Export in Nineteenth Century Peru: Toward an Alternative Reinterpretation of Political Change

In a recent reinterpretation of political change in Peru between independence and World War I, Berg and Weaver (1978) suggest that the rise of guano export beginning in the 1840s led to important changes in socioeconomic relations within the country. In consequence, a centralized and powerful state emerged which asserted its authority over the formerly dominant provincial elites. On this point, Berg and Weaver's analysis is not inconsistent with existing literature on the period (Basadre, 1963; Pike, 1967; Bonilla, 1974). But their argument that by retaining control over guano export the state acquired the financial resources with which to establish its independence from newly emerging urban elites does not seem completely valid.

The Anatomy of Political and Social Change: Turkish Parties, Parliaments, and Elections

A crucial stage in the process of political modernization is the induction of the rural masses into the political system. Such an induction spells the end of traditional political systems and fundamentally alters the relationship between city and countryside. Samuel P. Huntington refers to this phenomenon as the While the Green Uprising may occur in a variety of political systems, the particular form in which it is manifested depends upon the system and the political groups or forces under whose auspices it occurs. When the Green Uprising takes place within a competitive political system, Huntington suggests that it often takes the form of one segment of the urban elite developing an appeal to or making an alliance with the crucial rural voters and mobilizing them into politics so as to overwhelm at the polls the more narrowly urban-based parties. 1 Huntington cites Turkey as a classic example of this form of the Green Uprising. The ruralizing election in Turkey, which brought to power a new regime based on the electoral support of the peasant masses, occurred in 1950. The new ruralized regime coincided with a number of changes in Turkish politics. One of these was a shift in the composition of Parliament from persons with military and official backgrounds to persons with commercial and professional careers. Another was a rise in the representation of local or provincial elites as opposed

South Vietnam: The Symbolic Nature of Election Campaign Appeals

In a previous study, an attempt was made to determine the extent to which South Vietnamese provincial elites represent a transition or “bridge” between the national elites and the rural values of the majority population by comparing data on the social, educational, political and occupational backgrounds among political leaders and elites supportive of the GVN from both the national and provincial levels. In that study, the conclusion was that a comparison of social background statistics in isolation may be seriously misleading. Western-educated urban elites at the provincial level who are aware of and empathisize with traditional rural concerns can serve as a transitional cultural and political bridge. Indeed a fairly recent study of constituency influence on United States' congressmen indicated that a representative's perceptions of the attitudes held by the enfranchised population of his district was the intervening variable accounting for his electoral behavior as measured by his voting on roll calls. Thus, in the United States, “;;constituency influence is not provided by candidate recruitment but by elite cognitions.”

Subir para no bajar. Adaptación política y representación social de la nobleza urbana castellana (Murcia, 1665-1724)

Este artículo analiza algunas de las respuestas que la nobleza urbana castellana ofreció ante procesos de movilidad social durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVII. El descenso relativo de capital simbólico fue compensado, especialmente durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVII y la Guerra de Sucesión, con una reactivación del servicio real. Esto conllevó, en algunas ocasiones, una adaptación política -integración en el aparato administrativo de la Corona- y un incremento de la dignidad social -concesión de títulos nobiliarios-. El ejemplo de los Fontes de Albornoz, un linaje que se había convertido en un poder influyente en el conjunto del reino de Murcia, nos servirá para observar las motivaciones que llevaron a una reconstrucción sociopolítica de algunas elites provinciales de la Corona de Castilla.

Historical Study of the British Empire

Previous articleNext article No AccessBibliographical ArticleHistorical Study of the British EmpireWesley Frank CravenWesley Frank Craven Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 6, Number 1Mar., 1934 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/236096 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 2Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1934 The University of Chicago PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Ken MacMillan Introduction, (Jan 2011): 1–9.https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230339675_1I. K. Steele The empire and provincial elites: An interpretation of some recent writings on the English Atlantic, 1675–1740, The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 8, no.22 (Jul 2008): 2–32.https://doi.org/10.1080/03086538008582559