Protest Participation Research Articles

An Insight into the Eventful Journey of a Freedom Fighter, Writer and Social Reformer

Chinna Annamalai, a passionate freedom fighter, a remarkable Tamil enthusiast and a dedicated social reformer played a significant part in India’s freedom struggle in the southern part of Tamil Nadu and contributed to various social causes. He earned several nicknames like “Desiya Semmal,” “Thiyaga Semmal”. and ” Tamizh Thondar.” He had his early education in Karaikudi and pursued his higher secondary education at Nagarathar High School in Devakottai. Influenced greatly by his cousin Litterateur Kamban Adippodi Sa. Ganesan, he became involved in the Congress Movement and met Mahatma Gandhi during his visit to Karaikudi. Impacted at the very first sight by Gandhi’s charisma and simplicity and integrity, Chinna Annamalai became a staunch supporter of the Congress Movement and remained a staunch member of the party throughout his life. As an enthusiastic advocate of India’s liberation, he participated in numerous events and processions that resulted in temporary suspension of his education at Devakottai. He later studied in Vairavizha High School in Gopichettipalayam. Chinna Annamalai’s activism and oratory skills drew the attention of great leaders; and he had the opportunity to speak at the Congress Conference in Gobichettipalayam and his fiery speech elicited appreciation for its eloquence. From then on he started wearing Khadar and continued that habit till his death. He remained actively engaged in various movements of India’s independence struggle, including the Quit India Movement. To divert young Chinna Annamalai’s attention from the freedom struggle activities his father sent him to Malaysia and his participation in protests against alcohol in Malaysia led to his expulsion from that country. Again in India he participated in the freedom struggle with renewed vigour. His dedication to the cause of India’s freedom resulted in several arrests and imprisonments, with an instance of public support for his release from the jail. His exhortations to the Tamil community to participate in struggles for India’s freedom remains a significant part of his legacy. Chinna Annamalai also made contributions to Tamil literature and the film industry, writing scripts for successful movies with social messages and establishing a Fan Club for a star actor Shivaji Ganesan. By launching Tamil Pannai, a publishing concern, he inspired many to establish similar companies that richly contributed the growth of modern Tamil Literature. In short his life was one of endless pursuits and achievements contributing to the national and societal welfare.

СУБЪЕКТИВНОЕ БЛАГОПОЛУЧИЕ И ЦЕННОСТИ КАК ПРЕДИКТОРЫ ПРОТЕСТНОГО УЧАСТИЯ В РЕГИОНАХ РОССИИ

Political protest is an important indicator of political conflict in a society. Prior to the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic, there was a worldwide trend of increasing protest activity. Russia was not left aside from the global trend. According to polls, the level of protest sentiment increased in 2019. Researchers, politicians and the entire global community was faced with the issue of protests as a widespread phenomenon, including the causes and factors that influence the increase in the number of protests. This paper studies the influence of such factors of protest participation as subjective well-being, values, and the level of economic development of the region. The database includes 11045 respondents from 36 regions of Russia. The survey was conducted in 2018. Using multilevel regression on the survey data, the author concludes that respondents with post-material values and those living in wealthier regions are more likely to participate in protests. Subjective well-being has no statistically significant correlation with participation in protests.

Vocational education and political engagement: The case of South Korea

It has been argued that individuals educated in vocational tracks are less politically engaged citizens compared to their counterparts in academic tracks. However, the majority of such claims have been made based on studies conducted in Western, developed countries, leaving a gap in our understanding of the applicability of the findings to other societies. This study addresses this gap by analyzing data from 1,436 high school students who participated in the 2018 Korean Youth Competency Study (KYCS). The results reveal that, even after accounting for selection effects, Korean students attending vocational high schools are less inclined than their academic high school counterparts to become well-informed voters in the future. By contrast, there is little evidence to suggest that vocational high schools are less effective in fostering the likelihood that Korean students envision themselves as active participants in legal protests.

Tehnologije prepoznavanja lica i ljudska prava - kratak izveštaj države (Slovenija)

The paper aims to describe the practice of using facial recognition technology and the impact it has on human rights in Slovenia. For this purpose, a case was used when public suspicion arose that the police were using facial recognition technology to identify participants in anti-government protests. The conclusion reached in the paper is that the Slovenian regulation on the use of automatic facial recognition systems seems proportionate, while some questions such as "is this technology necessary in a democratic society" remain open.

Political activism and wellbeing among older adults in Israel

Background and Objectives The aging process is characterized by encountering challenging situations and losses that may influence the subjective wellbeing of older adults. This study investigates the influence of the political-social crisis that unfolded in Israel in 2023 on the wellbeing of senior citizens. Additionally, it explores whether their participation in protests has contributed to their wellbeing. Research Design and Methods We conducted interviews with 30 older adults who were actively engaged in the protest movement against the judicial overhaul. Our sampling approach was designed to encompass a diverse range of factors, including various age groups beyond 65 years, prior involvement in protest activities, geographical distribution, religious involvement, professional backgrounds, and differing political viewpoints. Results Thematic analysis of the interviews revealed three key findings: (1) The participants reported feeling fear and anxiety due to the conflict, leading to a decrease in their wellbeing. (2) Participating in protests uplifted their spirits and provided social support, resulting in improved emotional and social wellbeing. (3) When asked about their perception of the crisis in the future, the participants expressed mixed views: Some were cautiously optimistic and others profoundly pessimistic, while the sentiments of some participants fluctuated. Discussion and Implications This qualitative study indicates the negative impact of political-social crisis on older adults’ wellbeing, as well as the limited contribution of political activism to its improvement. Equally important, the research highlights the need for stakeholders in aging and gerontology to prioritize promoting older adults’ mental health regularly and during political crises.

Relational tactics and trust in high-risk activism: Anonymity, preexisting ties, and bonding in Hong Kong’s 2019–2020 protest

Trust, the belief that others will fulfill their expected obligations, is of vital importance to social movements. While most research focuses on how trust facilitates protests, this article examines how high-risk activism participants deploy various relational tactics to reduce uncertainties and risks. With an in-depth case study of Hong Kong’s protest movement in 2019–2020, this article finds anonymity, preexisting ties, and bonding are the three common responses. Across various interpersonal settings, participants strategize personal trust or minimize their risk exposure, finding ways to collaborate with strangers or acquaintances. Trust is more than a preexisting resource; it can also be created during movement mobilization. Trust enables protest participation, and it also aids in logistics provisioning, as well as sheltering and aftercare of activists. Finally, government repression has worked in part because it aims to undermine the trust networks built up during the movement.

In and Beyond the Faith: Religion as a Determinant of Women’s Civic Activity. A Case of Women’s Protest Against the Tightening of Abortion Law

This article is based on empirical research conducted as part of a wider research project on active citizenship. In the article, I present the civic activity of women subjected to a quantitative analysis against the background of a specific factor, which is religion (specifically Christianity). The article presents the civic activity of women, manifested by street protests undertaken after the tightening of the abortion law in Poland in 2020. The research material was collected using CAWI (Computer Assisted Web Interview); the sample size was N = 585. The obtained empirical data confirm that religion determines views on abortion and motives for participation in protests.

Contesting State-Led Patriarchy—The Drivers, Demands and Dynamics of Women’s Participation in the Gezi Uprisings in Turkey 2013

The Gezi Park protests in Istanbul (Türkiye) gained worldwide attention in 2013. Both men and women took part in the protests, which were heavily cracked down on by the government. The present study examined 273 Turkish women’s attitudes and motivations for taking part in the protests. The results show that the following variables had a significant impact on protest participation: lifestyle threats posed by religious values/norms and by the government; feelings of marginalization as a woman; political dissatisfaction; gender discrimination; and affiliations with feminism. Regarding the impact of attitudes on women’s political participation and discrimination, this study provides insights into the state of research on gender discrimination and feministic identity.

Peaceful or Disciplined?

Abstract Differential participation in violent protests has been explained in terms of protesters’ personal values, biographical availability, and network embeddedness. However, the form of mass protest may be influenced less by the microstructure of protesters and more by their collective past experiences of resistance. Through the South Korean candlelight protests of 2008 and 2016–2017, this article examines novices’ and repeaters’ perceptions of nonviolent protest. Onsite survey and interview data show that previous frustrating protest experiences in 2008 made repeater protesters more perseverant, even when violence was expected. Repeaters had little faith in “disciplined” protests, whereas novices hoped for change through “peaceful” protests. I argue that previous experiences of resistance and their outcomes influenced protesters’ perceptions on the efficiency and legitimacy of violent protest. By examining protesters’ varying perseverance, which mediates the condition of violence, this article advances the relationship between violence and civic participation.

Moral injury and its mental health consequences among protesters: findings from Israel’s civil protest against the government's judicial reform

ABSTRACT Background: Government actions and participating in protracted-duration protests against it affect protesters' mental health, leading to high distress levels, such as posttraumatic and depressive symptoms. Aside from exposure to violence and other issues, protest participation can pose unique challenges to the protesters as they may be exposed to potentially morally injurious events (PMIEs), such as the betrayal of leaders they once trusted. This study's primary objective was to examine the extent of psychological difficulties among civilians participating in long-duration protests in Israel. More specifically, the study aimed to understand the contribution of exposure to protest-related PMIEs to psychological difficulties such as posttraumatic and depressive symptoms. Method: Participants comprised 4036 Israelis who were actively involved in the unfolding civil protest movement against the government-led judicial overhaul between January 2023 and August 2023. The protesters completed validated self-report questionnaires that included measures of PMIE exposure, PTSD and depressive symptoms. Results: About half (44.3%) of the sample met the criteria for self-report diagnosis of major depression and 10.6% for PTSD. Most of the protesters indicated their exposure to at least one moral injury event, with 63.9% reporting exposure to PMIE-Betrayal. Protesters exposed to PMIEs reported significantly higher levels of both PTSD and depression than non-PMIE-exposed protesters. Hierarchical regression analyses revealed that, beyond demographics and protest-related characteristics such as exposure to violence, PMIE dimensions significantly contributed to both PTSD and depression levels. Conclusions: The findings highlight the mental burden of protesters during the civil protests against the judicial overhaul in Israel. More central to the present research, the findings highlight the critical contribution of PMIEs exposure to this burden. Clinicians treating protesters coping with depression and PTSD following the civil actions should attend to their exposure to PMIEs, which may relate to the deleterious psychological effects among protesters.

Exploring the impact of social protest on mental health: A study of the 2019 “Social Uprising” in Chile

Socio-political conflicts, especially if accompanied by violent events, can affect the mental health of the population. This study aimed to estimate the causal effect of social protest-related violence on depressive symptoms during the 2019 social uprising in Chile. We collected population-representative data from a nationwide longitudinal survey (n = 2918), the fourth wave of which took place during the months of the social uprising in Chile (November 2019 and March 2020). Depressive symptoms were measured using the Patient Health Questionnaire-9, while violence related to social protest was measured as the perception of destruction at the neighbourhood level. To assess the casual relationship between destruction perception and depressive symptoms, we utilized an instrumental variable regression model. Our analysis controlled for relevant sociodemographic factors, participation in social protest, and history of mental health treatment. Results showed that perceived neighbourhood destruction during the 2019 social uprising significantly increased PHQ-9 score by 3.702 points, prevalence of moderate to severe depressive symptoms by 18.7%, and likelihood of having a Subthreshold or Major Depressive Episode by 15.2% (p < 0.01). The impact of perceived destruction on depressive symptoms varies by gender, with a significant effect found in men (an increase in depression indicators of 5.769 points, 26.8% and 23.0%, respectively, p < 0.05) but not in women. Stratified regression models by age demonstrate a positive association between the perception of neighbourhood destruction and depressive symptoms across all age groups, with a stronger effect observed among young adults. We found a casual effect of violence related to social protest on depressive symptoms. These findings have implications for the planning of social policies aimed at protecting the mental well-being of the population in times of increasing socio-political turmoil.

Protesting in the Time of Pandemic: Diagonal Accountability, #KerajaanGagal, and Democratic Regression in Malaysia

This article argues that there are four conditions that create a conducive political climate allowing civil society and the media to hold the government accountable during the time of pandemic (2020–2021) i.e., the diagonal accountability: 1) the undemocratic formation of the Muhyiddin Yassin's government that lacked public mandate, which in turn made the government unstable and prone to political pressures; 2) the relative freedom of print and online media in reporting negative news concerning the government; 3) civil society's ability to find creative ways around pandemic restrictions to protest; and 4) socio-economic fallout from strict pandemic measures built up public resentment against the government and contributed to its unpopularity. Analyzed through the lens of political process model, and augmented by interviews with protest participants, the four conditions enable civil society and media to take advantage of the unstable political situation, namely in carving up democratic spaces amidst various restrictions imposed by the pandemic.

How collective demands strengthen sympathy for normative and non‐normative protest action: The example of Hong Kong's anti‐extradition law amendment bill protests

AbstractPolitical demands are a relevant factor in protest participation. However, most studies examined demands as a tactical tool, and it remains unclear how the endorsement of collective demands may contribute to creating the mobilization potential. This analysis examines how collective demands facilitate links of collective identity, efficacy, and grievances with sympathy for normative and non‐normative protest actions in the context of Hong Kong's anti‐extradition law amendment bill social movement. The results show that collective demands are directly and indirectly related to sympathy for protest action and moderate the role of political dissatisfaction in forming the mobilization potential. The analysis also reveals distinct associations of sympathy for normative versus non‐normative protest action with facilitating factors. These results are discussed with respect to their theoretical and practical relevance in forming the mobilization potential and how they may contribute to understanding social movements more generally.

Cross-Country Analysis of the Association between Media Coverage and Exposure to Climate News with Awareness, Risk Perceptions, and Protest Participation Intention in 110 Countries

ABSTRACT Few studies analyze international media coverage of climate change, and few still explore media's role in public opinion about climate change from a comparative perspective. Using data from the 2022 Yale Meta survey of 108,946 Facebook monthly active users from 110 countries and territories, the current research finds that perceived awareness is associated with perceived personal and future risks but not protest participation intention. Only perceived personal harm was associated with protest intention. People in countries most exposed to climate-related impacts were more likely to show heightened perceptions of harm to self and future generations. An analysis of a subset of countries (n = 52) where media coverage data was externally available for 2015–2022 indicates that media coverage is positively associated with self-reported exposure to climate change and perceived awareness about the issue. However, media coverage is not related to perceived personal or future risks and is negatively associated with protest participation intent across countries. Despite low media coverage of climate change, citizens in poor and developing countries see climate change as a greater risk and are more willing to participate in protests compared to citizens in developed countries. Findings help clarify theoretical and practical implications for climate change communication research.

CHURCH ATTENDANCE AND PROTEST PARTICIPATION IN THE UNITED STATES

While church attendance is linked to many forms of civic and political engagement, the relationship between church attendance and protest participation is underexplored. Drawing on three waves of the Cooperative Election Study, I examine whether church attendance is positively and significantly associated with protest participation among both the general US adult population and specific religious traditions. I find that church attendance is a positive and significant predictor of protest participation among the general population, Catholics, Mainline Protestants, Black Protestants, and Jews. However, church attendance is only moderately associated with protest participation for Evangelicals. These findings further our understanding of the relationship between church attendance and protest participation and civic engagement more broadly.

Political icon and role model: Dimensions of the perceived ‘Greta effect’ among climate activists as aspects of contemporary social movement leadership

The 2019 Fridays For Future global climate strikes were extraordinary protest mobilisations in many respects, both in terms of size, age composition and the absence of a specific external triggering event. To properly understand it, one must account for Greta Thunberg's leadership role in the mobilisation – the ‘Greta effect’. We contribute to such an account by linking the ‘Greta effect’ on individual mobilisation to theories of political iconicity and political role models. Empirically, we use unique data from two waves of international surveys of participants in European Fridays For Future protests – on 15 March and 20–27 September 2019 – demonstrating that the perceived individual impact of Greta differs considerably among those who were mobilised in climate strikes. Through multilevel regression analysis, we furthermore show that (a) young women were especially prone to have been inspired and mobilised by Thunberg as a role model and (b) subjectively assessed mobilising influence by ‘Greta’ – in her capacity as a political icon – is positively related to protest participants’ instrumental motivation, sense of solidarity and collective identity. We argue that our results contribute to a better understanding of informal social movement leadership in contemporary political mobilisations.

“It Just Felt Nice to be Able to Scream”: A Qualitative Examination of the Experiences of College Students Participating in the Black Lives Matter Movement

This study was conducted to gain a deeper understanding of the role of emotions within protest experiences among college students. The study sample consisted of 18 undergraduate students aged 18 to 25 who participated in 2020 Black Lives Matter movement protests. Within the sample, the majority of the participants identified as female (61.11%, n = 11) and were Black (38.89%, n = 7). In-depth interviews were conducted and subsequent data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Findings distinguished four themes: (1) emotions as motivators for protest participation, (2) emotional residence during protests, and (3) identity development and the way ahead. A substantial portion of the participants experienced negative emotions following the killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and Ahmaud Arbery, which motivated them to participate in protests. Interestingly, the majority of participants described experiencing positive emotions, including empowerment and hope while at the protest sites. The protest elements: chanting, listening to protest speakers, and being in community with others were the source of positive emotions. Most participants described protesting as a momentary emotional release. These findings demonstrate that protesting does impact student emotional well-being and is an adaptive emotion-focused coping strategy for negative feelings garnered by the sociopolitical climate.

Free riding in climate protests

Climate protests are an important driver for ambitious climate policies. However, it is still unknown how individual protest participation decisions depend on each other. Exploiting the unique opportunity of the Third Global Climate Strike, we conducted multi-wave population surveys with 1,510 people in the four largest German cities. With a randomized information intervention, we changed turnout expectations of a subgroup of respondents and measured the impact on the probability to join the local protest event. Our findings provide causal evidence for strategic interdependence in protest participation decisions among members of the general public rather than among a movement’s core group of supporters. These decisions are found to be strategic substitutes: individuals who expect many other people to participate are less likely to participate themselves. This dynamic has important implications for the movement’s future communication and growth perspective.

The Interaction of Society and Authorities in Urban Development: The Case of Big Cities of Northwestern Federal District

The balanced urban development, the formation of a comfortable urban environment, including the citizens’ active participation in these processes is a priority in the strategic objectives and national projects of the Russian Federation. To reveal the essence of the interactions between society and government the author uses the concept of “civic participation” as a process by which public associations or individuals are involved in interactions with the state (vertical interaction), with other socio-political institutions among themselves (horizontal interaction) to solve socially significant problems. Based on quantitative (questionnaire survey of the urban population, N = 2000) and qualitative (expert interviews, N = 47) methods tested in 5 large cities of the Northwestern Federal District, the author reveals the features of offline and online practices of interaction between the public and authorities, as well as the conditions for their formation in urban development issues. The author concludes that such practices as contacting the authorities and participating in initiative budgeting are more widespread in the cities than, for example, protest participation on the city’s issues. Despite the preference for offline practices for constructive interactions between society and authorities, the active use of information resources and online services is becoming timely. The institutional environment of civic participation is provided with formal regulators, but urban residents are far from being fully informed about them and are not aware of the legal opportunities and limitations that determine their participation in urban development. Informal norms as part of the institutional environment, on the one hand, contribute to the formation of sustainable interactions and organizational infrastructure of socially useful activity; on the other hand, they can be based on the illegal practice of manipulating statuses and resources, which causes the growth of public distrust of state and municipal authorities. The article substantiates the importance of forming a unified information field at the city level on the topical issues of concern to residents, on possible formats of civic participation in the development of a comfortable urban environment. The findings contribute to the understanding of the problems and opportunities for the use of civic participation in urban development.

Marginalized, but not demobilized: Ethnic minority protest activity when facing discrimination.

In a context of backlash against diversity in many countries, we know little about how ethnic minorities respond politically when they personally experience discrimination. Moving beyond the study of electoral participation, this research investigates whether experiences of discrimination push ethnic minorities toward an alternate political pathway for those who feel sidelined by the political community: protest activity. The study also examines whether the context of discrimination (i.e. public or private sphere) has different consequences for protest participation, and whether intragroup contact enhances the effects of discrimination on protest participation. Relying on a survey of 1647 respondents from racialized backgrounds in Canada, our findings indicate that discriminatory experiences increase participation in protest activities irrespective of its context, and that the positive relationship between discriminatory experiences and protest activity is stronger among respondents with greater intragroup contact.