Russian Propaganda Research Articles

The Monopolar Paradigm in a Polycentric World, a Review of L. V. Savin’s Monograph Ordo Pluriversalis: The End of Pax Americana and the Rise of Multipolarity

Alexander Dugin, a thinker and leader of the international Eurasian movement, is confident that the best system of all is a multipolar world order, which is replacing “unipolarity.” Defending the multipolar model is the leitmotif of the book being analyzed—political scientist Savin’s Ordo Pluriversalis: The End of Pax Americana and the Rise of Multipolarity. The book is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the publication of Prince Nikolai Sergeyevich Trubetskoy’s “Europe and Humanity”—the first, according to Dugin, genuinely Eurasian text by a Eurasian, and the first to “overcome the West from within.” Savin currently serves as Editor-in-Chief of Geopolitica.ru, the informational, analytical e-publication portal whose ardent Orthodox pro-Eurasian position prompted the U.S. State Department to label this alternative political resource as a pillar of the “ecosystem of Russian propaganda and disinformation.”

Russian Propaganda Discourse about the crises in Iraq via RT Arabic: An Analytic Study for the Period 10 Oct. 2019-10 Dec. 2019

Russia, has been one of the first powers that has returned to the areas of its historical influence and relations Arab region. It has seized the opportunity of the crises that have hit the Arab region to return to it and interfere in its affairs, especially in Iraq. To achieve that, it has employed its media and propaganda machines to justify these interferences and to establish communication with the Arab governments and peoples. RT Arabic is one of its most prominent media to give the Russian viewpoint regarding the crises in the Iraq. This study, therefore, aims at identifying the nature of the Russian propaganda discourse addressed to the Iraq, pinpointing the most prominent crises RT Arabic highlighted, identifying the characteristics and roles of the active powers and finding the means of proof and frame of reference adopted in this discourse. The study also aims at revealing the propaganda methods used in this site by applying the survey methods, content-analysis tools and tools of analyzing the discourse. The problem of this study comes from posing the question: What is the Russian propaganda discourse regarding the crises of Iraq on RT Arabic website? RT Arabic has been chosen for this study. The researcher used the comprehensive restriction method for all the contents published by the site for three months: from 1 Oct. 2019 to 31 Dec. 2019. The contents were about the crises that took place in Iraq. In which Russia is an active party, the total has reached (861) publications.

Propaganda and Counter Propaganda in the Digital Society: Institutionalisation 2.0?

The article highlights the trend of reinstitutionalisation of propaganda and counter propaganda after a brief historical era of international hiatus in the 1990s when the propaganda-related institutions were dismantled in many countries worldwide. The latter trend is exemplified by a number of processes, including the phenomenon of the Russian propaganda that has evolved after Putin took office, and the emergence of the strategic communications offices in Europe starting from 2015. The revival of propaganda 2.0 is a result of the hybrid wars that have engulfed leading countries worldwide. Propaganda is a systematic effort to manipulate other people’s beliefs and spread chaos. Although the current propaganda aims resemble the ones used during the Cold War, the new tech abilities have enhanced its tactics. While the Internet, digitalization and social media platforms offer new opportunities for secret services and relevant experts, the phenomenon of “open consсiousness” allows an average consumer to be unwillingly affected by the messages that contain propaganda. It is argued that counter-propaganda tools should factor in media literacy efforts and building resilience among the general population to withstand disinformation messages. A number of organizations focused at countering propaganda has been created as a means of an institutional solution. Following a watershed moment in Ukraine two relevant organizations were established in 2021: Centre for Countering Disinformation (as part of the National Security and Defense Council) and Centre of Strategic Communications and Information Security (as part of the Ministry of Culture and Information Politics). These organizations aim at carrying out relevant work in line with their EU counterparts.

The use of the topics and vocabulary of the Second World War in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict 2014-2020 (analysis of foreign historiography)

The object of research is the latest English literature of scientists and analysts in Western Europe and America, devoted to the problems of the information war waged by the Kremlin authorities against Ukraine. It is the problems, events of the Second World War, in the Russian-speaking academic space and the media that are still referred to only as the Great Patriotic War that became the leitmotif of these actions. Moreover, the history of the war is used precisely speculatively, that is, a careful selection of facts and conclusions is carried out, which are adjusted to certain conceptual foundations.
 Investigated problem. As a result of a critical analysis of the works of Western authors, the problem posed in this work is solved: to show the objectivity and evidence of the narratives of foreign authors on the biased presentation of the topics and vocabulary of World War II about the events in the East of Ukraine in 2014-2020.
 Main scientific results. The main scientific result of the study is the conclusion that Western scientists are deeply immersed in the vicissitudes of the conflict, debunking the biased evidence of Russian experts, fascist tendencies are imposed on the basis of false accusations of Ukraine, although such processes have not been recorded by any foreign analysts and observers. One of the stereotypes of Russian propaganda is the reproach for the massive "banderization" of the consciousness of citizens, but at the same time the face and activities of the leader of the OUN (b) are deliberately distorted. Modern studios of historians, diplomats, analysts of Western Europe, the USA, Canada are convincingly criticizing the political and ideological measures of Moscow aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian people. It is emphasized that the process of "nationalization" of history in Ukraine, especially during the Second World War by the Russian establishment, was used in a fraudulent way to tarnish the past of Ukraine. It was noted that, despite all the efforts of the Russian information and propaganda machine, Moscow fails to achieve the desire for results.
 Scope of practical application. The research results, which are innovative in nature, can be used in both cognitive and educational values.

THE BEGINNING OF THE RUSSIAN ARMED AGGRESSION AGAINST UKRAINE ACCORDING TO "THE NEW YORK TIMES" (February 27 – March 4, 2014)

Summary. The purpose of this study is to analyze how the initial stage of the Russian aggression against Ukraine was represented in "The New York Times". The methodology of the study is based on the principles of science, the use of general scientific methods inter alia, the methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the content analysis method. The scientific novelty lies in the conclusion drawn for the first time in historiography that Russian propaganda aimed at American society in the first days of Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine was ineffective. The conclusions are as follows. "The New York Times" has paid much attention to the Russian aggression against Ukraine ever since the building of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea was seized by a military Russian uni. For the period from February 27 to March 4, each issue of the newspaper contained materials that directly covered the Russian aggression or dealt with this problem indirectly. The authors of the materials promptly covered the current situation of that time, and taking into account the time difference between Ukraine and the United States, reports in the electronic and sometimes in the print version of the newspaper could appear on the same calendar day on which the commented event took place. The events in Ukraine were covered quite fully and objectively, the positions of both the Ukrainian and Russian sides, as well as the statements of the inhabitants of Crimea were cited. Russian propaganda’s attempts to shape the negative attitude of American society towards Ukraine and the Revolution of Dignity were unsuccessful.

Manipulating the image of Ukraine as part of Russian propaganda. The example of «Rossiyskaya Gazeta»

The aim of the article is to answer the question how the Kremlin shapes the image of Ukraine after the outbreak of Euromaidan and how it relates to documents regulating the information policy of the Russian Federation. To achieve this, articles published on the official site of the Russian official journal from January 2014 to December 2019 were analyzed. The research conducted proves that the change of the vector of Ukrainian foreign policy influenced the way Ukraine is described.

Towards Transformation of Communication Strategy in Dealing with Russian Propaganda

The article claims that there are other no less effective than purely “military” methods of successful opposing Putin’s propaganda both in Russia and abroad and aims at providing alternative approach towards organizing mass communication systems designed to change the situation both in Russia and the whole post-Soviet area. The article starts with the analysis of the transformation of “Soviet idea” into “Russian idea” and the KGB concept “active measures”. Then specifics of modern Russian media and its role in “hybrid warfare” are revealed. Finally, possible approaches in dealing with Russian propaganda are discussed. Authors conclude that stereotypes of Putin’s propaganda cannot be eradicated by purely “military”, “counter-propaganda” methods. Instead, it is necessary to break the vicious identity of both Russian mentality and Russian government. This can be done only by presenting the reality of Russian life through live examples, personal experience as well as by the development of constructive psychological stereotypes.

Las operaciones de información rusas en el conflicto del este de Ucrania

La caída de la URSS precipitó un cambio progresivo en las relaciones entre los países que habían formado parte del aparato estatal del gigante euroasiático. La evolución de este proceso, en el marco del espacio post-soviético, se ha encontrado significativamente marcada por la gestión de la información en los escenarios resultantes de los conflictos de interés surgidos a raíz de las disputas territoriales, que emergieron en el nuevo mapa de Europa del Este. La cuestión nacional ucraniana ha sido uno de los capítulos protagonistas de las páginas de Internacional en los medios de comunicación a nivel global. Los hechos que han acontecido en torno a la guerra del Dombás, continúan siendo, hoy en día, un tema recurrente en la prensa. En este contexto, las operaciones de información han resultado un factor de especial relevancia a la hora de influir en el desarrollo de los acontecimientos, para favorecer una determinada agenda política y generar un estado de opinión que permita facilitar los movimientos estratégicos de los actores intervinientes. La Federación de Rusia, como heredera del legado que dejó tras de sí la Unión Soviética, cuenta con numerosos intereses en la región oriental de Ucrania. Frente a su postura, se encuentra la política desplegada desde Kiev en los últimos años, que experimenta un paulatino acercamiento a la Unión Europea y al conjunto de Occidente. El presente trabajo estudia las técnicas de propaganda rusas aplicadas al conflicto ucraniano, el uso de la desinformación como táctica de guerra híbrida y su posible efectividad, de acuerdo con el estatus actual de las autoproclamadas repúblicas de Donetsk y Lugansk.

Проблема формування образу «російського героя» у контексті збройної агресії Росії проти України

Introduction. In a military conflict, each of the belligerents often has their own truth, and each one tries to prove justice is on their side. Justification of the righteousness of their cause by the belligerents carries a twofold purpose. On the one hand, it must convince the world community that their actions comply with the norms of international law, and, on the other, – ensure the approval of the government’s policy by their own people. One of the ways of shaping the desired public opinion in Russia is the efforts of Russian propaganda to create the image of a “Russian hero” in the context of armed aggression against Ukraine. The aim of this study is to analyze the activities of Russian propaganda in shaping the image of the “Russian hero” in the context of Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine. The methodology of the study is based on the principles of science, on the use of general scientific methods; inter alia, the methods of analysis and synthesis. Main results and conclusions. Considering the problem of shaping the image of the “Russian hero” in the context of Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine, one can speak of certain legal and ethical difficulties faced by Russian propaganda. In October 2016, the process of glorifying Arsen Pavlov began in the Russian information space. At the same time, he is described in the Ukrainian information space as a “terrorist” and “war criminal”. This situation clearly shows the state of the information war between Russia and Ukraine. No wonder Russian and Ukrainian audiences perceive Russian aggression and Russian militants in Ukraine from different perspectives. In the top leadership of the Russian Federation, the decision to glorify the figure of Arsen Pavlov, also known as Motorola, did not find unequivocal support. Therefore, initiatives in this direction did not result in an organized campaign and over time began to fade away. Although in fact the Russian power structures initiated, organized and are still waging the war against Ukraine, Russia still does not officially recognize its involvement in the hostilities in Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Taking this into account, Russian citizens, fighting on the territory of Ukraine formally violate Art. 359 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Mercenarism”, the third paragraph of which reads: “Participation by a mercenary in an armed conflict or hostilities shall be punishable by deprivation of liberty for a term of three to seven years”. Recognizing a person like Motorola as a “Russian hero” would mean officially approving all his deeds, including the war crimes he committed. Obviously, the top Russian leadership is not ready for this at the moment. Nevertheless, some attempts to introduce the person of Motorola into the modern pantheon of Russian heroes are successful at the local level. Russian propaganda continues to keep its audience in an anti-Ukrainian tone.

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ ЕТНОКУЛЬТУРНОЇ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ ДІАСПОРИ РОСІЇ ДОБИ ПУТІНІЗМУ

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Ukrainian diaspora organizations ethnocultural activity peculiarities in the Russian Federation (RF), the beginning of which is connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of Ukraine‟s independence (1991). The author connects their appearance with the growth of national consciousness, which was based on the idea of Ukraine‟s independence. This idea has always been perceived extremely negatively and cautiously by the ruling class of Russia, as well as by a significant number of Russians, at all times when Ukrainians were under the imperial roof. Even in the conditions of the total crisis at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when the systemic disintegration of the USSR began, the Communist Party leadership constantly kept the "Ukrainian question" in view. This is confirmed, in particular, by the termination in 1989 of the magazine "Ukrainian Question", the publication of which was organized by the Moscow branch of the "Ukrainian Helsinki Union". A similar fate befell a number of other Ukrainian communities already in modern Russia. Among them are the two largest all-Russian diaspora organizations of Ukrainians in Russia: the Union of Ukrainians of Russia (ESD) and the Federal National-Cultural Autonomy "Ukrainians of Russia" (FNKAUR). The analysis below shows that their activities were carried out in accordance with Russian legislation, in particular the Federal Law of Russia "On National and Cultural Autonomy" and was aimed at organizing and conducting ethnocultural work among Ukrainians. However, Putin's leadership found "evidence of political activity" from both ESD and FNKAUR and banned their activities by court order. In fact, the main reasons for the author's cessation are the independence policy of modern Ukraine and the leaders of Ukrainian diasporas, their "disobedience" to pursue Russia's state imperial policy among Ukrainians, and their unwillingness to ignore the ethnocultural needs of Ukrainians. Currently, there is no all-Russian organization of Ukrainians in Russia. Activists of the Ukrainian diaspora have repeatedly, and since 2014, tried to register at least one of them, but they are constantly denied on the grounds that they will allegedly "glorify Bandera" and negatively affect Ukrainian-Russian relations. In fact, the reason is different, namely, in the traditional imperialism not only of Russia's ruling class, but also of a significant number of Russians who do not see a Russian neo-empire without Ukraine. This Russian propaganda cliché penetrated deeply not only into the consciousness of Russians, but also distorted the national consciousness of a significant number of Ukrainians in Russia, who cease to identify themselves as Ukrainians. The article emphasizes that the deidentification of our compatriots is based on persecution, harassment, contempt, not only the Kremlin authorities, but also a significant number of Russians towards Ukrainians in Russia.

УКРАЇНОЦЕНТРИЗМ І ПРОПАГАНДА: РЕАЛІЇ РЕГІОНАЛЬНОГО ТЕЛЕМОВЛЕННЯ ЛУГАНЩИНИ

The article considers the process of development of Luhansk regional television since the beginning of the military aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in 2014. This period is characterized by physical occupation of Luhansk and Donetsk regions, annexation of the Republic of Crimea, aggressive hostilities under the guise of illegal armed groups. , economic and advocacy activities. The analysis of the functioning of the broadcasting system in Luhansk region showed that the transformation of the regional information field and mass information activities were significantly influenced by the accompanying military aggression - hybrid and information war. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has changed the constant mass communication activities of local, regional and national media. In May 2014, TV companies in Luhansk and Donetsk regions were seized by pro-Russian militants and later "nationalized" by the terrorist groups «LNR» and «DNR». The physical occupation of part of the territory of Luhansk (ORLO - occupied districts of Luhansk region) and Donetsk (occupied districts of Donetsk region (ORDO)) regions led to the rapid annexation of part of the information space to saturate it with Russian propaganda and local separatist television channels. At the same time, a Russian propaganda model of speech was introduced in ORDLO. Instead, the revived in evacuation channels of Ukrainian regional television (IRTA, LOT (and its successor UA:Donbass) improved the technical base of TV studios, used the latest technologies, changed the quality of content, which became intelligent, diverse, focused, including audience territories and is based on Ukraine-centric positions.

БЕЗПЕКА СПІЛКУВАННЯ В ІНТЕРНЕТ-ПРОСТОРІ В УМОВАХ «ІНФОРМАЦІЙНОЇ АГРЕСІЇ» РОСІЙСЬКОЇ ФЕДЕРАЦІІ (НА ПРИКЛАДІ СОЦІАЛЬНОЇ МЕРЕЖІ FACEBOOK)

The article considers the peculiarities of communication security in the Internet space in the conditions of "information aggression" of the Russian Federation for example of the Facebook, the most popular social network in Ukraine today. Information security is an important component of Ukraine's national security and the information factor has recently become even more influential in the Kremlin's revenge policy. Since the actualization of Ukrainian civil society's passion and the need to combat information threats, such as recognizing troll publications dangerous false information, disinformation and hidden and not hidden Russian propaganda on the Internet is an extremely important task for both scientists and ordinary users of social networks. Special attention is paid to the analysis of communication features in the Internet space, the ways, methods and mechanisms of preventing information threats to communication security are studied, the Ukrainian and international experience of counteracting hybrid threats in the information sphere in the conditions of "information aggression" and revanchist policy of the Russian Federation is traced. It was found that the security dimension of communication on Facebook is not very stable, and the content is full of provocative threats, there is Russian propaganda and misinformation aimed at shaking the state positions of Ukraine, promoting separatist movements and inciting ethnic hatred and spreading national security and disinformation. integrity of the Ukrainian state. At the same time, it was stressed that in the conditions of historical and cultural revenge of the Russian Federation, Ukrainian society as a whole has all the grounds, opportunities and tools to repel the Kremlin's information aggression and protect the Ukrainian national space.

Reenvisioning Russian Propaganda: Media Decentralization and the Use of Social Networks as a Means to Government Continuity

Abstract Abstract: Russia’s social scene has been anything but stable. Through economic turbulence and social unrest by political opposition, Navalny being only the most recent figure in a long list, Russia, under Putin’s leadership, has shown that it can persist when faced with hardship. How does the regime do this? This article argues that its robust propaganda machine is the answer to this question. I provide three arguments to support this thesis. First, I will present how information is produced and disseminated. Second, Russian propaganda, used for branding itself, attempts to influence foreign just as much as domestic audiences. Finally, using private proxies to peddle a positive message on Twitter will be analyzed. Russias propaganda machine threatens liberalism in the West. This article hopes to add to the conversation as first, recognizing the threat, and second, providing information for combatting the regime.

Nyetwork News: The Convergence of the Russophobia Narrative in Russian Propaganda and Fox News in Election 2020

Nyetwork News: The Convergence of the Russophobia Narrative in Russian Propaganda and Fox News in Election 2020

Російська пропаганда як інструмент «гібридної агресії». Кейс Білорусі

The article analyzes “soft”, non-military tools of Russian “hybrid aggression” in Belarus. The role of the propaganda component as an important part of the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation is determined. Russian propaganda spreads by means of its main channels, such as television, Internet media, social networks and Russian-oriented structures, centers, foundations, organizations, etc. It is claimed that television remains one of the most powerful channels of influence and the spread of “hybrid aggression”. Attention is drawn to the fact that the growing popularity of online media correlates with its increasing influence on Belarusian society and the expansion of the network of pro-Russian propaganda media in the information space of Belarus. Social networks are considered as a platform for “hybrid aggression” by dissemination of key theses and propaganda narratives. In particular, Telegram channels are often used to further distribution of relevant information. It is pointed out that pro-Russian structures are actively influencing the formation of the information space and promoting the emergence of new opposition political projects that will be focused on Russia. The growth of pro-Russian propaganda after the beginning of the 2020 political crisis is emphasized. The main pro-Russian narratives that are broadcast in the Belarusian information space are formulated. The authors note that the level of Russian media presence in Belarus indicates the actual loss of the state’s information sovereignty, which makes it possible to influence both Belarusian society and political processes. It is assumed that the presence of a developed network of pro-Russian structures in the long run may become an instrument of destabilization of the socio-political situation within the country.

Кримська журналістська міграція: природа явища та характерні особливості (результати опитування)

The main objective of the study is to reveal the essence and characteristics of the Crimean journalistic migration process as a social phenomenon, that emerged after the occupation of Crimea in 2014 (the term “occupation” is used in accordance with the UN General Assembly Resolution 71/205 of December 19, 2016, which indicates “temporary occupation” of Crimea – ed.). The methodology of the study is based on the principles of studying the processes in the field of mass media as an integral part of general political and social life. The study was conducted using a variety of disciplinary methods of scientific knowledge of reality. A sociological questionnaire as general scientific method of empirical research was chosen as the main method. The methods of classification, generalization, observation, statistical calculation were used at different stages of the study. Since 2014 after occupation of Crimea the data on violations of the rights of Crimean journalists, activists, free authors, and bloggers have been introduced into scientific circulation. The survey was conducted among 49 Crimean journalists and media representatives, among whom 43 participants lived in mainland Ukraine and 6 – in Crimea. For security reasons and to prevent pressure on journalists, the survey was anonymous and the journalist had the right not to provide personal data at his/her own request. The study represents the opinion and position of a separate group of Crimean journalists who performed professional duties in Crimea during the events of 2014. Due to objective reasons, it is currently impossible to conduct a comprehensive sociological survey to determine the position of Crimean journalists. Results of the study. The results of the survey form an idea of the Crimean professional media circle, which representatives, being the people with active life and civic position, unbreakable principles in civic position and professional activity – were forced to leave Crimea, because they rejected de facto the changed Crimean statehood. The study of their individual “cases” provides a general idea of the process of Crimean forced journalistic migration that emerged after 2014. Due to systematization of information, a portrait of a modern Crimean journalist was created, who could not stay on the territory of the peninsula because of external forced circumstances. The answers received in the survey form an idea of the nature of persecution in the Crimea, focus on the forced transformation of the media landscape of the Crimea, changes in the journalistic environment, the destruction of the current information order. In our opinion, it is important that the survey results prove the existence of informational resistance from journalists and public circles in 2014, disagreement with the results of so-called “referendum” of March 16, 2014, refute the Russian propaganda messages about alleged expression of will and full agreement of the people of Crimea with a forced change of authorities.

Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu by Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki

Reviewed by: Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu by Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki Marta Studenna-Skrukwa Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki. Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu. 328 pp. Wołowiec: Wydawnictwo Czarne, 2020. ISBN: 978-83-8049-996-6. The conflict in Donbas has lasted for over seven years. Given the numbers of casualties documented by the United Nations (up to 13,000 killed, 30,000 wounded and 1,500,000 internally displaced persons) the war in the east of Ukraine can be considered "the bloodiest war and biggest humanitarian crisis in Europe since the collapse of Yugoslavia."1 Although the period of tremendous military escalation from 2014 and 2015 has already passed into Ukrainian history, the current situation in the region is far from desirable. As the measures to restore peace in Donbas set out in the Minsk-2 agreement have never been fully implemented, every day that the ceasefire remains intact should be treated as a success. If the Donetsk and Luhansk regions' cultural identity and industrialized economy posed a challenge to the transition of Ukraine before the conflict, the war has exacerbated the situation and plunged the region into prolonged crisis, forcing the question of its integrity to resonate loudly. The fragile peace that remains after the economic collapse, coupled with the instability of the local authorities, has made it difficult for the region's inhabitants to adjust to these extremely unfavorable circumstances. The ban on trade with separatist republics, instituted in July 2017 by the government in Kyiv and related to Ukrainian industry asset acquisition in the nongovernment-controlled territories, has caused supply chain obstacles for both sides. Damaged infrastructure, mine-contaminated areas, water shortages, and the need to cross into Kyiv-controlled territory in order to access social benefits are basic examples of the everyday challenges of life in Donbas. Living conditions are bound to have deteriorated due to Covid-19. However, little is known about the state of the epidemic in the region. Academics have been struggling with the lack of reliable information about what is currently going on in the region. Local media in the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republic are completely subordinated to Russian propaganda and can only serve as a source for researching official political discourse. Both Ukrainian and Western journalists, as well as international humanitarian organizations (with the exception of Russian ones), face severe restrictions on access to separatist-controlled territory. All of this has contributed to a situation whereby the internal politics of the nongovernment-controlled territories remain obscure to outside observers. In this context Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska and Michał Potocki's book, Czarne złoto: Wojny o węgiel z Donbasu (Black Gold: Wars for Coal from Donbas), published by Czarne Publishing House last [End Page 175] year, is a real achievement. The book is devoted to the problem of the illegal coal trade in Donbas, which continues despite the ban imposed by Ukraine. A two-year investigation of the topic, which included engagement with twelve countries, preceded the book's release. The authors' findings concerning Donbas coal smuggling were published as a series of articles, for which the authors won the Grand Press, the most prestigious award for journalism in Poland, in 2018. The material gathered proved sizeable enough to merit publication in book form. The authors of the volume are both experienced journalists with specializations in the topic of mining. For over a decade, until 2019, Karolina Baca-Pogorzelska worked for the daily Polish economic and legal newspapers Rzeczpospolita and Dziennik Gazeta Prawna; during that time she published three books on related topics.2 Michał Potocki works as a section editor in the aforementioned Dziennik Gazeta Prawna, as well as writing for the bimonthly Nowa Europa Wschodnia. His two previous books established his credentials as one of the most competent Polish journalists reporting and interpreting the events currently taking place in Ukraine.3 The combined efforts of these authors represent the best of high-quality journalism, while also providing the reader with useful historical background. Czarne złoto is timely and significant for several reasons. Firstly, it draws attention to the Donbas conflict at a...

Відображення російської збройної агресії проти України в онлайн-енциклопедії «Вікіпедія»

Introduction. Historical topics in the publicly available free multilingual online encyclopedia «Wikipedia» deserve not only a historiographical analysis given the specifics of this new information, communication and social phenomenon’s functioning. The influence of various political and ideological factors in certain countries or language-dased groups of countries on the content of historical articles in «Wikipedia» is also of great scientific interest. In the proposed study, Wikipedia is considered not only as an online encyclopedia, but also, to some extent, as a manifestation of the so-called new media.The purpose of the article is not only to analyze a fairly wide range of ideas about the Russian continued armed aggression against Ukraine in various language sections of Wikipedia, but also to reflect the extent to which these ideas are influenced by various ideological factors. Results . In the scientific literature there is a rather limited range of works that relate to the outlined complex problem. Media studies has developed an approach to the proposed problem, according to which Wikipedia articles are divided into relatively stable and controversial (ie, those that have undergone significant ideological influence) depending on the number of edits. The number of sources involved in the preparation of Wikipedia articles should also be taken into account, as this number correlates with the degree of public interest in the relevant issues. The subject of Russian military aggression against Ukraine is widely represented in Wikipedia. Articles published in the English, German and Ukrainian language sections of Wikipedia have the largest number of edits and the largest volume of sources involved, indicating the degree of public attention and the degree of influence of ideological and political factors on the content of articles on Russian armed aggression against Ukraine. These articles are generally devoid of relevant Russian propaganda narratives, in particular those concerning the «civil war in Ukraine». Conclusion. The knowledge about the Russian armed aggression against Ukraine transformed through Wikipedia is becoming an important ideological and political factor. Both the Ukrainian scientific community and the relevant authorities should pay attention to the coverage of this topic in other language sections of Wikipedia, given the fact of the latter’s significant influence on the formation of public opinion in many foreign countries, and the impact of this opinion on official government policy of relevant countries in relation to Ukraine.

Донбас як об’єкт деукраїнізації з боку адептів «русского мира»

The purpose of the article is to try to understand the phenomenon of the ideological component of Russian hybrid aggression, to investigate how an alternative reality is formed in the occupied territories, built by the Kremlin whose main goal is the total Ukrainization of the region. of Donetsk and Luhansk regions through various sources. An important role in shaping the anti-Ukrainian identity of the population of the occupied Donbass was given to visual propaganda. The ideological treatment of the population of the «people's republics» is based on a centralized system of information space management. The authors note that the focus of both Russian and local political technologists and power structures of the «people's republics» remains the promotion of the concept of «special Donbass identity», the use of prepared facts of events, which contributes to further de-Ukrainization of the region. Instead of the history of Ukraine, the so-called «history of the Motherland» has appeared in the educational institutions of the «people's republics», in which the history of the region is combined with the history of Russia. A new educational subject has appeared in the curricula of educational institutions – «lessons of citizenship of Donbass». The content of this course is based on the narratives of Russian propaganda and aims to deprive children and young people of historical memory. There is an integration with the Russian educational space. Conclusions: Thus, the information and propaganda component of the conflict in Donbass is one of the most important tools for leveling the all-Ukrainian identity in this region. The ideological occupation of Donbass is carried out, first of all, through the promotion of the idea of non-Ukrainian identity of the population of the region. Practical meaning: the main provisions can be used to study the history of the occupation of the Donbass region. Originality: features of the hybrid Russian-Ukrainian war, namely its virtual component is covered. Scientific novelty: for the first time an attempt was made to conduct a comprehensive study of the ideological occupation of Donbass by Russia.

The Influence of Russian Propaganda on the EU’s Interstate Relations With the Eastern European Countries (Case of Poland-Ukraine)

The article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of Russian propaganda on relations between the European Union member states and its eastern neighbors in the case of Poland and Ukraine. The analysis is related to an issue that can be formulated as the following research question: how exactly does propaganda affect domestic and foreign policy processes in countries? A multidisciplinary approach to the study of the impact of political propaganda enabled the use of such methods as: systemic, institutional, structural-functional, content analysis, and descriptive. The article gives definition and main characteristics of the concept of propaganda in political context. Special attention is paid to reasons for the successful use of propaganda by Russia in fanning the conflict in Ukraine, which is presented in the article. The complex of means and methods used in Russia’s information policy to influence Western countries is denoted. The author presents the main narratives of Russian propaganda, and identifies the features of its pressure on interstate relations between Ukraine and Poland by analysing articles in pro-Russian periodicals of Poland and Ukraine. Conclusions are drawn on the need for strong international resistance to Russian propaganda, and to define the shortcomings of the system for countering Russian information aggression in general and propaganda in particular.