Propaganda Discourse Research Articles

The active forces in the Russian propaganda discourse on the Russian-Ukrainian war

The active forces in the Russian propaganda discourse on the Russian-Ukrainian war

«Глазами друзей»: использование международной повестки в советском праздничном пропагандистском дискурсе (по материалам юбилейных торжеств 1957 г. в Ленинграде)

Based on the material of the periodical press, texts of festive radio broadcasts and documents of the Soviet and party authorities of Leningrad, the features of using the international agenda as one of the tropes of festive propaganda discourse are recreated. On the example of jubilee celebrations in 1957 In the USSR, the author comes to the conclusion that the use of international themes in the information coverage of holidays contributed to strengthening the positive image of the USSR as an international leader in the eyes of Soviet citizens, and also allowed creating impressions of the celebrations as world-wide events.

Analyzing Russia’s propaganda tactics on Twitter using mixed methods network analysis and natural language processing: a case study of the 2022 invasion of Ukraine

This paper examines Russia’s propaganda discourse on Twitter during the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The study employs network analysis, natural language processing (NLP) techniques, and qualitative analysis to identify key communities and narratives associated with the prevalent and damaging narrative of “fascism/Nazism” in discussions related to the invasion. The paper implements a methodological pipeline to identify the main topics, and influential actors, as well as to examine the most impactful messages in spreading this disinformation narrative. Overall, this research contributes to the understanding of propaganda dissemination on social media platforms and provides insights into the narratives and communities involved in spreading disinformation during the invasion.

Times of crisis as “golden times” for propaganda: PR propaganda in Albanian media

The research undertaken in the framework of our study has revealed that successive global or local crises during the last 5 years have brought an increased presence of propaganda in the Albanian mass media. Our presentation aims to present and analyze the main forms of propaganda that originates from the public relations offices of political parties and state institutions and manages to penetrate the mass media. The report aims to unmask the camouflaged forms of propaganda in the media, seeing it as the dual responsibility of political and media actors. It aims to prove the symbiotic relationship between the populist and authoritarian tendencies of the ruling leadership on the one hand and the propaganda discourse on the other. At the same time, the article sheds light on the compromised agendas of the mass media which, for the sake of occult interests, leave room for propaganda on their pages or screens.

(In)visible Actions – Disruptive Practices: Art and Philosophy in the ČSSR 1950–1980

It is not well known that in the context of the unofficial artistic and philosophical scene of the ČSSR there was an aesthetically refined and theoretically differentiated reflection on the different degrees and limits of visibility as well as a rethinking of participation – be it aesthetic, epistemic or political. In this paper I first investigate the relation between history and (in)visibility in its broadest sense: questions such as ‘whose history is present’ and ‘what visual memory building strategies are used’ were highly controversial and deeply politicised. For many artists and philosophers such as Zorka Ságlová or Jan Patočka the very act of remembering and the active, critical engagement with (visual) culture and history thus became an act of resistance. I then explore how artists subtly intervened in and transformed the monitored public space, and often tried to undermine given regimes of visibility. I demonstrate that these manifold ‘dissident’ practices engendered new aesthetic experiences and fostered powerful counter-narratives that deconstructed the official propaganda discourse of the communist regime.

GENOCIDAL STRATEGIES REGARDING UKRAINE IN RUSSIAN PROPAGANDA DISCOURSE

Among researchers and scholars of legal sciences, the issue of recognizing several crimes committed by Russia against Ukraine and its population as genocide is currently under discussion. Instead, at the level of media discourse, a number of researchers have determined that Russian propaganda discourse contains genocidal features (for example, M. Ryabchuk, T. Snyder). In particular, scientists take into account such strategies as denial of genocide as a strategy for committing genocide (S. Cohen, A. Jones), dehumanization and demonization (H. Stanton, B. Bahador), manipulative use of the term «genocide» by Russian propaganda (V. Romaniuk, O. Dudko, E. Fortuin). The purpose of the article is to determine the genocidal strategies regarding Ukraine in the Russian propaganda discourse based on their compliance with the ten stages of genocide developed by H. Stanton: 1. classification; 2. symbolization; 3. discrimination; 4. dehumanization; 5. organization; 6. polarization; 7. preparation; 8. persecution; 9. extermination; 10. denial. In the article, these stages are superimposed on the Russian propaganda media discourse and considered in the context of the Russian Federation’s war against Ukraine. The compliance analysis was carried out based on the following criteria: intensity of hateful rhetoric, narrativization, and organization of the media system of the Russian Federation (level of state intervention in the agenda of information media resources). The case of the full-scale invasion of the Russian Federation into Ukraine on February 24, 2022, which was followed by mass killings of civilians, destruction of residential areas, and deprivation of living conditions of Ukrainians (such as shelling of energy infrastructure), was chosen for analysis. The article analyzes how the physical actions of the Russian Federation against Ukraine are reflected in the propaganda media discourse and how they correspond to the stages of committing genocide, according to H. Stanton. In particular, the stages of classification, symbolization, dehumanization, polarization, and extermination in the Russian propaganda discourse can be considered as a manifestation of hateful rhetoric of varying intensity by increasing it with each stage concerning a certain group. The stages of discrimination, preparation, persecution, and denial are mostly revealed at the level of narratives about Ukraine, and the stage of organization is revealed in the media system of the Russian Federation.

Russian Political Propaganda Media Discourse: Definition of the Concept, Structure and Boundaries, Characteristics of Subjects

The relevance of this article is due to the practice of broadcasting ideas about the basic political and ideological constants of the state and power, which is widespread in modern Russian political propaganda media discourse. The article presents an overview of the research on propaganda, political propaganda, its properties, methods. The study revealed the theoretical heterogeneity of the concept of "political propaganda", general signs and patterns of this phenomenon. The research task is to summarize the results of the scientific discussion, offer our own definition of the political propaganda discourse of the mass media and describe its structure. The author developed the definition of the political propaganda discourse of the mass media. In modern Russian mass media, there is a clear polarization of the discourse under study: it seems possible to single out state and opposition subdiscourses, or varieties, of political propaganda media discourse. The article presents an analysis of the field structure of the Russian political propaganda discourse using the example of the characteristics of the subjective and genre-format organization of one of its varieties — the state political propaganda media discourse. The authors carried out zoning and systematization of the media activities of the subjects of the state propaganda media discourse. The study found that the role of "pivot", core texts for this variety is played by texts created by the subjects of political communication and broadcast in the media. The totality of multi-genre and multi-format media products of professional journalists and representatives of the cultural elite of Russia, distributed through various media channels, constitutes the near-core zone of this discourse. On the periphery media texts are created by non-professional journalists and users. The content-thematic principle becomes unifying for the political propaganda discourse of mass media: it is a single ideological system with a characteristic set of concepts, values, and assessments. The article outlines the vectors for further study of this phenomenon.

Concept of FOREIGNER in the militia film. A contribution to the research on ludic and propaganda discourse in the Polish People’s Republic

An increasing interest in the popular culture of the Polish People’s Republic has been noticeable in recent years. The author believes that the ludic and propaganda discourse, which combines entertainment and persuasive functions, has a major part in it. This is evidenced by numerous multimodal texts, including crime stories, the so-called militia crime stories. They provide an interesting research material for the contemporary media linguistics. This article presents a media linguistic reconstruction of the discursive image of a foreigner in militia cinema. The tool applied in the analytical procedure is the cognitive definition model. The analysis has proved that the image of foreigners is dominated by negative evaluation, which concerns Germans and Americans in particular. In the author’s opinion, developing this type of research will contribute to broadening the knowledge of persuasion mechanisms and Polish cultural memory

Propaganda Discourse of the Digital Age in the Perspective of Theory and Social Practices

The article is a review of the interuniversity collective monograph "Propaganda discourse in the conditions of digitalization". The high theoretical level and complex nature of the research was noted, the focus of which was the analysis of the essence of various theories and approaches that have developed taking into account digital transformations in political science, communication theory, linguistics, journalism, and psychology. The structural analysis of the book identified the dynamics of the propaganda discourse of the digital age. The review revealed that the authors systematized descriptions of new developments generated mainly by breakthrough technologies that are changing the conditions and rules of behavior in the digital space without precedent. The logic and clarity of the presentation was analyzed, and the scientific and practical value of recommendations on the use of the empirical data obtained was determined. It was concluded that they are extremely relevant for the effective implementation of media education technologies.

Память о предательстве: образ коллаборациониста в послевоенном советском кинематографе

Introduction. Researchers have studied manifestations of collaborationism of Soviet citizens during the Great Patriotic War quite well, however, the problem of the perception of collaborators in the postwar period needs additional coverage. Of particular interest is the reflection of this topic in art cinema, which was one of the most important means of propaganda. Methods and materials. The basis of the study was a systematic approach. Historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods were applied, in addition, content analysis was used to identify characteristic characters, images, ideas in films. The study was carried out on the basis of published materials, as well as archival files, which make it possible to compare the motivation of collaborators during the Great Patriotic War with its representation in Soviet cinema. Analysis. The study of the evolution of the coverage of the Great Patriotic War and related events in cinema made it possible to identify the main genre and stylistic devices used to demonstrate the place and role of collaborators. Through the analysis of the motivation of collaborators based on the protocols of their interrogations and investigative cases, as well as the consideration of their behavior in feature films, the functions of this topic in the Soviet propaganda discourse were determined. Results. The study of the methods and forms of demonstration of collaborationism showed this problem was reflected in Soviet cinema throughout the entire post-war period. Cooperation with the Germans was explained by several reasons: nationalist motives, hatred of the Soviet regime, cowardice or a desire to save one’s own life, or pathological manifestations up to mental illness. Authors’ contribution. O.V. Romanko proposed the concept of the article, supervised the research, studied the sources and historiography of the problem, and edited the final text of the paper. E.V. Prosolova carried out analytical work on the analysis of sources, systematization and classification of the image of a collaborator in Soviet cinema, designed the text of the article.

Multiple Ideological Dilemmas in China’s Political Transformation

China has gradually emerged as a new regional and world great power in recent years. The Chinese government has also carried out political transformation in diplomatic strategies, internal propaganda, and other fields to cope with realpolitik. However, the new contradictions in politics and the remaining problems make the propaganda discourse and its internal logic adopted by the Chinese government more challenging to be self-appropriate. These problems become the “ideological dilemma” faced by the Chinese government. This study takes a qualitative analysis of Chinese propaganda in several fields over the years, makes a critical discourse analysis to discuss the intrinsic logic and the ideology behind the contradictions in it, and concludes the switch of Chinese diplomacy among traditional Confucianism, Marxism, and the modern nation state. These ideas support each other on many occasions and provide legitimacy, but in a broader context, they cannot be self-consistent and produce far-reaching negative political implications. Finally, this study takes Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan as an example to analyze the specific practical discourse application, their public impact, and the contradictions of Chinese official propaganda.

Kategoria wroga w dyskursie rosyjskiej władzy (na przykładzie orędzia W. W. Putina z 24 lutego 2022 roku)

The subject of research in this article is the figure of the enemy, which is identified in numerous studies as one of the basic components of the world of propaganda, including communist propaganda. The aim of the analysis is to characterize the language exponents of the category of enemy in V. V. Putin’s message and to indicate their functions in the contemporary discourse of the Russian authorities. It should be emphasized that we treat the discourse of the Russian authorities as modern newspeak, that is, as a contemporary variant of the communist propa ganda discourse used by the political elite of today’s authoritarian Russia. In the examined message, two types of enemies were distinguished: real, i.e. actually existing in the world around us, to which the United States belongs, along with its allies from the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and invented enemies, i.e. ones that are a kind of creation of Russian propaganda. These created enemies include neo-Nazis allegedly supported by the NATO organization, who supposedly form the current government in Kiev. They are portrayed as posing the most se rious threat to the Russian Federation. The category of enemy serves V. V. Putin for officially explaining to the Russian people the reasons for beginning the socalled “special military operation” in Ukraine, which is supposed to be “self-defence against threats to Russia”.

GENDER ORIENTATION OF THE PROPAGANDA OF THE BOLSHEVIK-SOVIET GOVERNMENT AND THE UKRAINIAN NATIONALIST UNDERGROUND IN THE PERIOD 1944–1947

The gender component of the political propaganda of the Bolshevik-Soviet government and the Ukrainian nationalist underground during their armed confrontation in Western Ukraine is analyzed. The semantic content of the agitation-propaganda «image of a woman» by both warring parties and the forms and methods of presentation of the created construct to a certain target audience in accordance with the set political goals and objectives are investigated. It is concluded that the political propaganda of the Bolshevik-Soviet government and the Ukrainian nationalist underground in the western regions of Ukraine in 1944–1947 had signs of gender coloring. In Soviet propaganda, they were more pronounced than in the propaganda materials of the Ukrainian nationalist underground. Both antagonistic forces constructed the image of women based on their needs: «the Soviet woman is a toiler» as opposed to «the Ukrainian woman is a keeper, a mother». The Soviet party authorities mobilized the female resource, on the one hand, as an auxiliary labor force for the reconstruction of economic facilities, and on the other hand, as a repeater of communist ideas and slogans. The image of the Soviet emancipated woman worker was actively exploited by Bolshevik ideologists in public propaganda discourse and used by them as one of the tools of Sovietization of the region. Instead, the political and ideological narrative of the Ukrainian insurgent underground and the UPA was dominated by the image of a woman-mother whose vocation was to raise her sons and daughters as fi ghters for an independent Ukrainian state. Emphasize that it was specifi cally entrusted to her the mission of preserving the Ukrainian nation through the birth and upbringing of children. It is determined that the Bolshevik propaganda arsenal is fi lled with a more diverse set of forms and methods than the arsenal of the insurgent underground. In addition to various mass media: newspapers, radio, cinema, etc. party officials widely used public events: meetings, rallies etc. as platforms for direct and indirect propaganda. The main method of nationalist propaganda was the distribution of printed materials. It was inferred that a common characteristic of gender-biased propaganda narratives from antagonistic sides was the presence of an imbalance in the feminine and masculine dimensions, favoring the latter. Keywords propaganda, women, Soviet government, UPA, Western Ukraine.

Poor Image as a Weapon, Supercut and Digital Resistance

Beginning with Steyerl's enquiry into whether the Internet can create new possibilities, this article draws out how digital media has been used for digital resistance through the combing of some historical events. By citing Steyerl's conceptual elaboration of the poor image, this article introduces Supercut, as one of the forms of the poor image, tracing its origins and characteristics, focusing on its various possibilities as a practice of digital resistance, including providing evidence for analysing the relationship between media and politics; deconstructing misrepresentations and reconstructing group identities; and resisting the hegemony of political propaganda discourse. Supercut is a powerful response to inequalities and that it has great potential for future creators to explore.

The Rhetoric of the Kremlin or the Propaganda Discourse in the Context of the War in Ukraine

The Rhetoric of the Kremlin or the Propaganda Discourse in the Context of the War in Ukraine

From Propaganda to Memes: Resignification of Political Discourse Through Memes on the Chinese Internet

With increasing integration of culture and politics in the digital age, memes tend to be politicized in academic research. Moving beyond the perspective of politicization, this study examines the depoliticizing potential of meme usage. Drawing on sassy socialist memes on the Chinese internet repackaging propaganda posters and slogans for online conversations, we conducted discourse analysis of these memes and interviews with meme users. We find that memes reappropriating political discourse are not necessarily used for political implications. Rather, their meanings vary in usage contexts that are mostly non-political daily conversations—political discourse in China has been gradually resignified to incorporate diverse non-political meanings in the memetic process of cultural reappropriation. Furthermore, the depoliticizing potential of memes is precisely built upon the politicization of propaganda discourse for mass persuasion. The discursive construction of propaganda and its indoctrination in Chinese society are potentially leading to its own deconstruction in the digital age.

Russian-Japanese relations after Abe: A new stress test?

The article addresses qualitative changes in Russian-Japanese relations that occurred after the resignation of Shinzō Abe from the position of Prime Minister in 2020 due to the transformation of the international environment and domestic political developments in both countries. Among the international factors contributing to the deterioration of bilateral relations, the author particularly mentions confrontation between the Kremlin and the U.S after the change of administration in Washington in 2021, as well as a new aggravation of the situation around Ukraine in 2022. Continuing formation of a new system of geopolitical coordinates in Asia, in which only China can be considered by Russia an actual ally, while Japan, along with many of Russia’s Asian partners linked to the U.S., found themselves in the opposing camp, also played a role.The author focuses on the change in the Russian position on the issue of the peace treaty with Japan. The course was taken to demonstrate to Japan the futility of its stance on the issue of border demarcation with Russia. There has also been a transformation of the place and role of Japan in the internal ideological and propaganda discourse of Russia, where the focus on the «crimes of Japanese militarism» in East Asian countries is becoming increasingly evident. At the same time, the author considers Moscow’s critical attitude towards Japan not the result of a conscious ideological campaign directed specifically against Japan, but rather a reflection of the general atmosphere in the socio-political life of Russia.The author believes that the acquisition of a new «unfriendly» state in the face of Japan on the Far Eastern borders will become a military and political risk factor for Russia and will inevitably damage its security. Meanwhile, Russia should rethink its position given that, geostrategically, it is important for it to have strong partnership relations with Japan.

Critical Discourse Analysis on Komik Kita Comic Strip

The rapid dissemination of knowledge through information technology is facilitated by expanding access, but this development has drawbacks due to political interests. One of the media used to spread propaganda that promotes polarization is comics. The researcher analyzes how popular comics mix provocative discourses to influence their readers and what themes they adopt. Using critical discourse analysis, the researcher examines three main dimensions of propaganda discourse production, dissemination, and impact in comics. The data analyzed includes 1237 comic strips by Komikkita, of which 87% contain political propaganda, and 10.9% contain propaganda that targets followers of a particular religion. The study suggests that comic writers carry out the mission of a particular group through their media, indicating that discourse cannot be separated from the motives and values that the discourse architect wants to disseminate. This finding supports the elementary theory of discourse initiated by Van Dijk.

Social Discourse of Fake News in French and Its Digital Social Media Literacy

The research explored the social discourse of fake news in the French language and the French government’s efforts to overcome it with digital media literacy through social media. Fake news was getting more intense with the existence of social media as an instrument of dissemination. The fake news data were observed first, then selected according to the intensity of its distribution, and taken through social media platforms with the most users in France, namely Facebook and Twitter. Then this data set was verified and confirmed through the official fact-checking platform to ensure that the data text was fake news. This data verification method also practiced techniques socialized by the French government through a digital media literacy program. All data were analyzed qualitatively using a critical paradigm, particularly critical sociolinguistics, and post-truth theory. The analysis results show a relationship between language practice through fake news texts circulating on social media and the practice of government propaganda discourse through digital media literacy. These two practices also give rise to certain social practices and movements in French society. This also shows that digital media literacy efforts alone are ineffective enough to overcome the problems caused by fake news in society.

The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Radical Behavior and Armed Conflict Escalation Risks

The paper considers the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic to the behavior of militants of illegal armed groups and the population in the militant-controlled territories. The study was conducted on the example of the territories of self-proclaimed “L/DPR” within Donbass (Eastern Ukraine) in the period March-May 2020. Based on the analysis of social networks and media, the main narratives related to the perception of threats of epidemic were identified and analyzed. Its prevalence and dynamics among the militants and population in comparison with radical groups and population of Ukraine was analyzed. The main types of moods and emotions that were associated with the perception of epidemic were identified. The management decisions of the “L/DPR” leaders during the epidemic were analyzed. It was found that the measures of militant's “authorities” were not aimed to protecting population, but to social management - channeling aggression and propaganda discourse constructing.