Dictatorship Of The Proletariat Research Articles

Between Exception and Normality: Schmittian Dictatorship and the Soviet Legal Order

AbstractThis article addresses Schmitt’s concept of sovereign dictatorship—a departure from the normal legal order aiming to bring about a new mode of legality—as applied to the Marxist, and then Soviet, “dictatorship of the proletariat.” Unlike Schmitt, Marx and Engels, as well as Soviet legal theorists, saw the space for law even while aiming to dispense with the legal form on the road to communism. This is best explained by Schmitt’s failure to recognize the importance of legal systems not only for controlling social conflict, but also for coordination, the need for which does not disappear in extraordinary circumstances.*This article was initially written as part of my LLM studies at Harvard Law School. I thank my supervisor, Professor Adrian Vermeule, for his guidance and advice, as well as other friends (and enemies) for motivating my project. I am also grateful to the Ratio Juris production team for their exceptionally thorough editing of my original text. Any mistakes remain my own.

YAKOV LEONTIEVICH BERMAN (1888-1937) — LIFE AND FATE AT THE MERCY OF MENSHEVIKDEFENSIVE SENTIMENTS

This article, based on archival materials not previously introduced into a wide scientific circulation, reveals the life path and views on political processes in the Soviet Union of one of the most active supporters of the internal party opposition of the 1920s. A biography of a political and military figure, little studied to date, is considered. A study of his life and activities makes it possible to present the specifics of the opposition in the armed forces of the USSR. An assessment is made of the peculiarities of the formation and evolution of his political views, and fundamental differences in his position from the officially approved party course of the mid-1920s are analyzed. The significance of Yak is also noted. L. Berman in the history of Soviet jurisprudence, his role in the development of the theory of the proletarian state.

Лібертаріанство у політико-правовому просторі національної та громадянської ідентичності

Розглянуто недосліджену проблему впливу ідеології лібертаріанства на формування національної та громадянської свідомості. Доведено, що ідеологія лібертаріанства є руйнівною політичною технологією, спричиняє загрози процесам державотворення в Україні і є ідеологією викликів національній та громадянській ідентичності. Визначено, що ідеологія має визначальний вплив на формування державної політики, державного курсу забезпечення національної і громадської єдності Української держави.

UKRAINIAN-RUSSIAN MENTAL AND CULTURAL CONFLICT IN THE WORK OF LESYA UKRAINKA

The Ukrainian-Russian conflict of cultures in the creative heritage of Lesya Ukrainka is highlighted. The poems «My Way», «Prophet», dramatic works «Autumn Tale», «Cassandra», «Boyarynia», «Three Minutes», «Orgy», prose «My Way» were analyzed. The position of Lesya Ukrainka has been interpreted as a consistent protest against the supremacy of Russian culture over Ukrainian, and one that evolved from an awareness of fatal antagonism («Over the sea») to an outright hatred of Moscow (boyar) aesthetics («Boyarian») and a prophetic warning of the threat coming from East («Cassandra»). It is noted that Lesya Ukrainka debunked the myth about the special inner looseness of Russians in contrast to the oppressed European peoples, which was expressed in an unconcealed contemptuous and disdainful attitude towards them. It is claimed that this internal unfreedom of Russians cultivates hatred for those who unmask it – Ukrainians, and is a direct path to dictatorship: either in the intentions of the literary heroes of Lesya Ukrainka (Montagner), or the «dictatorship of the proletariat», fascism, racism, etc. It is emphasized that the existential threat to Russian messianism originates from the otherness of the Ukrainian cultural code, noted by Lesya Ukrainka, therefore, Ukraine «has no right to continue to exist within any borders». It is noted that a desperate attempt to save its imperial identity became the reason for the war against Ukraine. It is emphasized that Lesya Ukrainka represents the ideology of the new national aristocracy, which has lost respect for the exclusivity of the «Russian genius», conscious antagonism and threats originating from Russia. It is concluded that her work is a call to «return to the sources», cultural identity, as a guarantee of preserving the freedom and autonomy of the nation. Keywords: Lesya Ukrainka, Ukrainian-Russian conflict of cultures, «riznochynna intelihentsiia», Ukrainian intelligentsia, Russian intelligentsia, cultural (state) nationalism.

Марксизм как теоретический фундамент аграрной политики СССР

The USSR as a state and as a social and economic structure had Marxism as its theoretical base. Its fundamental and especially important concepts for Russia were the doctrine of private property, the Russian commune, the class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. These doctrines, perceived dogmatically and perversely, were used with revolutionary fanaticism in Russia after October and during the formation of the USSR. The task of destroying of private property was carried out without the concretization from K. Marx and F. Engels and in contrary to the instructions that the peasantry should come to collective pro­duction not by force but by the free choice. In addition for a period Marx and Engels themselves pinned too high hopes on the collectivism of the Russian commune. They didn’t understand its forced and not free, as they believed, com­munistic character. They also exaggerated the importance of the class struggle as a source of social development, so the proletariat’s role of the dictator was abso­lutized after a single historical precedent. The Bolsheviks took full advantage of these concepts of Marxism, usurping power, inflaming a civil war and creating a new empire.

Універсальне і національне у творчості українських художників-новаторів у 20–30-х рр. ХХ ст.

The purpose of the study is to investigate the importance of national content in the works of Ukrainian Soviet innovator artists in the interwar period and to determine its influence on the formation of the style of the most notable artists of the time. Th e research methods: achieving the goals and objectives of the study was based on the general scientifi c and specifi chistorical methods of the scientifi c research. Among them, the leading one is the application of the method of analysis and synthesis, which made it possible to fi nd out the general features of the progress of the fi ne arts of Soviet Ukraine in the outlined period based on the study of individual components. Th e scientifi c novelty lies in the comprehensive coverage of the issue of the appeal of Ukrainian artists-innovators to national and universal motives and the creation of a holistic picture of the development of fi ne arts in Soviet Ukraine in the 20-30s of the twentieth century. Conclusions. In the early twentieth century, fi ne arts in Ukraine developed in the context of European cultural progress. Th e catalyst for its development was the Ukrainian Democratic Revolution of 1917–1921, which led many painters to turn to folk art traditions and national motifs. As we can see, success and recognition were achieved by those artists who turned to the national in their work, because it contains universal categories, understandable both in Ukraine and abroad. However, the artistic space of Ukrainian Soviet painting in the interwar period came under strong pressure from the «dictatorship of the proletariat». It was especially felt by modernist artists, representatives of new artistic trends and styles, which did not fi t into the so-called «Socialist realism». This disrupted the objective process of historical and cultural progress inherent in European art in Ukraine and slowed down its development for a long time.

RELEVANCE OF N.A. BERDIAEV PHILOSOPHY IN THE DEMOCRATIC CONDITIONS OF THE XXI CENTURY

The views of the “Silver Age” philosophers are undoubtedly of great interest to the researchers, since they reflect the confrontation between the democratic principles of the Western states ruled by the primacy of law and the first signs of the emerging socialist regime with the domination of one ideology, a single political party and an equalizing distribution. The dilemma of the philosophical approaches is observed in the works of N.A. Berdyaev, who studied both the signs of totalitarianism and the rule of law. The purpose of this research is to consider the major provisions of N.A. Berdyaev’s philosophy through the prism of the modern Russia’s political regime and the existing constitutional system in our country. Conclusions. Philosophical views of N.A. Berdyaev are still relevant nowadays. At the beginning of the last century, long before the emergence of the rule of law in our country, he precisely described the essence of natural (inalienable) human and civil rights and freedoms, coinciding with the modern concept of human rights. However, one should note that the development of communism and the emerging proletarian dictatorship caused the philosopher’s negative attitude to the institution of the state (the kingdom of Caesar), which he viewed as the institution suppressing personal freedom. We believe that his views are partially relevant for the contemporary political regime of our country, where personal freedom is limited, but this is aimed at maintaining order and preventing chaos in society. Berdyaev rightly noted that positive law is applied to maintain the order in the state; it is obvious that this function has been preserved to this day. It can be concluded that despite the predominance of the religious component in the philosophy of N.A. Berdyaev, his political and legal views are relevant today, since they develop the concept of the rule of law and the individual’s inalienable rights and freedoms.

Особенности правовой институциализации народного контроля в СССР во второй половине XX века

The paper aims to identify the basic stages and trends of legal institutionalization of people’s control bodies in the USSR in the second half of the XX century. The article analyzes normative acts, party congresses proceedings representing the formation and development of people’s control bodies in the USSR. Scientific originality of the study involves a comprehensive retrospective analysis of normative-legal foundations of people’s control in Soviet Russia. As a result, it is shown that theoretical and practical implementation of people’s control in the USSR was closely associated with the evolution of state conception: from proletarian dictatorship to public state in which CPSU (Communist Party of the Soviet Union) played a key role. Accordingly, each stage of state development was associated with a certain form of control: state, party, social; a combination of these forms resulted in the formation of a multi-level people’s control doctrine in which people’s control bodies had legal authority. Transformation of conceptual and practical basis of people’s control occurred within the existing legal framework: from “Regulations of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection” to systemic constitutional legal regulation, which allowed to establish a special form of control aimed to solve urgent administrative problems of socialist society.

Lenin and Revolution: A Critique—Yesterday and Today

ABSTRACT Lenin’s theories and tactics are specific to the early twentieth century and cannot be repeated. His project should be considered in terms of its methodology, its understanding of capitalism, the political agency of the working class and the geo-political structures of economic and political power. Lenin combined political economy, geo-politics, political organisation and a sociology of social structure to form an innovative revolutionary praxis. He was correct in his appraisal of the social forces in support of revolutions in Russia. But he provided an over-optimistic prediction for the disintegration of monopoly capitalism and a partial analysis of the working classes in the advanced capitalist countries. His political approach requires a redefinition of countervailing forces and class alliances and a shift of focus away from the semi-periphery to the “strongest links” in the capitalist chain. His proposals for a “party of a new type” and the “dictatorship of the proletariat” require revision. A “renewal” of Lenin has to consider the contradictions of global capitalism and the re-territorialisation of classes. The author considers that a “return to Lenin” is not to adopt his policies but a prompt to reinvent a socialist political and economic vision derived from Marx’s analysis of capitalism.

Research of Xi Jinping’s Important Remarks on the System of People’s Congresses

The formation process of the system of people’s congresses includes the establishment, development and improvement of the system of people’s congresses. Xi Jinping’s practice of local administration has laid a theoretical foundation for the important remarks on forming the system of people’s congresses. These remarks have a profound theoretical origin, including the inheritance and innovation of Marxism-Lenin proletarian dictatorship theory and the enrichment and development of the successive party leaders to the system of people’s congresses. Three characteristics of these remarks are: upholding the Party’s leadership, the people being masters and the rule of law. The research of these remarks has an important enlightenment for the current development.

The impact of the Bolsheviks Revolution on the political development and system of government of the new state of the 20th century

The Bolshevik Revolution forced the end of Tsar Nicholas II's imperial rule in Russia. Furthermore, under the leadership of Vladimir Lenin, Russia formed a new government in the form of the Republic. The main power of this government is entirely under the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Subsequent changes in the form of government in Russia, especially after World War I, inspired newly independent countries in the mid-20th century to follow the same system of government. Through theories about the state, politics, and government system, this study will analyze the influence of the Bolshevik revolution on the new system of government for new countries in the world in the 20th century. To analyze the effect of changes in the form of government, the authors use an exploratory qualitative research method with a historical approach through a literature study. After the Revolution, based on a common view of colonialism, human rights, ideology, and the strong understanding of Marxism-Leninism, several countries in the world that were newly independent in the mid-20th century were inspired by the Bolshevik Revolution by forming countries with a Republican system of government, including Indonesia.

Assessing the water quality of Suva foreshore for the establishment of estuary and marine recreational water guidelines in the Fiji Islands.

The Standards for water quality in Fiji defined in the Environment Management Regulations 2007 only relate to effluent discharge into the environment. Urbanisation is contributing to wastewater contamination in receiving estuary and marine recreational waters, thus requiring specific guidelines. To create a baseline for this, a sampling programme with relevant physico-chemical and biological parameters was implemented at 3 sites along the Suva foreshore, for 8 consecutive months, during low and high tides. Analysis was done in triplicates, using standard methods approved for the examination of water and wastewater. In the absence of relevant Fiji guidelines, the results were compared with ANZECC (2000) guidelines for estuary and marine waters. Low DO levels, high COD, TN, NH3, TP, OP and heavy metal concentrations were measured in all 3 sites. For instance, TN and NH3 concentrations as high as 4.44 ±0.99 mg/L and 2.58 ± 0.89 mg/L respectively were recorded in Wailea river (Site 2). The colony counts for the TC, FC and E. coli were in most cases above the limits. These results confirm that wastewater discharges add to the inherent levels of parameters in receiving water bodies and support the need for specific, robust Fiji standards to better monitor water quality in foreshore areas.

Writing History under the «Dictatorship of the Proletariat»: Yugoslav Historiography 1945–1991

This paper analyzes the development of the historiography in the former socialist Yugoslavia (1945–1991). Starting with the revolutionary changes after the Second World War and the establishment of the «dictatorship of the proletariat», the paper considers the ideological surveillance imposed on historiography entailing its reconceptualization on the Marxist grounds. Despite the existence of common Yugoslav institutions, Yugoslav historiography was constituted by six historiographies focusing their research programs on the history of their own nation, i.e. the republic. Therefore, many joint historiographical projects were either left unfinished or courted controversies between historians over a number of phenomena from the Yugoslav history. Yugoslav historiography emancipated from Marxist dogmatism, and modernized itself following various forms of social history due to a gradual weakening of ideological surveillance from the 1960s onwards. However, the modernization of Yugoslav historiography was carried out only partially because of the growing social and political crises which eventually led to the dissolution of Yugoslavia.

Finkey Ferenc hatása a kriminálpedagógia fejlődésére

Ferenc Finkey’s scientific achievements and human qualities have made him one of the most prominent personalities in the field of legal sciences and prison affairs. He did not, of course, begin his epoch-making activity in a “vacuum”, so we consider it important to present the antecedents, the penological initiatives of the early 19th century, focusing on youth protection and work in prisons, and we describe the social and political reasons that supported or made it difficult for Finkey’s ideas to emerge. The fall of the Hungarian Soviet Republic had tragic consequences for criminal pedagogy trying its wings. We have gathered a bouquet of human and professional reasons why Finkey has distanced himself from the spirituality, events, and aspirations of the Hungarian Soviet Republic in every way. Fortunately for criminal pedagogy, Finkey’s professional career and scientific aspirations were not broken by the proletarian dictatorship and the subsequent ideological retaliation. Finally, we prove the greatness of Ferenc Finkey's theoretical system in criminal pedagogy by using the ideas formulated in his own work Punishment and Pedagogy, which is considered to be the most important one for the topic of our study.

Marxism and the Solidarity Economy: Toward a New Theory of Revolution

In the twenty-first century, it is time that Marxists updated the conception of socialist revolution they have inherited from Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Slogans about the “dictatorship of the proletariat” “smashing the capitalist state” and carrying out a social revolution from the commanding heights of a reconstituted state are completely obsolete. In this article I propose a reconceptualization that accomplishes several purposes: first, it explains the logical and empirical problems with Marx’s classical theory of revolution; second, it revises the classical theory to make it, for the first time, logically consistent with the premises of historical materialism; third, it provides a (Marxist) theoretical grounding for activism in the solidarity economy, and thus partially reconciles Marxism with anarchism; fourth, it accounts for the long-term failure of all attempts at socialist revolution so far. In serving these functions, the revision I propose finally “modernizes” and corrects Marx’s conception of revolution.

BASIC VALUES OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE RSFSR OF 1918 IN A MYTHOLOGICAL CONTEXT

The aim of the study is to analyze the deep, archetypal content of the values recorded in the first Soviet Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918. The subject is revolution, socialism, the dictatorship of the proletariat, Soviet power as the values of the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918. The method is the hermeneutical interpretation, which consists in the fact that the values of the Basic Law of 1918 plunge into the space of myth, revolution is interpreted through the myth of creation, socialism through the chiliastic myth, the dictatorship of the proletariat and Soviet power through the heroic myth. The novelty of the research lies in the departure from a formal legal reading of the 1918 Constitution and an attempt to prepare its value core in a wide socio-cultural context. The Basic Law of 1918 emphasizes the significance of the revolution as the beginning of a new era in the history of mankind, as an "act of creation" and lays the foundations for its positioning as the most important sacred value of Soviet society and the state. The revolution as a value cements Soviet reality, fills it with energy. Socialism is the thermal value of Soviet society, which embodied the chiliastic mythologeme. The significance of this value lies in the fact that the belief in the reality of building a more just and free society has made it possible to mobilize society for grandiose achievements and trials and to justify the costs of this process. The dictatorship of the proletariat and Soviet power are instrumental values through which social dichotomy and movement towards the thermal values of Soviet reality are realized. As a result, the ideas of Marxism, contained in the Constitution of 1918, in the process of their implementation were reduced into mythologemes, with the help of which the reduced idea of social reality as a confrontation of two principles was introduced into public consciousness. On the basis of this core of values, the political and legal sphere of Russia is degrading, acquiring archaic features.

Communist Totalitarian Regime and the Status Quo of the Catholic Church in the Context of Post-War Reality of Poland (1945–1956)

This article presents the specificity of the totalitarian communist regime and the status quo of the Catholic Church operating in the Polish People’s Republic in the early post-war period (1945–1956). The analysis of the discussed topics allows one to expose the nature of the Stalinist system of repression described as the “dictatorship of the proletariat”, taking into account the tough and challenging situation of the Catholic Church, forced not only to fight for her survival but – above all – to preserve the Christian identity of the Polish nation. The reinterpretation of the Stalinist totalitarian system from the standpoint of Christian personalistic praxeology discloses its unprecedentedly outrageous nature. Moreover, the presentation of the fundamental issues of the totalitarian, anti-human, and anti-Christian paradigm that characterizes the “dictatorship of the proletariat” makes it possible to interpret Stalinism in terms of not only defining but also legitimizing and even authenticating one of the most terrifying and degenerate forms of totalitarian systems of the 20th century. However, this is of crucial importance, specifically today, when many emerging ideological trends often downplay the excessively iniquitous nature of Stalinism and even treat the “totalitarian model” – particularly communism – as a “specific historical phenomenon” attempting to resolve many complex and diverse socio-political, cultural and economic issues.

Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Communists in the Transnational World of the Comintern before the Great Purge

The Comintern represented in the international relations of the inter-war period a transnational global force. It has been rightly described as an organisation with political program ambitions extending beyond national boundaries. Its sections were active in most countries of the globe. The involvement of the Comintern with the Baltic states and the activities of Baltic communists in the transnational framework of the organisation has remained almost unexplored. This article deals with the period from 1918 to 1935 and looks at the Baltic communists’ activities in the Comintern before the Great Purges in the USSR.Estonian and Latvian Communism grew out of the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party, Lithuanian Communism out of Polish Social Democracy and the Russian Social-Democratic Workers’ Party. At the time of the Comintern’s I Congress, Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Bolsheviks had congregated into the national sections subject to RKP(b). The Soviet Balticum Project and the founding of the Comintern were reasons for a part of the Baltic bolsheviks belonging to the national sections of RKP(b) to declare that they had formed independent communist parties. The annulment of the Brest peace treaty in November of 1918 and the subsequent emergence of the Estonian Workers’ Commune, Soviet Latvia and Soviet Lithuania-Belarus Republic, or in other words, the soviet project’s duration in the Baltic provinces of the former Russian empire proved to be short-lived. The peace treaties between Soviet Russia and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania signed in 1920 which became the foundation for the emergence of three independent states evoked sharp disagreements and demoralization in the ranks of the Baltic Bolsheviks. One part of them saw the Soviet Russia’s agreement to the peace treaty as treason, while the other justified the act with a comparison to the Brest peace treaty: Considering the existing power relationships and the Comintern-led international revolutionary movement, the peace agreements reached by the Soviet government are temporary and they will certainly encounter the same fate as the Brest peace treaty. The Stalin-led Peoples’ Commissariat of Nationalities played a decisive role in making it possible that bolsheviks of Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian extraction were among the founders and afterwards in the leadership of the Comintern as a transnational organization. A similar role played the Zinoviev-led Peoples’ Commissariat of Nationalities of the Union of the Commune of the Nordic Region. In the first of these Commissariats worked Mickevičius-Kapsukas, Alexa-Angaretis, Gailis and Pöögelmamm, in the latter Anvelt and Giedrys. The Latvian bolshevik/communist Stučka was a part of Lenin’s retinue, while his countryman, one of the most transnational Balts in the Comintern and the top level of AUCP(b), Knoriņš, was allied with Stalin. Becoming members of the Comintern, the Baltic communists declared that the leadership of the revolutionary movement in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania would belong wholly to the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian communist parties. Ties to the Comintern were justified as follows: the communist party as an independent organization forms a direct tie with the Comintern; having gained the recognition of the Comintern, the communist party joins as an independent member the transnational union of communist parties and starts with the internationalism of the working class, which allows the globalization, together with Soviet Russia/Soviet Union, of the results of the October Revolution. The question of what were the Baltic communists’ relations with the RKP(b) received this declaration as answer: the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian proletariat can proudly point to traditions and cooperation that has connected them to the Russian proletariat. Having joined the Comintern and directing from Soviet Russia / Soviet Union illegal communist activity in their homelands, the Baltic communist leaders remained members of RCP(b)/AUCP(b) and were in their actions subject to the direction of both that organization and of Comintern. They declared that they did not recognize the bourgeois Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania and would greet the day when the bourgeois order was ended in these countries and union with Soviet Union took place. A role played here also the rhetoric about the internationalism of the working class and the dictatorship of the proletariat. The latter was to be achieved by taking part in the Comintern’s transnational campaigns. Among such campaigns were the peace movement, the fight against social democracy, the creation of joint and peoples’ fronts etc. The varied ideas and wishful thinking of the Baltic Bolsheviks came to an end with the start of repressions in 1936—1937 or the Great Purge.

State activity and legal credo of Mykola Skrypnyk.

Peculiarities of M. Skrypnyk's theoretical and ideological substantiation of national, judicial and criminal-legal policy in his concept of state-legal development of Soviet Ukraine are investigated. Coverage of the peculiarities of the ideological platform and legal credo of M. Skrypnik in the aspect of the anthropology of law is important for characterizing his state activity as one of the main theorists of the concept of «Ukrainian path to communism». From the point of view of anthropology, convincing explanations of M. Skrypnyk's various positions and steps in the sphere of state and party policy should be sought in his ideological and psychological sphere. At the same time, in our opinion, maneuvering in the ideological substantiation of M. Skrypnyk's practical activity is explained by his utilitarian attitude to ideology as an effective propaganda means of achieving goals in state-building. In our opinion, M. Skrypnyk considered the ultimate goal of the process of socialist construction not to be the development of a "communist oasis of the Ukrainian model," but the creation of a workers 'and peasants' statehood as a single labor society based on internationalism and communist ownership. M. Skrypnyk saw the national liberation and development of the culture of amateur broad masses of workers and peasants in the process of national development, which he considered a stage in the process of socialist construction, as a transitional stage on the way to this goal. An important argument in the search for explanations of the theoretical foundations and ways of practical implementation of state and national policy of M. Skrypnyk is his vision of the nature and objectives of judicial and criminal policy. M. Skrypnyk emphasized that Soviet criminal law has a public, social, anti-individualistic character, as opposed to bourgeois criminal law, built on the principles of individualism inherent in bourgeois society. On the way to achieving this goal in the mind of M. Skrypnyk, in line with the then understanding of state and legal phenomena and processes, there was a transfer of priorities from the rights and interests of the individual to the collective interests - declaratively to the interests of the proletariat. Man was not seen by him as the highest value and "measure of all things." Priority was given to other values: the "world revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat," the elimination of the class division of society, and the defense and construction of the socialist state. According to the content of the concept of state and legal development of the USSR, M. Skrypnyk can really be considered one of the main theorists of the "Ukrainian path to socialism." However, the very concept of the future socialist state, set out in its creative heritage, does not seem to be a theory of Ukrainian national communism, as characterized by some researchers, and awaits a deeper study by historians of law.

Marksov pristup međunarodnim odnosima

Marx did not deal explicitly with the theory of international relations but these relations were the part of the study of society and state. Marx put in the centre of his analysis economic activity and saw conflicts among peoples as the result of class struggle but not as the anarchical structure of international system itself. He also saw conflicts in the imperialistic structure of international system, which is the result of the lack of demand with national states. Marx put in the second place the relations of balance and power so as to put the individual in the first place. All this was the result of individualism and humanism. In that sense, Marx will be considered as the precursor of critical theories of society and international relations. Marx did not think of the establishment of peaceful relations among states by means of collective security since that system was not developed at his time. That system was realized by means of balance of power at international congresses and conferences. For Marx, the only way to reach peace was through dictatorship of proletariat by conquering economic and political power. The main critic of Marx comes from Habermas as neomarxist. He did not want to make a break with Marxism but to adapt it to new circumstances. It was the same as Marx critic of Hegel - to turn his dialectics upside down and reveal in that mystic layer rational core.