Liberal Philosophy Research Articles

Sui Sin Far's Genre of Intervention: The Sketch and the "Real" in Realism and Naturalism

Sui Sin Far's Genre of InterventionThe Sketch and the "Real" in Realism and Naturalism Monique McDade (bio) In "The Inferior Woman," the second sketch to appear in Sui Sin Far's (Edith Maude Eaton) 1912 collection, Mrs. Spring Fragrance, Mrs. Spring Fragrance contemplates writing a book about Americans. "As she walked along," Sui Sin Far writes, "she meditated upon a book which she had some notion of writing. Many American women wrote books. Why should not a Chinese" (28)? Thus, Sui Sin Far begins by questioning the imbalance in American literary representative power. Her seemingly simple question—"Why should not a Chinese?"—points to the deep-rooted prejudices that recognized minority Americans as subjects rather than authors of American literature. Mrs. Spring Fragrance determines her "first subject will be 'The Inferior Woman of America'" (34), a figure who represents the nineteenth-century's New Woman and through whom Mrs. Spring Fragrance hopes to unveil what makes Americans "so interesting and mysterious" (28). The act of writing is, as Mrs. Spring Fragrance understands from dominant examples, an act of exposure and of making sense out of the "mysterious." "The Inferior Woman" is a story with overlapping layers. While the story points out the imbalanced relationships in representative power, it also critiques the ways dominant literatures portend to tell the "real" and "true" experiences of their subjects. To learn about the "mysterious" "Inferior Woman" and to collect material for her book, Mrs. Spring Fragrance secretly observes a conversation between the "Superior Woman," a woman who represents the era's feminine ideal, and her mother about the "Inferior Woman." Observation—a literary strategy deployed by Sui Sin Far's realist and naturalist contemporaries—is reconfigured here to expose the exploitation and unwilling participation of their literary subjects. In the process of connecting seemingly disparate global intimacies of labor and mobility, Lisa Lowe explains that '"intimacy as interiority,"' as opposed to [End Page 78] the dominant meaning of intimacy as an individual's sexual experiences, "is elaborated in the philosophical tradition in which the liberal subject observes, examines, and comes to possess knowledge of self and others. Philosophy elaborates this subject with interiority, who apprehends and judges the field of people, land, and things, as the definition of the human being" (21). Observation and interpretation become the mark of "the human being," further suggesting that those who observe are not observed themselves and that, quite the opposite, those observed cannot be observers. Lowe challenges this foundational liberal philosophy to argue that "this sense of intimacy" is a "particular fiction that depends on . . . the circuits, connections, associations, and mixings of differentially laboring peoples, eclipsed by the operations that universalize the Anglo-American liberal individual" (21). Lowe's framework for evaluating intimacy helps us to see the complex "circuits, connections, associations, and mixings" between Sui Sin Far's Anglo-American and Chinese characters as they stand in opposition to the often one-dimensional and flattened characters in the era's realist and naturalist texts. By reading Sui Sin Far's sketches for their network of intimacies, we can better identify the overlapping histories and cultural knowledges that Sui Sin Far brings to light through her rejection of realism's and naturalism's observational, and supposedly objective, literary qualities. Importantly, Sui Sin Far shows how even a book about a social outlier like the "Inferior Woman" is filtered through the gaze of dominant, "respectable" society. Rather than observing the "Inferior Woman" directly, Mrs. Spring Fragrance listens in on a conversation between the "Superior Woman" and her mother. The two women contemplate the ways in which the "Inferior Woman" "does not compare with" the "Superior Woman" (36). What is supposed to be an objective, observational account of the "Inferior Woman" is actually an observational account of the dominant society's prejudice towards her. Although the story starts off with Mrs. Spring Fragrance's determination to write a book in defense of the "Inferior Woman," this overheard conversation leads Mrs. Spring Fragrance to declare to her husband: '"I love well the Inferior Woman; but, O Great Man, when we have a daughter, may Heaven ordain that she walk in the groove of the Superior Woman'" (41). Even...

Friedrich Hayek on the Nature of Law

The article investigates the nature of law as it is presented in the social theory writings of F. A. Hayek. Even though Hayek is mostly famous for his liberal approach to law, the idea of individual liberty does not explain the way Hayekian “law” as “rules of just conduct” is fundamentally distinct from most of the rules commonly regarded as “law” today. Recognizing the influence of liberal philosophy on Hayek’s legal theory, a liberal interpretation of that theory leaves too many things unexplained. Sometimes these unexplained “anomalies” are not just incoherent with the liberal worldview, but radically contradict it. Oddly enough, even the law of due process is not a part of “rules of just conduct” by a Hayekian standard. To make any sense of this standard we need to go beyond the liberal-normative approach and consider Hayek’s purely instrumental social theory. From that perspective, the nature of law as “rules of just conduct” is determined not only by some generalized characteristics of a liberal spontaneous order, but also by several specific conditions of an epistemically “complex” social context in which an individual is supposed to be acting. Since this epistemic “complexity” is not ubiquitous for a liberal spontaneous order, not every social institution intended to secure individual liberty has a chance to be attributed with a distinct name of “true law” in Hayek’s view, as well as not every distinct feature of “true law” is conditioned by liberal considerations. Epistemological considerations matter more. Unusual as it is, this instrumental socio-epistemic interpretation of the nature of law can explain not only all the mismatches between Hayekian “rules of just conduct” and a more traditional liberal-normative ideal of law, but also reveal some of the most distinctive elements of his legal theory. These elements define what can be a possible contribution of Hayek to theoretical jurisprudence and suggest quite a unique “epistemic” way to make a strict distinction between “law” and all the other social rules for the first being only the rules of individual action in an epistemically “complex” social context.

АРХАИЧЕСКИЙ ПЛАСТ РУССКОЙ РЕВОЛЮЦИИ В ИДЕЙНОМ ПОЛЕ РУССКОЙ РЕЛИГИОЗНОЙ ФИЛОСОФИИ

This paper attempts to find out how the entire preceding course of Russian history predetermined the October Revolution’s outcome. With this aim, the structures and character of the Russian Revolution were analyzed by comparing the basic tenets of the theory of modified inversion cycles of historical development, introduced by the Russian sociologist A.S. Akhiezer, with the philosophical ideas of the representatives of Russian religious philosophy. It was suggested that the dominant Universalist view of revolution, with its idealization, should be replaced by M. Foucault’s singular “intermittent” method. As a result, the ideological affinity between the views of the modern liberal historical project on the Russian Revolution and the basic ideas of the philosophers of the Silver Age of Russian culture was revealed. Particular attention was paid to the “underdeveloped and undisclosed” character of personality in Russia (as understood by N.A. Berdyaev), which manifested itself most clearly in the phenomenon of the Revolution of 1917 and led to the triumph of pre-state and pre-political ideals of a traditional society. The legacy of Russian religious philosophy was reinterpreted by comparing it with the ideas of modern liberal philosophy of history.

La transmodernidad y la matriz disciplinar como propiedades emergentes en la construcción de la identidad epistémica de los estudios organizacionales

Two conceptual categories are presented that support possibilities for the search for the epistemological identity of Organizational Studies: Transmodernity and the disciplinary matrix. The category of Transmodernity as a possibility of integration and at the same time of the disappearance of the borders between qualitative and quantitative research emanating from logical positivism and the term of Disciplinary Matrix. These two elements allow us to continue with the project called Epistemological Conciliation of Organizational Studies. Literature is presented that provides arguments for an emerging and significant paradigm shift inhuman and organizational evolution. Bourdieu and Luhmann are taken up again and in the second moment, theoretical bodies are presented, such as the paradigm of transmodernity proposed by Ghisi; the transmodern philosophy of political liberation proposed by Dussel; Magda's Hegelian dialectical triad of thesis, antithesis, and synthesis, as well as Kuhn's Disciplinary Matrix and Lakatos's Scientific Research Programs. It is argued that the reason why the so-called Organizational Studies are not hearing more about the emerging sociocultural, economic, political and philosophical change described by these authors is an apparent cause: the absence of epistemic identity.

The Antinomies of Academic Freedom

This article challenges the dominant conception of academic freedom by critiquing the liberal philosophy that underpins it. The article uses recent issues around trans rights in both public and academic librarianship to show how the dominant liberal conception of academic freedom supports transphobia. It then uses Antonio Negri's theory of consituent power to offer an alternative perspective on academic freedom and how this alternative conception might better support trans rights in universities and libraries.

Islam, Rawls, and the Disciplinary Limits of Late Twentieth-Century Liberal Philosophy

This article tells the archival story of how Rawls invented a hypothetical Muslim state that he called “Kazanistan.” It examines drafts of The Law of Peoples from 1992 to 1998, Rawls's notes, his personal correspondence, and the sources preserved in his archives. I track Rawls's gradual interest in Islam, which resulted in his invention of Kazanistan during the final revisions, in March 1998. Contrary to the aesthetics of rigor and simplicity in ideal theory's methods, Rawls's actual method in his incursion into “comparative philosophy” and Islam was circuitous and contingent. And contrary to ideal theory's self-presentation as emerging from an ahistorical conceptual realm, the idealized abstraction of Islam emerges from Rawls's own history, or from an ideologically limited set of texts, conversations, and political debates about Islam. The genealogy of Kazanistan illustrates how liberal philosophy extracts data from other disciplines to construct other peoples, without regard for the surrounding disciplinary politics.

A ‘Less than Enthusiastic’ Friendship: John Morley, George Eliot, and George Henry Lewes

Abstract For roughly a decade, John Morley enjoyed a warm and deferential sociality with George Henry Lewes and George Eliot. The basis for their friendship was the positivist philosophy of Auguste Comte, which initially held great appeal to Morley, who had lost his religious faith while studying as an undergraduate at Balliol, Oxford. While Lewes and Eliot’s views on Comte were largely fixed by middle age, Morley, still in his twenties, was searching for a substitute belief system. As Morley began to embrace the liberal philosophy of (and form a friendship with) John Stuart Mill, who had declared himself to be an antagonist of Comte’s, Morley, Lewes, and Eliot increasingly held less in common. This lack of commonality gave Morley the critical distance to reassess the couple both personally and intellectually. Embracing a new philosophy and divergent aesthetic preferences, Morley developed an equivocal view of his friends, roughly two decades his senior. Utilizing letters, diary entries, published writings, and a previously untranslated document in French, this essay provides a complex portrait of an intergenerational friendship among three nineteenth-century intellectuals.

Freeing uneven and combined development from the whip of external necessity: toward a synthesis with Dussel’s liberation philosophy

This article argues that while uneven and combined development (U&CD) scholars have made great contributions to theorising the causal implications of societal multiplicity, the overtly normative contributions of U&CD scholarship remain thin. To address this gap, I propose a synthesis between U&CD and Enrique Dussel’s normatively oriented liberation philosophy. To enable this, U&CD must be stripped of its more causally oriented concepts, like the ‘whip of external necessity', which constrains the scope of normative analysis by confining it to sovereign states. Incorporating Dussel’s liberation philosophy and its concept of exteriority into U&CD’s social ontology enables seeing beyond the states-system and allows for the inclusion of stateless peoples as entities and agents of global politics. This is demonstrated by applying the combined conceptual framework to the Chiapas Zapatista movement’s relation to the Mexican state.

라틴아메리카 해방신학과 해방철학 비교연구: 주요 개념을 중심으로

라틴아메리카 해방신학과 해방철학 비교연구: 주요 개념을 중심으로

Educação Filosófica como processo de Libertação

Nosso objetivo neste artigo é discutir a relação entre filosofia – de modo mais incisivo a Filosofia da Libertação – e educação, de modo que propicie, muito mais do que conteúdos dogmatizados, o despertar para descolonização, a emancipação e a política. Portanto, o caminho proposto aqui é o da procura por refletir sobre uma educação filosófico-libertadora. A partir da pergunta geradora de Leopoldo Zea ‘O que é o homem latino-americano? Procuramos refletir sobre o processo de descoberta do ‘rosto’ oprimido do latino-americano, da revelação desse Outro en-coberto pelo si mesmo europeu. Trazemos à cena o método ana-lético de E. Dussel (1986) e o termo Inédito Viável de Freire (2015) para que busquemos um movimento filosófico no sentido de pensar a Filosofia da Libertação como compromisso com a libertação dos oprimidos.

Exploring Agents' Philosophies of Adult Education and Perceptions of the Role of Extension

This article describes our study exploring Extension agents' philosophies of adult education and their perceptions of the role of Cooperative Extension for individuals and in the community. We surveyed agents in Arkansas using the Philosophy of Adult Education Inventory and open-ended questions related to the role of Extension. Most agents indicated the strongest level of agreement with the progressive philosophy. Two themes that emerged from the open-ended questions were agent as disseminator of information and impact of Extension on quality of life. Our discussion includes recommendations for professional development that involves examining one's personal philosophy of adult education.

James Doherty Irish Liberty, British Democracy: The Third Irish Home Rule Crisis, 1909-14 (review)

Reviews James Doherty, Irish Liberty, British Democracy: The Third Irish Home Rule Crisis, 1909–14 (Cork: Cork University Press, 2019), 320 pages. What a pleasure it is to read a book on the Third Home Rule Bill which places it firmly in the politics of the state – the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland – in which it was by far the most important political issue in the years leading up to the outbreak of the First World War. This is in stark contrast to the current ‘decade of centenaries’ commemorations in Ireland, where the Third Home Rule Bill is portrayed as the beginnings of an ascent which, barring a few serious stumbles such as partition and civil war, leads inevitably and inexorably to the sunny uplands of Irish self-determination – an Irish nationalist version of the Whig interpretation of history. The struggle for Irish Home Rule in this period was a metaphor for the transformation of the United Kingdom into a fully-fledged democracy. To most British democrats, which included Liberal Party members, backbench Liberal MPs and the Labour Party, the passing of the Third Home Rule Bill was the test of whether the 1911 Parliament Act had, through emasculating the powers of the non-elected House of Lords, been successful. Viewed from this perspective, Irish Home Rule was the litmus test of Britain’s democratisation, far surpassing in importance other contemporary issues besettingAsquith’s Liberal government, such as women’s suffrage, industrial unrest and the naval race with Germany. Successful Home Rule legislation for Ireland would both symbolically and actually prove that the entire United Kingdom had made the transformation into democracy. The book is revelatory in many ways. The similarities between the structures and tensions of the Liberal Party and the Irish Party are remarkable. Both were loose coalitions and the strains and tensions inside both parties were at times at breaking point. The British Liberal Party and Liberal government were dominated by liberals who were not necessarily democrats. Men like Asquith, Haldane and Grey believed in liberty, but had substantial reservations about equality. They were leading a party which, by now, was heavily influenced by the philosophy of New Liberalism, that required the state to take a far more pro-active role in promoting a new era of equality and democracy. These social democrats were firm in their belief Studies • volume 109 • number 435 336 Autumn 2020: Book Reviews that the passage of the Third Home Rule Bill was totemic of their drive to democratise Britain and both Liberal Party members and backbenchers saw the Irish Party and their demands as advancing democracy throughout the entire United Kingdom. Even many Nonconformist Liberals, dubious about Irish Home Rule and its perceived threat of the resurgence of a rampant Roman Catholicism, were swayed by appeals to their reason, sense of justice and religious liberty, and these usually trumped any reservations they may have otherwise had. The New Liberals, now the majority in the party, regarded Home Rule as the battering ram for democratisation, even though they recognised that it took up valuable parliamentary time which could have been used for social reform. The author argues that by 1914 Asquith was under no illusion that defying radical Liberals, Irish nationalists and Labour on Home Rule would lead to the shattering of his party. The recipient of all this support from the radical wing of British politics – the Irish Party – was even more a broad church than the Liberal Party. For a start, the Irish Parliamentary Party was hardly a party. It was racked by residual rivalry and hostility dating back to the Parnell era, particularly between John Dillon, T M Healy and William O’ Brien. The Irish Party’s political dominance in Ireland arose practically in default of effective alternative movements. It was led by John Redmond, an imperialist at heart like so many others in the Irish Party, to whom there was no incompatibility between Irish nationality and imperial patriotism. These Irish nationalists wanted a self-governing Ireland to play a prominent role in the affairs of the Empire along the lines of the white settler dominions such as Canada and Australia. Rather than lead to the break...

Positioning human heritage at the center of conservation practice.

Conservation projects subscribing to a community‐based paradigm have predominated in the 21st century. We examined the context in which the phrase was coined and traced its growth over time. Community‐based conservation first appeared in the literature in the early 1990s; but grew little until after the 5th World Parks Congress in 2003. Thereafter, publications describing community‐based conservation approaches increased exponentially. The conference theme was Benefits Beyond Boundaries, and its goal was to provide an economic model based on revenue accrued from conservation fundraising and ecotourism to support ecosystems, wildlife, and people, particularly in the Global South. Such models tended not to incorporate, as a core principle, the heritage of local human communities. Human heritage varies substantially over time and space making generalization of conservation principles across scales challenging. Pitfalls that have grown out of the community‐based conservation approaches in the Global South include fortress conservation, conservation militarism, consumptive and nonconsumptive ecotourism, and whiz‐bang solutions. We propose 10 tenets in a human heritage‐centered conservation framework (e.g., engage in conservation practices using local languages, thoughtfully propose and apply solutions consistent with human heritage, provide clear professional development pathways for individuals from local communities, and promote alternative revenue‐generating programs centered in local communities, among others). Progressive philosophies can derive from authentic and ethical integration of local communities in conservation practice.

Los pobres y la praxis de lucha popular como lugar epistémico-político

Presento, en este trabajo, desde una valoración del potencial político y epistémico de los aportes del Cristianismo de Liberación y de la Teología y Filosofía de la Liberación, una mirada sobre algunos de sus conceptos claves cuyo análisis puede servir actualmente en nuestra región latinoamericana para el diálogo entre los movimientos populares y para el debate de las Ciencias Sociales que se comprometen con ellos. Estos conceptos son los de pobre, pueblo y praxis y sabiduría popular. También planteo tres diálogos dentro de la gran multiplicidad de posibilidades: con el Socialismo Indoamericano de Mariátegui; con el Peronismo Revolucionario; y con las propuestas del Papa Francisco. Concluyo destacando algunos de los temas claves para estos diálogos contenidos en la profunda actualidad de estos planteos de liberación.

Концепция русского консервативного романтизма Анджея Валицког

The present article gives a review of the book “In the Circle of Conservative Utopia. Structure and Metamorphoses of Russian Slavophilism” by the world-known historian of Russian thought and member of the Polish Academy of Sciences Andrzej Walicki, that was published in Russian translation one year before the death of its author. The book is based on the original author’s conception of Russian conservatism reflecting the national peculiarities of Russian philosophy in the 18th and 19th centuries. According to Walicki, the essence of conservatism consists not in the legitimism and protection of the existing social and state order, but in the certain worldview and thinking style that oppose liberalism and rationalistic philosophy of the Enlightenment represented as various concepts of conservative philosophic romanticism. Those concepts were reflected in the ideas of the Slavophils A. Grigoriev, V. Odoevsky, K. Leontiev, A. Herzen, V. Soloviev and others.

LEARNER’S AUTONOMY: A CRITICAL STUDY AND RESEARCH PARADIGM FOR ELT CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO HIGHER EDUCATION

Autonomy in learning has been viewed by many scholars in 21 st as an approach enabling to hold the power or right to regulate, control and govern own learning activities. The idea of autonomy is fundamental to liberal philosophies which see the central goal of self-improvement as the development of independent minds and hence the capacity for independent action. The Latter traces back its origin in ancient Greek philosophy in the idea of self-mastery and determination for both Plato and Aristotle in Nicomachean Ethics (1166a 17-19). However, this approach is still a debatable subject when a critic scholar comes to evaluate its application in ELT. Teachers in DRC still play dominant role; hence, learners’ autonomy toward decision-making and problem -solving is still ignored. The latter spend 11 years in ELT Class learning from secondary school to university but unable to communicate in English. The present paper has raised the question of how to improve English Language Teaching and learning curriculum from Teacher to Learner Self-directed learning toward communicative competence .To answer to this question, the study has applied qualitative research grounded classroom observation, focused groups interviews, and learners’ self-directed tasks based learning exercises, video-filming tasks performance and learning theories criticism. As a result, this pilot study has found that developing learning autonomy in English language teaching and learning not only improves significantly learner’s self-governance, but also self-improvement toward communicative language competence. Therefore, to promote language learning climate, teachers are recommended to provide variety of communicative language activities to promote independently learners own learning. Article visualizations:

Making Registered Charitable Status of Religious Organizations Subject to 'Charter Values'

The Supreme Court of Canada has held that government actors must ensure that their decision making process considers ‘Charter values.’ This has led to a growing opinion, within the legal community, that Canada Revenue Agency’s decisions on the registered charitable status of religious organizations ought to ensure such charities are compliant (in belief and action) with ‘Charter values’ such as equality and ‘reproductive rights’. In some circles, ‘Charter values’ are seen as a necessary part of the evolving definition of ‘public benefit.’ This chapter will explore that perspective in the context of current law and liberal democratic philosophy. It will argue that fundamental human life issues (FHLI) such as equality of all, definition of marriage and the value of human life, have been the subject of religious thought and teaching for millennia, and such beliefs have inspired the legal, political and philosophical traditions of liberal democracies. FHLI are part and parcel of the religious enterprise that seeks to understand what it means to be human. Denying public benefit recognition to charities that advance religion merely because they have unpopular beliefs or practices will not only have a negative effect on civic engagement, it will also have a negative philosophical impact on our traditional and scientific understanding of human nature. Liberal democracy demands that the state recognize it has no role in denying the complexity of religious identity’s framing of fundamental human life issues upon which reasonable people may disagree.

PAULO FREIRE: ETNOCONHECIMENTO, INTERCULTURALIDADE E EMANCIPAÇÃO NA TEORIA E NA PRÁTICA EDUCATIVAS.

O ensaio visa mostrar que o pensamento freiriano é pioneiro na adoção da perspectiva decolonizante e intercultural na abordagem filosófica da educação, constituindo-se como prática de etnoconhecimento e de intercultualidade. Como tal, posiciona-se como precursor do movimento de decolonização do pensamento latino-americano, numa nova perspectiva epistemológica, que busca dar voz aos povos colonizados oprimidos, convergindo particularmente com a filosofia da libertação, conceituada por Enrique Dussel. Paulo Freire pensa e pratica a educação como prática e diálogo interculturais, compromissando-se com a proposta de libertação, entendida como emancipação humana.
 Palavras-chave: Paulo Freire. Enrique Dussel. Filosofia da Libertação. Interculturalidade. Emancipação.

Governing media information through a Green New Deal: History, theory, practice

The Green New Deal (GND) aims to cultivate a ‘just transition’ from an economy based in fossil fuel production to an economy based in sustainable production. Its fate is not just dependent on a material struggle for power, but also what mediates this struggle. In addressing America’s historically ambivalent relationship with governmental media, this article links, historicizes and re-theorizes these mediated relations to cultivate a sustainable media practice for the GND. In doing so, it looks to the memory of the New Deal, critiques mid-century debates over media regulation and offers a path forward underwritten by public entertainment and information media production for a GND imaginary. By bringing these themes into a dialogue with the overlapping political economic and legal traditions of neochartalist (Modern Monetary Theory) and constitutional theories of money, this article roots the modern West’s flawed conception of state ‘intervention narratives’ to ‘states of nature’ conceptualized in classical liberal philosophy.

Minorities and the Theory of Recognition of Charles Taylor

This research seeks to shed light on the Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor's analysis on his theory regarding recognition as well as to the condition of minorities within the policy of cultural pluralism framework, in which he ends in his political and ethical philosophy to a crucial point that is Non-recognition could be considered as kind of cultural oppression, because the exclusion of identity and the exclusion of culture the original considered an urgent requirement because the groups that bear the soreness of recognition are living in a state of constraint for the demand to recognition with the differentiation. Recognition with the distinctions means that the state need pay attention to the calls of individuals and different groups that demand recognition for their cultural and historical peculiarities. Plus, this recognition will not be only because of the recognition and the rejection of the dominance of the culture of the majority only, but an acknowledgment that primarily aims to listen and acceptance the peculiarities of the other, even if it is minority, due to the inevitable impacts on the life of the group and moral and existential of the individual’s life. This is because the recognition of the other cultural, ethnic, and religious distinctions is tolerance in itself, openness, acquaintance with the other, and contentment living with its differences. These benefits are recognition that Tayler may not support it alone, but liberal philosophers like Kimilka. Therefore, recognition is with cultural peculiarities and distinctions not recognized as the soil in which it develops freedoms of individuals and purposes of groups in it and minorities only, but also contribute significantly to motivate social inclusion and political participation. If specific culture is original, it is spared the originality of the individual and it will grow inside it and the spirit of the group and its entity. Thus, neglecting it politically and legally is considered a dangerous punch that harms the benefits of recognition over the unity of society and its cohesion. Therefore, Recognition of the minorities, for example, would encourage the acceptance of differences and involvement in the wider cultural content. Hence, the historical majority culture identified. In which refusal of recognition means is a leap in the unknown because ethnic and cultural groups will reject at the worst appreciation for engaging and integrating into a society that does not value its privacy and does not respect its differentiation. Eventually, this affects the unity, security and safety of society negatively. Therefore, According to Taylor there is no risk, if the majority group recognize the particularities of resident or hosted minorities recently, because the western social or social imagination content is flexible in its structure, host in its values, tolerant in its habits, and this means that western societies refuse historical inertia and imperative considering what they enjoy traditionally in terms of freedom, tolerance and openness. And accepting other cultures considered as a proof of the ability of the original content to adopt other cultures and customs that do not impact it negatively or threaten its existence, but rather this could be a positive progressive factor towards the inclusion of the historical groups, its acculturation and reciprocity.