Dictatorship Of The Proletariat Research Articles

On the ways of the revolutionary intelligentsia

(To the results of the Plenum of the Central Presidium of Varnitso on May 4-5, 1930).,. P.K.Brodovsky. Questions about the choice of the path to socialism or to the camp of its conscious and irresponsible enemies are now being raised before various strata of the intelligentsia with unprecedented sharpness and persistence. V. Molotov. All attempts not to take one or the other side end in failure and scandals. V. Lenin. The starting point for discussing the tasks of our era is the understanding of this era as a historically inevitable period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, moreover, the task of the proletarian dictatorship is to build socialism a comprehensive restructuring of the life of human society based on a new economy and technology. If we pose the question of how the intelligentsia relates and what part does the intelligentsia take in solving these problems of the epoch, then it will become clear to anyone who is even slightly familiar with the history of our revolution that it is impossible to give a general, sweeping answer to this question.

Marxist Perspectives Reflected in Ngugi wa Thiong'O's Petals of Blood and Devil on the Cross

This study aims to analyze the class exploitation and proletariat struggle in Ngugi wa Thiong’O’s Petals of Blood and Devil on the Cross. Both novels carry the same issues; they portray African struggle to escape from exploitation of capitalism and neo-colonialism. Thus, the objectives of this study are: 1) analyzing the class exploitations described in Ngugi wa Thiong’O’s Petals of Blood and Devil on the Cross, 2) analyzing the struggles of proletariat against neo-colonialism and imperialism described in Ngugi wa Thiong’O’s Petals of Blood and Devil on the Cross, and 3) analyzing the final result of proletariat struggle in both novels based on the concept of Marxism. The theory used in this study was theory of class exploitation and class struggle of Marxism. Hence, the collected data were analyzed qualitatively by focusing on the Marxist perspectives. The findings of this study were elaborated into three points, consisted of class exploitation, proletariat struggle and the final result of proletariat struggle. First, the finding shows that the story depicted in both novels significantly reflects Marxist perspectives about class exploitation. Second, the story depicted in both novels significantly reflects Marxist perspectives about proletariat struggle. Third, the reflection of Marxist visions about proletariats’ accomplishment is presented differently in both novels. In Petals of Blood, the collective struggle of proletariat was ended before they achieved their vision of the proletariat dictatorship, resulted perpetual proletariat dreams to achieve a classless society. Contrary, in Devil on the Cross, the collective struggle of proletariat was ended up with a victory portrayed by the freedom achieved by the proletariat and the death of capitalist leaders. This last finding shows that story depicted in Petals of Blood does not reflects Marxist perspectives especially the idea of the dictatorship of proletariat while the story depicted in Devil on the Cross reflects Marxist perspectives especially the concept of a dictatorship of proletariat as a golden way to manifest classless society. Overall, both novels denote a typical color and character of struggle that inspire people to realize that total liberation is a right of every human being. It is a must to keep a nation for being away from imperialist-neo-colonialism supposed to achieve a real nationalism. There is no more beautiful than a life without “Exploitation de l’ homme par l’ homme and exploitation de nation par nation”.

Between Exception and Normality: Schmittian Dictatorship and the Soviet Legal Order

This paper addresses Carl Schmitt’s concept of sovereign dictatorship, a departure from the normal legal order aiming to bring about a new mode of legality, as applied to the Marxist, and then Soviet, ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’. Unlike Schmitt, Marx and Engels, as well as Soviet legal theorists, saw the space for law even while aiming to dispense with the legal form on the road to communism. That trend reached its peak during the era of Stalinist legal reforms, when the supposedly transitional socialist arrangements finally ‘crystallized’ into a new legal order. This is best explained by Schmitt’s failure to recognize the importance of legal systems not only for controlling social conflict, but also for coordination, the need for which does not disappear in extraordinary circumstances.

Understanding Russia’s October: Andrei Platonov on the Revolutionary Dream

ABSTRACT Russia’s October 1917 revolution had an international vector along with its domestic one. The idea of transforming not only a single country but the entire world into a dictatorship of the proletariat was embodied in the concept of the “revolutionary dream.” It was this philosophical construct, consisting of two parts—“fantasy” and “fanaticism”—that become the material for Andrei Platonov’s philosophical–literary investigation. His artistic philosophy, which first emerged in his early tales and short stories from the early 1920s and dealt mainly with the “fantasy” part of the concept, was later supplemented by the development of its second part, “fanaticism.” The “revolutionary dream” fully manifested in Andrei Platonov’s major works, such as his novels and novellas The Foundation Pit, Chevengur, and The Sea of Youth. The concept was not, however, just a literary conceit. Platonov divined and discovered it in the worldviews of Vladimir Lenin, Nikolai Bukharin, and Evgenii Preobrazhensky, and he saw it in the Bolsheviks’ real-life practices.

The Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution: Illiberal Liberation, 1917–41 ed. by Lara Douds, James Harris and Peter Whitewood

Reviewed by: The Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution: Illiberal Liberation, 1917–41 ed. by Lara Douds, James Harris and Peter Whitewood Ivan Sablin (bio) Lara Douds, James Harris, and Peter Whitewood (Eds.), The Fate of the Bolshevik Revolution: Illiberal Liberation, 1917–41 ( New York; London: Bloomsbury, 2020). 319 pp. Select Bibliography. Index. ISBN: 978-1-350-11789-1. The three editors of this book, Lara Douds (Northumbria University), James Harris (University of Leeds), and Peter Whitewood (York St. John University), have assembled a comprehensive collection of sixteen essays on the history of Bolshevism and the early Soviet state. Their main genre is intellectual and political history. The authors, predominantly from North America and Europe, include both established scholars and early career researchers. The volume works well as a whole and makes a good addition to literature on the Russian Revolution and the early Soviet Union, while the individual essays intersect and engage with each other thematically and conceptually. In the introduction, the editors seek to reconsider the notion of the intentional choice between authoritarianism and democracy (P. 2) by putting the early Soviet experience into the broader European context of democracy's troubled history. The editors make use of the Bolsheviks' own argumentation against contemporary political democracy. Reformulating the idea of proletarian dictatorship as "illiberal liberation," they suggest decoupling democracy from liberalism by looking at the Bolshevik order as alternatively democratic. They understand this alternative democracy as rule in the interest of the majority rather than rule by the majority (P. 5). I wonder if the use of the term "democracy" is analytically productive. The idea of the Bolshevik regime as a democracy is in fact challenged already in chapter 1. Furthermore, at the Third Congress of Soviets, which constituted the Soviet state, Vladimir Lenin explicitly dismissed democracy altogether, implying that it could not be decoupled from capitalism when debating with other socialists.1 The introduction could also benefit from a critical reflection on the key concepts it employs, beginning with "the working masses": for one thing, the proletariat was a minority in Russia, while most peasants were classified as "petty bourgeoisie." Furthermore, even though peasants were gradually included in Soviet institutions, they were represented unequally there: hence, the early Soviet regime, not unlike the prerevolutionary [End Page 307] one, not only practiced selective representation but also marginalized the peasants. This was pointed out by contemporary socialist critics of the Bolshevik autocracy.2 Another fundamental flaw of the introduction is its homogenizing and thus implicitly Russifying reading of the Russian Revolution, rather than treating it as an imperial phenomenon.3 Indeed, the ideas of democracy differed across the former empire, and the main political targets of the Bolsheviks were not the liberals but other socialist parties, which were very popular and often integrated into national movements. The introduction ignores the problem of federalism in the Russian liberation movement, which the Bolsheviks' initial program blatantly discarded and only later in the Civil War embraced as an appropriation of the competing socialist discourse.4 Finally, instead of a longue durée perspective on the Soviet period that spanned most of the twentieth century, the introduction skips everything between the early 1920s and 1991 (P. 10). This telescopic optics contributes to the text's advancement of a homogeneous and static vision of the Soviet regime. Aside from the introduction that narrows rather than broadens the perspective on modern approaches to the Bolshevik Revolution, the rest of the volume is well structured and thematically rich, with most of its sixteen chapters written in a critical and nuanced manner. The first two chapters form Part 1, "Bolshevik Ideology and Practice," and discuss the authoritarian inclinations in the Bolsheviks' theory and practice. Erik van Ree (University of Amsterdam) convincingly argues against reading Lenin as a democratic thinker, demonstrating the flawed nature of his ideas about the state and radical democracy and that his 1917 writings were conducive to autocracy (Pp. 17–18). Lenin favored etatism and centralization, brought about by the Great War, and envisioned socialism as a state-capitalist monopoly – the sole employer of the workforce (Pp. 21–22). In Lenin's interpretation of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels's ideas, self-government was replaced...

The principle of equality in the programming documents of the three internationals of the twentieth century

Introduction. The features of the concepts of equality enshrined in the provisions of the programming documents of the Internationals in the perspective of the genesis of the concept of human rights are highlighted. The aim of the article. The content and peculiarities of conceptions of the principle of equality in the programming documents of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals are investigated and compared in order to determine the influence of the hierarchy of moral and legal values of a particular political community on the evolution of the concept and content of the principle of equality in European society in a certain period of time. Results. The program of the Communist International, adopted at the 45th meeting of the 6th Congress of the Communist International on September 1, 1928, clearly articulates the idea of ​​equality between men and women, as well as the equality of all fighters for a socialist lifestyle, regardless of national, cultural, linguistic or racial differences , gender, or profession. On the other hand, this concept of equality applies only to the class of the proletariat, which fights for "a world-wide proletarian dictatorship and world communism." That is, the authors of the program advocated a class approach to understanding the principle of equality, whose effect was not to extend to other classes and strata of society except the proletariat. The concept of legal equality declared in the Comintern documents has the character of equality of results - a concept whose meaning is that society and the state must guarantee equality of people through the redistribution of wealth and status in order to achieve economic and social equality. Equality in this concept is the first and greatest value compared to freedom and justice. This kind of equality is called egalitarianism and is possible only if free competition, which underlies equality of opportunity, is restricted. The Socialist Declaration of Principles adopted in Stockholm in 1989 proclaimed freedom, justice, equality and solidarity as the basic principles of the Social Democrats. In particular, it was emphasized that the Social Democrats attach equal importance to these fundamental principles and understand their interdependence. Contrary to this view, liberals and conservatives favor individual liberty at the expense of justice and solidarity, while the Communists claim to have achieved equality and solidarity, but at the expense of freedom. The Manifesto of the Liberal International declared the concept of equality of opportunity, according to which each individual should be guaranteed equal chances to succeed in life, and focused primarily on the principle of freedom in accordance with the classical principles of liberalism. In particular, the following liberal principles were proclaimed: independence of thought; respect for the human personality and the family as the foundation of society; the state is only a tool of the community; it must not assume a power which is contrary to the fundamental rights of citizens and to the conditions necessary for a responsible and creative life, namely: personal freedom, guaranteed by the independence of the administration of law and justice; freedom of religion and freedom of conscience; freedom of speech and the press; freedom to associate or not to associate; free choice of classes; the possibility of full and varied training, according to ability and regardless of birth or means; the right to private property and the right to start a separate enterprise; free choice of consumers and the opportunity to take full advantage of the productivity of the soil and the human industry; protection against disease, unemployment, disability and old age; equality between men and women. These rights and conditions can only be guaranteed by true democracy. Сonclusions. Defining in the conception of the equality principle of the Communist, Socialist and Liberal Internationals of the twentieth century there is a balance between equality and freedom. In particular, the limits of freedom and, accordingly, the content of the concept of equality are largely determined by the hierarchy of moral and legal values ​​of a particular political community over a period of time. It is also important to emphasize that the genesis of the concepts of the principle of equality in the programming documents of three influential international political organizations of the twentieth century was conditioned by a complex and contradictory process of becoming European democracy. The triumph of the social-democratic and liberal concept of equality and its consolidation in the constitutions of most European countries in the second half of the twentieth century contributed to the deep disappointment of the general public of the European community with the totalitarian and authoritarian forms of government and the socio-economic progress of states with democratic forms of government.

Organizational and Ideological and Political Changes in the International Labour Movement Before and During the First World War

The features of the creation and activities of international left associations in the first third of the XXth century are analyzed, the features of the activities of the Second International on the eve andduring the First World War are clarified, the ideological contradictions between the Social Democratic parties in this period are characterized. The reasons for the splits in the Second International are highlighted; the processes that preceded the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are characterized. The reasons for the separation in the Second International, the processes of the formation of the Third International (Communist International) and the Workers’ Socialist International are investigated, and the organizational structures of the Comintern and the Workers’ Socialist International are compared. It is noted that after the October Revolution in Russia, the Bolsheviks increasingly influenced the world left movement. Promoting the ideas of the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, at the initiative of V. Lenin, they formed the Third International, uniting the communist parties. After the formation of the Comintern, a number of left-wing socialist parties severed relations with the International. The centrist parties rejected the conditions of the Bolsheviks, since the mid-1920s. They united around two centers: the Second International (London) and the Vienna 2½ International.

Revolutionary myth of “proletarian dictatorship” in the Soviet constitutional doctrine of 1918 and visual communication

This article is dedicated to representation of the myth of “proletarian dictatorship” in the Soviet constitutionalism. Having emerged in the XIX century, this mythologem experienced certain transformations as a result of targeted work of the party leaders, legal experts and scholars on creating the first Soviet constitution. Later, its ideological content received normative consolidation in legislation. A symbolic reflection of revolutionary myth became the national holidays, demonstrations, cinematography and theatre, banners and other cultural phenomena that contributed to formation of the new civil consciousness. The authors trace the origin of the concept of “proletarian dictatorship”, as well as its further evolution in Lenin’s doctrine on the state. The description of symbolic practices of representation of ideological framework of the Soviet revolutionary regime allows demonstrating the practical implementation of the new type of constitutionalism – the Soviet. The article substantiates the gradual arrangement of the idea of “proletarian dictatorship” as a fundamental myth of the early Soviet State, as well as examines its visual and communicative aspects. The novelty of this historical-legal research is defined by the use of interdisciplinary approach and comprehensive analysis of the Soviet national ideology. The conclusion is made that the legal ideas contained in the Soviet constitutional doctrine proliferate and reproduce through large-scale cultural manifestations that create revolutionary institutions and examples of civil behavior. At the same time, the myth of “proletarian dictatorship” serves as distinct cultural foundation for the new political legal regime that expresses the essence of the Soviet constitutionalism.

DELABORING REPUBLICANISM

AbstractThis article criticizes radical labor republicanism on republican grounds. I show that its demand for universal workplace democracy via workers’ cooperatives conflicts with republican freedom along three different dimensions: first, freedom to choose an occupation . . . and not to choose one; second, freedom within the very cooperatives that workers are to democratically govern; and, third, freedom within the newly proletarian state. In the conclusion, I ask whether these criticisms apply, at least in part, to the more modest, incrementalist strand of labor republicanism. To the extent that they do, delaboring republicanism might be the best response.

Cedar and Eden Paul's Creative Revolution: The 'new psychology' and the dictatorship of the proletariat, 1917-1926.

This article contributes to the history of the international communist movement by investigating the role of the 'new psychology' as a theoretical justification for bolshevism in the years immediately following 1917. It focuses on Cedar and Eden Paul, two almost forgotten theorists whose works were key texts for the socialist movement of the 1920s. Drawing on a range of ideas to supplement Marxist political economy, including Freudian psychoanalysis, biological instinct theory, and the philosophy of Henri Bergson, the Pauls fashioned a striking critique of capitalist democracy and defence of proletarian dictatorship. This heterodox approach was influential within the early communist movement even beyond Britain, and parts of their writings were copied by Li Dazhao, the 'first Marxist in China' and mentor of Mao Zedong. The art icle concludes by advancing an explanation for why the Pauls fell out of favour in the CPGB in the mid-1920s: as the prospects for world revolution receded, the party's leaders sought to erase the heterodoxy and intellectual experimentation that characterised the communist movement in favour of 'iron proletarian discipline'.

«The Palmer raids» – reaction to «The Red Scare» and Edgar Hoover’s role in the actions of the U.S. Department of Justice

The paper is devoted to reaction of the U.S. Department of Justice to the October revolution of 1917 in Russia and the process which received the name The Red Scare in the historiography. The basic changes which happened in Russia, the ideas of radical social justice, the dictatorship of the proletariat and the world revolution during the last stages of the World War I led to an extremely negative perception of the Bolshevik party and its policy in the USA. The general unfriendly spirit was warmed up by various publications accusing V.I. Lenin and his colleagues of communications with Germany (well-known Sissons documents) as well as by various publications in the press. At the same time, the revolution in Russia became an ideological beacon for anarchists and socialists worldwide including America. A special activity was shown by the galleanists organization (followers of the revolutionary and the ideologist of anarchism Luigi Galleani). From April to June 1919 they organized a series of explosions as well as attempts on the life of prominent politicians, businessmen and even the staff of intelligence agencies of the USA. In response to it the Attorney-General Alexander Mitchell Palmer initiated a series of military actions directed against all left-wing parties and groups in the country. The Bureau of investigations became the main body that was occupied in these actions. The paper analyzes the raids that were carried out by BI, their features and effects as well as the career of John Edgar Hoover, who was Palmers personal assistant at that time and later became a director of FBI.

Justice of ≪new man≫ in Karl Marx' vision

Abstract This study aims to highlight the problem of justice in Karl Marx’s vision from the perspective of the critique of capitalism. Although, there is a strong dialectic in the socio-political and philosophical debates among political thinkers (including Marxists) on the existence or non-existence of a theory of justice in Marxism, the exegesis of Marxist writings reveals two types of justice (“Justice through fair distribution and Justice through the dictatorship of the proletariat”). The first aspect the study proposes is to reinforce and argue for the existence of a Marxist theory of Justice, followed by a critical analysis of how this is reflected in both socialist and communist society.

Misreading <i>Capital</i>

Marx has been misread primarily because the politicians who, in his name, powered communist regimes popularized a tendentious interpretation of his works. In particular, they justified authoritarianism and violence by emphasizing the “dictatorship of the proletariat” and the “animal theory of revolution” where the poor get poorer and eventually erupt in a cataclysmic fashion. Instead, if attention had been paid to Marx’s seminal concept—“socially necessary labor”—and his exhortation to win the minds of the working classes by participating in popular movements of the subalterns everywhere, then a new appreciation would emerge of the corpus of Marx’s contributions. As that has not quite happened, scholars like Weber, Arendt, and Friedman have misinterpreted Marx, rather willfully, and shot into prominence with their first book-length publications.

Marx’s Ambivalence: State, Proletarian Dictatorship and Commune

ABSTRACTFor Marx, what happens to the state under socialism in power, after a communist revolution? This study requires a strict self-discipline: to avoid reading later positions back into Marx’s own positions. The material is organised in sections. The first concerns Marx’s observations on hitherto existing forms of the state, especially absolutist, bourgeois and imperialist forms (directly experienced in Prussia and England). The second concerns his proposals for what may follow, focusing on the dictatorship of the proletariat. The third deals with the commune, based on the experiment in Paris in 1871. The material on the proletarian dictatorship and the commune evinces a number of tensions, which Marx bequeathed to the subsequent tradition. He also begins to offer a possible resolution. Thus, the final section examines Marx’s fascinating struggle in dealing with forms of governance under communism. That he realised such governance is necessary is clear, but that he was also reticent to spell it out in detail is also obvious—not least because he seemed to know that he did not have the experience and thereby evidence to undertake a “scientific” study of what happens to the state under communism. Throughout, the emphasis is on careful analysis of Marx’s texts.

The role of the proletariat as a class in 1917 and at first after the October Revolution

The article examines the role of the proletariat in the preparation and implementation of the October Revolution of 1917. The author shows that after the revolution, the Bolsheviks had every reason to be disappointed in the proletariat as a class as they started decreasing in number rapidly due to the return of peasants to villages and difficulties in working in enterprises in cities. Much attention is paid in the article to the concept of "dictatorship of the proletariat", which has become the centre of the Bolshevik ideological programme. Due to the fact that the Marxist class analysis turned out to be inappropriate for Russian social reality, the Bolsheviks had to transform their initial ideas, develop a system of measures to educate the people and influence them. To maintain power after its seize, the Bolsheviks created the myth of an enemy class threatening the proletariat and of building a bright future.

Cuban Democracy in the Speeches of Fidel Castro, 1959–1976

Fidel Castro developed an idea of democracy as a legitimate alternative to American democracy. At the dawn of the Cuban revolution Castro was careful enough to avoid Marxist concepts in his speeches, but after the Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 Castro embraced socialism as the ideology of the revolution. Then the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat became the core of Castro's idea of democracy. In this context, the opposition between democracy and dictatorship disappeared. The dictatorship of the proletariat became working class democracy. Thus, according to Castro, the political participation of Cuban masses in the revolutionary process gave the Cuban project an inescapable democratic character. In 1976 the revolutionary government reinforced the socialist character of the Cuban state through the promulgation of a new constitution. Through this constitution the Cuban state embraced formal elections. Paradoxically, after embracing formal elections in 1976, the revolution lost popular power from below and actually became less democratic.

GENRE-FORMING FUNCTION OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CONFLICT IN SCIENCE FICTION DRAMAS WRITTEN BY BRUSOV IN 1920S

In Brusov’s dramas of the post-October period the revolutionary epoch is reflected with varying degrees of relevance of its presentation. The dramatic sketch «Pythagoreans» and a drama «The World of Seven Generations» recreate some principles of the governance under the laws of the community «democracy» in the genre of the science-fiction drama. We refer the tragedy «The Dictator», where the conflict is built on the futurological anticipation of the consequences of the proletarian dictatorship, based on the principles of the democratic centralism, to the genre form of the drama dystopia.

ПОВІТОВІ ТА ВОЛОСНІ ЗЕМСТВА УКРАЇНСЬКОЇ НАРОДНОЇ РЕСПУБЛІКИ ПІД ОКУПАЦІЄЮ БІЛЬШОВИЦЬКОЇ РОСІЇ


 
 
 The consequences of Bolshevik Russia aggression into Ukraine in late 1917 - early 1918 for the volosne and district zemstvos of the Ukrainian People Republic (UPR) zemstvos are analysed. The UPR was proclaimed by the Central Council on 7 November 1917 in response to the violent takeover by the Bolsheviks in Petrograd. At its territories where Bolsheviks seized power they transferred power to the councils they controlled. Local governments – zemstvos – existing here – were regarded by them as incompatible with the objectives of the socialist revolution and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat. Typically, the Bolsheviks eliminated zemstvos leaders from their positions, and dissolved rural assemblies. For some time they used the economic apparatus of zemstvos management. However, the "revolutionary expediency" very soon prevailed over common sense and zemstvos as local population authorities were eliminated.
 
 

From the Professoriat to the Precariat

Social class lies at the core of much that Marx said about the “laws of history.” Class conflict was to be the means whereby capitalism would be overthrown, superseded by a revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and, subsequently, by a communist society in which alienation and exploitation would be replaced by emancipation and the full flowering of human potential as both individuals and a species. The capitalist system, however, has proven remarkably resilient and resourceful. The welfare state ameliorated extreme economic distress, popular culture sapped revolutionary energy, and “identity politics” fragmented political radicalism. Meanwhile, the definition of social class itself became problematic. A reorganized labor market produced divisions between the traditional working class and precarious workers and, in colleges and universities, the old “professoriat” was joined by a new “precariat” that now does over two-thirds of the teaching. This trend is part of the “corporatizing” of higher education and the “neoliberal” restructuring of work in late capitalism. Intellectuals, once the theoretical “vanguard of the proletariat,” are now practical leaders too. Educational worker militancy has implications for the academy and class tensions throughout society. It raises the question: Was Marx wrong, or has he just not yet been proven right?

Den italienske variant – Fra Labriola til Gramsci

THE ITALIAN CASE - FROM LABRIOLA TO GRAMSCITaking The Communist Manifesto (1848) as a point of departure, this article intends to emphasize the aporia in the works of Marx between Marx the scientist og Marx the politician, that furthermore reflects some of the main fractures between on one hand the theoretical interpretation of the capitalistic mode of production and on the other hand the strategic approaches characterizing the attempts of the European Socialist parties and the early European labour movement to overcome the ever returning crisis and the deep-rooted class conflicts. The specific Italian experiences offer the opportunity not only to discuss the philosophical and scientific contents of historical materialism but also to reactualize the political categories of democracy vis-à-vis the dictatorship of the proletariat and permanent revolution. In this respect, Antonio Labriola was a leading figure in the Italian debate of Marxism in the years between the 18th and the 19th Centuries, while Antonio Gramsci in the 1930ies revised the Marxist-Leninist tradition in the light of Fascism and the Stalinistic impasse of the Russian revolution.