Pronatalist Population Policy Research Articles

The abortion trend after the pronatalist turn of population policies in Iran: a systematic review from 2005 to 2022

ObjectiveGiven Iran’s recent shift towards pronatalist population policies, concerns have arisen regarding the potential increase in abortion rates. This review study examines the trends of (medical), intentional (illegal), and spontaneous abortions in Iran over the past two decades, as well as the factors that have contributed to these trends.MethodsThis paper reviewed research articles published between 2005 and 2022 on abortion in Iran. The study employed the PRISMA checklist for systematic reviews. Articles were searched from international (Google Scholar, PubMed, Science Direct, and Web of Science) and national databases (Magiran, Medlib, SID). Once the eligibility criteria were applied, 42 records were included from the initial 349 records.ResultsAbortion is influenced by a variety of socioeconomic and cultural factors and the availability of family planning services. Factors that contribute to unintended pregnancy include attitudes toward abortion, knowledge about reproductive health, access to reproductive health services, and fertility desires, among others. In addition to health and medical factors, consanguineous marriage plays an important role in spontaneous and therapeutic abortion. A higher number of illegal abortions were reported by women from more privileged socioeconomic classes. In comparison, a higher number of medical and spontaneous abortions were reported by women from less privileged socioeconomic classes.ConclusionIranian policymakers are concerned about the declining fertility rate and have turned to pronatalist policies. From a demographic standpoint, this seems to be a reasonable approach. However, the new population policies, particularly, the Family Protection and Young Population Law, along with creating limitations in access to reproductive health services and prenatal screening tests as well as stricter abortion law could potentially lead to an increase in various types of abortions and their associated consequences.

Fertility history and intentions of married women, China.

To estimate the proportion of married women in China who intend to become pregnant given the country's pronatalist population policy and to investigate fecundity, with an emphasis on the influence of socioeconomic factors. A nationally representative survey of 12 815 married women aged 20 to 49years (mean: 36.8years) was conducted during 2019 and 2020. All completed questionnaires, 10 115 gave blood samples and 11 710 underwent pelvic ultrasound examination. Fertility intention was the desire or intent to become pregnant combined with engagement in unprotected sexual intercourse. We defined infertility as the failure to achieve pregnancy after 12months or more of unprotected intercourse. We considered an anti-Müllerian hormone level < 1.1ng/mL and an antral follicular count < 7 as indicating an abnormal ovarian reserve. Fertility intentions were reported by 11.9% of women overall but by only 6.1% of current mothers (weighted percentages). Fertility intention was significantly less likely among women in metropolises (odds ratio, OR: 0.38; 95% confidence interval, CI: 0.31-0.45) and those with a higher educational level (OR: 0.74; 95% CI: 0.62-0.88). Overall, 18.0% had experienced infertility at any time and almost 30% had an abnormal ovarian reserve on assessment. An abnormal ovarian reserve and infertility were less likely in women in metropolises (P < 0.05) but more likely in obese women (P < 0.05). The willingness of Chinese married women to give birth remained low, even with relaxation of the one-child policy.

Mothers and Children of the Republic of Srpska: Locating Nationalism in Pronatalist Discourse in Post-War Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract Two phenomena have been present in multiethnic/multinational Bosnia and Herzegovina since its independence from SFR Yugoslavia: massive depopulation and strong nationalism(s). Although nationalism influences which nation/ethnic group should produce and how, the links connecting these nationalistic ideologies and pronatalist population policies in the country/entity have been, almost paradoxically, left on the margins of the previous studies. This paper asks to what extent nationalist ideologies are present in the pronatalist population policy discourse in the Serb-dominated entity Republic of Srpska and what nationalism it is. After developing Spectrum of Nationalism(s), a framework underlined by Siniša Malešević’s views on nationalism and ethnicity as ideologies, the paper provides an overview of Bosnia’s demographic processes and brief insights into Republic of Srpska pronatalist policies through a semi-structured literature review. Keeping in mind that media profoundly influences public opinion, discursively moulding policy debates, two most recent cases of pronatalist campaigns and programs in the Republic of Srpska: Let Our Children Be Born and National Programme of Demographic Revival, are analysed via critical discourse analysis (CDA). Selected media articles predominantly cover the period from 2018 onwards, concentrating on the commentaries of the ruling SNSD political nomenklatura. The analysis displays the powerful influence of nationalism on the discourse on population policies. However, on the spectrum of nationalism(s), civic nationalism seems only to be pro forma defined, while in RS’s reality, the abovementioned path has continued toward an ethnonationalism direction.

Pursuing pronatalism: non-governmental organisations and population and family policy in Sweden and Finland, 1940s–1950s

ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to nuance notions of ‘pronatalism’ by applying it as an analytical concept for studying population and family policy Sweden and Finland in the 1940s and 1950s. This endeavour is pursued by analysing the ideologies and practices of three pronatalist non-governmental organisations from Sweden, Finland and Swedish Finland: the Swedish Population and Family Federation (Befolkningsförbundet Svenska Familjevärnet), the Finnish Population and Family Welfare League (Väestöliitto) and the Swedish Population Federation in Finland (Svenska Befolkningsförbundet i Finland, SBF). All three organisations promoted family-friendly policies, emphasised the need for wide-spread population policy education or ‘propaganda’, and framed pronatalist population policy as a collective issue of the nation or ‘people’, yet with different motivations and framings. Väestöliitto and SBF related the so-called population question to an external threat: the Soviet Union that threatened the geopolitical status of Finland, and the pressure of the Finnish-speaking majority, respectively. In addition, SBF saw that the Finland-Swedes were delusional about their demographic and cultural vulnerability and were hence causing their own demise. Familjevärnet, on the other hand, first and foremost connected family and population policy to the furthering of welfare, solidarity and democracy, primarily within Sweden but also transnationally. Respectively, the organisations also framed motherhood slightly differently. Väestöliitto and SBF portrayed procreation as a civic duty and motherhood as the most important role of women. Familjevärnet also viewed motherhood as an important and natural role for women, yet not as an exclusive civic duty. Rather, it emphasised that all citizens had a duty to contribute to a positive demographic development and family-friendly society, either through procreation or by partaking in the cost of bringing up children.

Curbing publicly-funded family planning services in Iran: who is affected?

ObjectiveIn response to a persistent low fertility rate in the country, the Supreme Leader of Iran in 2012 called for the shift to pronatalist population policies. Consequently, Iran's Parliament proposed...

Population Policies in Turkey and Demographic Changes on a Social Map

Compared to its past structure, Turkey is now a country with low levels of fertility and mortality. This junction that Turkey now has reached is associated with a number of risks, such as an ageing population, and a decreasing working-age population. The antinatalist policy era of Turkey was followed by a period of maintenance, yet the recent demographic changes formed the basis of a pronatalist population policy from the government’s view. This study discusses the link between demographic change and population policies in Turkey. It further aims to position Turkey spatially in relation to selected countries that are in various stages of their demographic transitions with different population policies, using a multidimensional scaling approach with data on 25 selected countries from the UN. The analysis is based on a 34-year period, 1975-2009, so as to better demonstrate Turkey’s international position on a social map, past and present. Our findings suggest that Turkey’s position on the social map shifted towards developed countries over time in terms of demographic indicators and population policies.

In Search for a Pronatalist Population Policy for Turkey

Turkiye 2000’li yillara kadar yuksek dogurganlik ve dusuk olumluluk oranlarina sahit olmustur. Genc nufus yapisi, buyuyen nufus icin altyapi ihtiyaci ve ureem sagligi Turkiye’nin tarihi boyunca politika yapicilarin gundeminde olmustur. Toplam dogurganlik oraninin yenilenme duzeyinin altina inmesinden sonra, son yillarda yeni bir politika cercevesi arayisi konusunda canli tartismalar gorunur hale gelmistir. 1923 yilinda Turkiye Cumhuriyeti kuruldugundan 1960’li yillarin basina kadar pronatalist politikalar etkili olmustur. 1962 yilinda ilk Kalkinma Plani’ndan sonraki politika degisikligi 2000 yilina kadar antinatalist bir yonde olmustur. 2000 ve 2012 yillari arasinda net olarak bir politika kategorisine konulamayan donem sonrasinda Hukumetin tercihi pronatalist politikalar yonunde olmus ve bu amac icin burokrasi yeni politikalar gelistirmesi konusunda hareketlendirilmistir. Bu makale, Turkiye’nin dogurganlik politikalarini ve demografik donusum surecini ozetleyerek muhtemel yeni politika seceneklerini degerlendirmektedir

Abortion in post-soviet Russia: is there any reason for optimism?

&#x0D; This paper considers the problem of abortion in modern Russia. Using official statistics, we analyze the dynamics of abortion indicators since the early 1990s. On the basis of representative national sample surveys, we conclude that official statistics are complete and reliable. This in turn confirms the steady decline of abortions during the post-Soviet years.&#x0D; A particularly rapid decline in abortions is seen among the youngest women. Modern teenagers have fewer abortions than their predecessors at this age. The current level of induced abortions in women under age 20 in Russia today is less than in France, Great Britain, Sweden, and a number of other developed countries of European culture.&#x0D; The major differentiating factor for frequency of abortion is age. There are no clear correlations between the risks of abortion in Russia and such standard social characteristics as income, type of settlement and education. Despite the positive trend, Russia remains one of the countries with the highest abortion rates in the world.&#x0D; The country’s turn to traditional values and the allegedly growing role of religion are inadequate mechanisms to reduce abortions. Government support is given not to proven, evidence-based measures like the promotion of family planning, sex education, etc., but to repression and restrictions. During the past 10-15 years, a number of restrictive amendments have been introduced into legislation. The authors indicate the counterproductive effects of these restrictions on abortion as an instrument of a pronatalist population policy.&#x0D; This article recommends paying more attention to improvements in the quality of abortion provision by the introduction of modern medical standards and protocols. In the conclusion, the authors suggest ways to improve the official statistics on abortions.&#x0D;

Role of primary health protection in the realization of the pronatalist population policy in Vojvodina

The study was assumed to answer the question how to improve the women's health care at the primary level during prenatal, perinatal and postnatal period with the resulting giving birth to a healthy child and preservation of general and genital health of the woman and the consequent ability of nursing her child and giving birth to one more or more than one child. The investigation encompassed 300 patients (100 patients from each center: health centers at Temerin, Mali Idjos and Zitiste) of the generative age. The patients answered the anonymous questionnaire containing 24 questions by underlying one of the offered answers or by addition of a text where necessary-concerning the primary health care and its influence on reproduction of the population of Vojvodina. One half of investigated patients did not use contraceptive devices. 32,66% of the patients visited the health centers for the control of their pregnancies, 26,33% for the treatment of diseases, 11,33% for contraception advising, 2,66% for the treatment of infertility and 27,33% for other reasons. More than half of the polled patients thought that there was a need of improvement of the work in the women's health centers. The suggestions of 74,66% of the patients comprised organized lectures on different type of health care and family planning associated with the purchase of modern equipment for diagnostics (13,33%). The primary health care has a significant place in the process of reproduction of the population and these results point to the necessity of its more active role in the improvement of the women's health as well as in the implementation of the measures of the population policy. .

Dramatic fertility transition in Mongolia and its determinants: The demise of the pronatalist state

The move from a centrally controlled economy to a market-driven economy has had strong political implications for family planning and fertility in Mongolia. Under socialist rule, Mongolia had a strong pronatalist population policy under which those families having children were provided with generous benefits. The changes made to these policies have had a considerable impact on fertility and family formation in Mongolia. In the mid-1970s, the country started to experience a dramatic decrease in the level of fertility, which intensified when the country moved towards a market economy. The country experienced a drop in its total fertility rate (TFR) from 7.2 children per woman (of reproductive age) in 1975 to about 3 children in 1995, and it has remained constant at about 2.3 children since that time. Relatively few studies have been carried out on fertility changes in Mongolia with explanations about their causes, primarily owing to a lack of data sources.

Fertility Concern in Finland and Russia: Economic Thinking and Ideal Family Size in the Rhetoric of Population Policies

This article deals with fertility concern in Russian and Finnish population policies. The article points out that some commonly known discourses are persistently used as arguments in fertility-related population policies. In Finland, these include, for instance, discourses on ageing nation and economic competitiveness. Russian policymakers use a crisis discourse that consists of three sub-discourses: demographic crisis, reproductive health in crisis and family crisis. The Russian government implements pronatalist population policies, whereas Finnish authorities hesitate to use the term population policy because of its emphasis on reproductive rights on the one hand, and the negative associations of population policy on the other. Russia has both population and family programs, as well as a new law with a speci? cally pronatalist emphasis. Conversely, Finland uses family policy as a tool of population policy.

Between pro-natalist population policy and women’s reproductive rights: The analysis of exposure of the two discourses in press media after 2000

The paper is an attempt to assess the exposure of two distinct approaches to reproductive behavior - the claims for reproductive rights and freedoms, and the pro-natalist population policy - in the press media in Serbia after 2000. The first approach is grounded on the principle of self-determination in respect to reproductive behavior, whereas the second attempts to modify reproductive behavior so that a higher goal of the survival of Serbian nation is achieved. The two approaches have clear and contradictory policy implications. In the first part of the paper two discourses are constructed based on relevant declarations and other publications by the proponents of the two discourses. In the second part, by the means of a descriptive quantitative analysis, we assess the frequency and the coherence of the discourses in the articles published in Blic, Kurir, Vreme and Nin. The questions we attempt to answer are: To what extent interested pressure groups get to place the elements of their agendas in the press? To what extent these groups manage to frame public discussions and to dominate the instances of media coverage with their own imagery and rhetoric? .

Potentials of pre-school institutions in the field of demographic development of Vojvodina

Preschool institutions, as principal institutions for social child care, with their three main functions - education, preventive health and social care represent a significant support to modern families in the field of improving protection, acculturation, socialisation and providing happy and carefree childhood and development of children at the preschool age. Such institutions also represent an important agent for motivating, that is encouraging and supporting spouses and other partners of different gender in having children which can be a positive factor of significant demographic development and instrument of the pronatalist population policy.

Socio-cultural and economic determinants of contraceptive use in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic

There is a lack of detailed information about population issues in the Lao People's Democratic Republic. Available estimates are based upon the results of the most recent national census, taken in 1985, and a multi-round survey of a subsample of the population conducted during 1988-91. No contraceptive prevalence survey has ever been undertaken on a large scale. It is clear, however, that with a total fertility rate of 6.7 and an annual population growth rate of 2.9%, fertility in the country is among the highest in the world. Despite resource limitations in the country and the already rapid population growth rate, however, the Lao government has a pronatalist population policy supporting birth spacing, but not fertility limitation. In an attempt to explore the demand for contraceptive services, this article presents the results of household surveys of 4154 currently married women of mean age 30.4 years and their husbands about their actual and ideal family size, their knowledge of contraceptive methods and sources of supplies, and their current and potential use of contraception. The researchers considered the following six indicators to analyze the sociocultural and economic determinants of contraception: place of residence, ethnic group, perception of economic status by the interviewer, years spent at school, possession of items of communication with the modern world, and personal experience. The distribution of these factors is examined with regard to knowledge of the fecund period during the menstrual cycle, knowledge of various contraceptive methods and their source of supply, ideal family size and composition, demand for limitation or spacing of births, ever- and current use of contraception, reasons for non-use or for stopping use, satisfaction with the currently used method, and readiness to pay for contraception.

Low Fertility in Industrial Countries: Causes, Consequences, Policies

In most industrial countries, fertility now stands at levels below those required for population replacement. The increased availability and effectiveness of contraception have made it possible for women to avert unwanted births. Moreover, concerns with the quality of family life, improved child survival, growing proportions of women in the labor force, and the lack of reliance on children for old-age security have combined to reduce the number of children women desire. Marriage rates are decreasing, and marriage takes place at a later age or is often disrupted by divorce--factors that constrain the number of children born. As a result of this prolonged fertility decline in industrial countries, the proportions of children and young adults are decreasing while that of the elderly is growing. In addition, the proportion of the world population living in developed countries has fallen from 35% in the early 20th century to 24% and is expected to decline further to 17% between 2000-25. These trends will have serious economic, social, and political implications. In particular, growing numbers of old people will create a need for expanded social services and the costs of social security will be born by a shrinking labor force. Large-scale emigration from developing countries, where the young adult population will continue to increase, can be expected and is a potential source of political conflicts in the industrial countries of destination. France, the USSR, and several Eastern European countries have adopted pro-natalist population policies--including tax benefits to families with children, lengthy maternity leaves, workplace day care facilities, and preference in housing allocation to young couples--to reverse declining fertility rates, but it is unclear whether the impact of such measures will be permanent.

On the acceptability and feasibility of pronatalist population policy in the Netherlands

On the acceptability and feasibility of pronatalist population policy in the Netherlands

Family Planning in Spain

Family Planning in Spain

Pronatalist population policies in some Western European countries

This article is restricted to a comparison of four Western European countries: France, the Federal Republic of Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. As the crude birthrates and total period fertility rates of these countries indicate, a stabilization of fertility has set in in France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. Official government attitudes towards these developments differ greatly, with France having clear pronatalist policy measures, the German Federal Government having only family policy measures, but some member states going further with a policy of family foundation loans. In the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, no official population policy exists, apart from a certain reluctance to accept more foreign immigrants. It must be concluded that the only common characteristic of population policies in the four countries is that they try to enable women to work and care for a family at the same time. The future effect of pronatalist population policy measures is still highly in doubt.

Difficulties in assessing pro-natalist population policy programs

A review is made of the literature dealing with the effect of family benefit and family planning programs on fertility. The general consensus of the studies so far seems to be that the results do not support a positive impact. Shortcomings in methods of evaluating the effects of pronatalist policies followed by developed countries are pointed out. Different problems beset the effort to measure developing country program impact. Further evaluative study seems to be necessary.

Pro-natalist Population Policies in Czechoslovakia

Pro-natalist Population Policies in Czechoslovakia