Professional Politicians Research Articles

“The people watching at home”

Abstract This paper explores disagreement practice in political discourse, specifically in the under explored public inquiry communicative event and more specifically in the select-committee hearing. We revisit earlier work on theorising disagreement to expand our understanding of its contextual nature, particularly in relation to the making of ideology. Public inquiries combine the characteristics of professional meetings with characteristics of political discourse. They are typified by hybridised and ambiguous role expectations which participants negotiate in and through (potentially competing) practices in doing the ideological work demanded by the policy process. In this context, disagreement emerges as key to the performance of the interactants’ situated and explicit/semi-permanent roles as professional politicians. By applying Critical Interactional Sociolinguistic analysis within a wider frame of audience design, we demonstrate the importance of the ideological role of disagreement to the policy process. We argue that further attention needs to be given to the policy talk in meso-level political events, such as the public inquiry, which connect the ideological (macro) political domains of human activity with the (micro) here and now of talk. We close the paper with directions for further research.

МОВНІ МАРКЕРИ СТРАТЕГІЇ ПРЕЦЕДЕНТУ В АНГЛІЙСЬКОМОВНОМУ БУДЕННОМУ ПОЛІТИЧНОМУ ДИСКУРСІ

The article is devoted to the study of lingual markers of the precedent strategy with imperative intention in everyday English political discourse. This kind of discourse is represented by the speech of non- professional politicians, in which common people shape their conceptions about politics, activities of the political institutions and their leaders. In order to modify the activities of politicians in the interests of society, the citizens appeal to precedent phenomena. By doing this the voters encourage the politicians either to follow positive precedence or to avoid negative one. Analysis of the empirical material has revealed that the lingual markers used for the implementation of the precedent strategy belong to the lexical and syntactic levels. The former level is represented by productive use of nouns with the semantics of model behavior “example, style, pattern, mode, way, path, repeat”, adjectives with the semantics of similarity “same, such, similar, equivalent” and conjunctions with the same semantics “like, as”. Frequently the adequate precedent historical situations are introduced into the sentence by the word-combinations “for example, for instance”. The electorate actively use in their speech verbal combinations with the semantics of instructiveness “to take / draw / teach / learn a lesson from, to learn from, to follow the plan / route”. Such verbs as “observe, look at” help to draw the addressee’s attention to the necessary precedence. The demonstrative pronoun “that” serves to establish contact between the realities of today and the existing historical precedents. The syntactic level of the implementation of precedent strategy is characterized by active use of complex sentences with attributive clause, object clauses and circumstantial clause of time. The latter syntactic construction is correlated to the category of “us –them”, where the component “them” is given positive evaluation, and the component “us” receives negative evaluation, what ruins the classical concept of this opposition.

The Personal is Political: A Feministic Analysis of Pakistani Political Autogynographies

This present research analyses Benazir Bhutto's Daughter of the East (1989) and Fatima Bhutto's Songs of blood and sword: A daughter's memoir (2011) to explore how Pakistani women, belonging to elite political families, are politically conscious while engaging their fathers' stories in their autobiographies. The autobiographies share specific characteristics: both the narrators belong to the same Bhutto family, and their self-narratives are predominantly father clear; both texts are written after their fathers' political assassination, and the narrators have tried to defend their father's political vulnerable image; the word "daughter" in each of the subtitles emphasizes the idea of filiation. The narrators reflect their political consciousness by defending and praising their fathers' political actions and elaborate on how national politics' political implications have affected their personal and political familial lives. Highlighting the importance of political education, Benazir distrusts outdated politics of compromises and narrates that the political profession requires sacrifices. Being a politician, one has to compromise even with the murderers of one's (her) father. Benazir condemns patriarchy and mentions that daughters can inherit their father's political legacy like sons. Meanwhile, Fatima criticizes Benazir that she is the usurper of her father's political legacy and does not follow her political principles. Fatima's self-narrative challenges Benazir's political claims made in her autobiography. Both the narrators look gender-sensitive and condemn patriarchy even though both of them try to defend their fathers. Benazir and Fatima discuss their personal and private matters publicly for political reasons, as manifested through the text.

Politicians self-representation on instagram: the professional and the humanized candidate during 2019 spanish elections

Instagram has become an important tool to contact the audiences both in commercial and political communication. Of special interest is the use of this social network by politicians, who can use the image to portray a humanized version of themselves: it is not the candidate but the person who is talking to citizens through impacting images posted on their personal profiles. The present study posits that Instagram is a key tool for self-representation. This paper offers a specific study about the use of Instagram by the five main candidates in the Spanish general elections in 2019. The main aim of this paper is to study if the Spanish candidates showed themselves on Instagram in a more humanized way during the electoral campaign. Departing from Goffman’s theory about the presentation of the self, a content analysis has been carried out as methodology, where Goffman’s concepts have been operationalized. The analysis was applied to a total of 473 Instagram posts, covering both a pre-election period and an election period. Results show that Spanish candidates tend to show themselves as professional politicians, but some candidates of new parties increment their humanization in the elections period.

POLITICAL ELITE AS A SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM

The article deals with the problems like capability and experience of development of political elite theory, the notion of political elite specialized in ruling a country and other problems in this sphere. The author of the article throws light on the activity of political elite members, groups of people who are occupied at ruling the government, state, political parties and other political institutions. Main factors which indicate tendencies and mechanisms of state development are also discussed in the article. The author of the article suggests that political elite is a ruling layer of a society and functions in the sphere of state administration. The author of the article approaches theoretically to the notions of political elite, which in most cases, consists of professional politicians, who had professional training on working out program and strategies of state administration.Key words: state administration, strategy, program, politician, political institution, analysis of problems, activity of groups

ДЕРЖАВНІ СЕКРЕТАРІ США ДРУГОЇ ПОЛОВИНИ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ: РОЛЬ ТА МІСЦЕ У СИСТЕМІ ВЛАДИ

The article is devoted to the interaction of US presidents and their secretaries of state in the second half of the twentieth century, when there was a modernization of foreign policy services, changes in the development and implementation of foreign policy. This has led to a more careful choice of one of the most important actors in shaping the country’s foreign policy – US Secretary of State. Emphasis is placed on the place and role of the Secretary of State in the US executive branch. The purpose of the article is to analyze the circumstances of the appointment of heads of state departments, their activities and interaction with US presidents. The methodological basis of the article was the principle of historicism; a systematic approach, problem-chronological and descriptive methods were used. The scientific novelty of the study is an attempt to show not so much complexity and fragility in the interaction of the tandem «president – secretary of state». The article traces the sequence of positions held by state secretaries, analyzes their professional experience and personal qualities, which most likely determined the nature of relations with the president, as well as influenced the nature of the country’s foreign policy. It is shown how differences in specific issues between presidents and secretaries of state could cost the latter. Conclusions. Considering the changes in the structure and functions of the US State Department after the Second World War, the author concludes that the role and place of the US Secretary of State is conditioned by the priority of foreign policy. With the onset of the Cold War, the White House began to pay more attention to the development and implementation of foreign policy than in previous decades. At the same time, along with the increase in the role of the President in foreign policy, there is a decrease in the role of the Secretary of State in this area. It is determined that most appointments to the post of US Secretary of State in the second half of the twentieth century were made for political and ideological reasons, and only a few of the secretaries were professional politicians. At the same time, the professionalism of the Secretary of State was not always a guarantee of the duration of his tenure. At the same time, the author emphasizes the uniqueness, professionalism, ambition, efficiency of each head of the State Department during the period under review.

Gender Gaps in Political Careers: Evidence from Competitive Elections

This paper investigates the impact of voter support on the representation of women in the political profession. The empirical analysis exploits two-stage elections in the United States and Italy to hold the selection of candidates constant. In two-stage elections, candidates are admitted to the second round of voting based on the outcome of the first round. I find that among candidates who marginally qualify for the final round, women are 20 percent less likely than men to be elected to the US House of Representatives and 40 percent less likely to be elected mayor in Italian municipalities. Using a difference-in-discontinuities design, I then show that the gender gap in the probability of being elected has long-lasting effects on career trajectories. Women are substantially less likely than men to win future elections and to climb the political hierarchy. My findings suggest that one of the reasons that few women reach the top in politics is that female candidates face hurdles at the beginning of their careers.

Electoral Behavior of the Townspeople of Novonikolaevsk in the Conditions of Counter-Revolution (Middle 1918 − Late 1919)

The article analyzes the participation of the population of the city of Novonikolayevsk in local government elections under anti-Bolshevik political regimes.On the basis of a wide range of sources, it is established that in the conditions of military dictatorship, the discreditation of democratic institutions, the deterioration of economic and military-political situation in Novonikolayevsk, full-fledged competitive elections were held. High political activity was shown by professional socialist politicians, who fought for power, and the economic elite of the city. The former ones were at the head of the self-government and, using the experience of the revolution, tried to mobilize employees, tenants, workers, poor and indigent residents of the city to participate in the elections.However, the socialists, who lost their influence and authority, could not overcome the political apathy of broad layers of the population. Against the background of mass absenteeism, large entrepreneurs who sought to restore the social status lost as a result of the revolution managed to unite and attract medium and small homeowners. The high level of the electoral activity of these categories of the population ensured the victory in the elections.

Staff training of professional politicians in Ukraine: problem aspects and ways of solving

Staff training of professional politicians in Ukraine: problem aspects and ways of solving

Entre políticos y criminales: corrupción política en Colombia 2013-2018

Corruption is a crime that generates political hardships, particularly to the construction of the State and democracy. The latter, since it restricts the ability of institutions to promote the general welfare through the creation of secret powers that hinder the idea of democracy as a public power that performs before the public. Thus, political corruption creates a secret power, controlled by public officials and professional politicians who favor diverse criminal networks associated with other crimes; affecting like this the institutions and the principle of publicity in democracy. The objective of the research is to analyze political corruption in Colombia between 2013 and 2018 from the perspective of Transnational Organized Crime (TOC). For this purpose, to address political corruption as a transnational crime, it is necessary to overcome the phenomenon of the narcotization of crime and recognize that political corruption is also a relevant crime; which functions in a network and is associated with other criminal dynamics to seek economic benefits for the State or to affect it. The methodological approach was qualitative and, the phenomenological-hermeneutical method was used in the analysis of historical information collected since the 16th century that served as a context to establish the relationship of corruption with other crimes in the country and the different cases of corruption analyzed in the period of study. Only those cases that fit the analysis of transnational corruption, because of links to other networks are considered. It is evident that between 2013 and 2018 there were cases of political corruption with criminal links associated with drug trafficking, money laundering, and prostitution, among others. However, several of these facts do not seem to have the same informational relevance as typical cases of bribery, illegal campaign financing, or contracting cartels. This is understood as an opportunity to continue deepening these types of investigations.

Parliamentary research services as expert resource of lawmakers. The Czech way

ABSTRACT Professional politicians need a sufficient amount of quality and reliable information to work well. Therefore, parliaments across the world have expert resources at their disposal, such as parliamentary research services and libraries. Together they form a unique source of analytical and informative material to support day-to-day political activities. Although different models of expert parliamentary centres exist, these specialised comparative workplaces share a common emphasis on the independence of provided information. Since expert centres are an important part of parliamentary autonomy, their work and the quality of services they provide to their clients need to be further analysed. Therefore, the content of this paper – exploratory in its nature – is to zoom in on the expert services available to lawmakers, more specifically, to analyse the Czech Parliamentary Institute.

DR. ANNIE BESANT AND HER CONTRIBUTION TO EDUCATION IN INDIA

The paper manages the profound education with uncommon reference to Dr. Annie Besant's perspectives on education wherein her life and social way of thinking impact on Indian educational system. The paper additionally manages her theosophical way of thinking dependent on the standards of 'The Unity of God' and of 'The Universal Brotherhood' which are the fundamental piece of profound education. An endeavour has been made to perceive, grasp, discover, break down, combine, assess and fundamentally look at the prevailing variables answerable for reinforcing otherworldly education with respect to Dr. Annie Besant's perspectives. It is education which assists with satisfying the intrinsic limit of people through the Theosophical Idea of Education dependent on Universal Brotherhood, Self-control, Self-investigation, Self-regard, Control of psyche, self-acknowledgment, self-talk with otherworldly arrangement, Love and Sympathy, Service, Freedom, Patience, Peace and Tolerance and to set them up to take care of the ordinary issues. Annie Besant was an Irish political dissident, independent person and Fabian communist. In the wake of grasping Theosophy under the tutelage of Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, a Russian spiritualist, Besant set out on her strategic spreading theosophical standards, and arrived at the shores of India in 1893. In India Hinduism entranced her to such a degree, that she gave herself to advancing Hinduism. She visited the length and broadness of India, and addressed seriously on the grand beliefs of Hinduism. In any case, Besant was of the supposition that nonattendance of strict education in government schools and universities and instructing of Christianity in preacher educational organizations was answerable for strict lack of bias and doubt among Hindu youth, and subsequently the fallen territory of Hinduism. To cure this state, she underlined the requirement for its recovery, and spread the possibility that strict education of Hindu young people should turn into a necessary piece of their education. So as to concretise these thoughts, Besant set up a school for the strict education of Hindu youth in the heavenly city of Benares, in India, in 1898. Besant is generally known in India for her political exercises as author of Home Rule Movement and as the main ladies President of Indian National Congress, the boss ideological group engaged with the battle for national opportunity. Despite the fact that Besant's political profession in India has been widely investigated, little is thought about her educational thoughts and exercises. “She loved India with a fervour and devotion all her own. Our country’s philosophy, our history or legends, our spiritual heritage, our achievements in the past, our sorrows in the present, our aspirations for the future were part and parcel of Mrs Annie Besant’s own life.” – Sri Prakasa in Indian Political Thought.

Who are professional politicians talking to? The making of Members of the European Parliament’s audiences on Twitter and Facebook

This article looks at the representations that politicians develop depending on the audiences they believe they are reaching through social media platforms. The objective is twofold: to analyse these representations, and to understand how such representations are constructed. Based on a longitudinal study over a period of five years on the use of digital platforms by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), the article highlights how the representations of audiences are related to the types of use that politicians make of these platforms. It also considers the representations of the audiences as they are built up by the followers of politicians themselves. Finally, the analysis of audiences’ representations highlights that those following MEPs on social media have a keen interest and awareness of (European) politics, calling into question the promotional discourses that tend to present the average citizen as the main audience of politicians on those platforms.

Polish Regional Elite Career Paths and the Impact of a Multilevel System

Abstract This paper aims to investigate the multilevel careers of members of Polish regional executives from the first direct election to regional parliaments in 1998 until the end of 2014. Formation of self-government in regions is assumed to have started the process of formation of the multilevel system in Poland. Consequently, political career paths began to be diversified and to take place at more than one level. Among the factors with a critical impact on the specificity of Polish regional careers was the fact that regionalisation was preceded by local government reform (1990), and it was assumed that the local elite would become its natural recruitment base. On the one hand, the challenge to the development of the multilevel system has to be recognised. First, regional politics has undergone rather limited professionalisation (only positions in regional executives are full-time political jobs). Second, the legacy of communist centralisation resulted in lukewarm regional decentralisation in 1998. However, one can observe a certain increased prominence of self-government due to access to EU funds and increased financial autonomy. Positions in regional executive boards, especially as heads of regional boards [marszałkowie], have been seen as increasingly attractive career choices for professional politicians. Therefore, modification of the traditional career model is expected, e.g. some inflow of national politicians into regional boards (from positions in the legislature to executive posts).

Reason vs. emotion in the Brexit campaign: How key political actors and their followers used Twitter

Online social network platforms have been, since their rise to prominence, considered as relevant gateways to study individual behaviors. One of those realms is politics, from massive movements and demonstrations to institutionalized events like general elections or referendums in democratic countries. In this paper, we are interested in the behavior of professional politicians in the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum of June 2016, colloquially known as the “Brexit referendum”. We ask how, during the final weeks of the campaign, four key political actors (Jeremy Corbyn, David Cameron, Boris Johnson, and Nigel Farage) used Twitter through their official accounts regarding this popular consultation and how that action was received by their followers. To be more precise, we ask if they predominantly appealed to emotions or to rational arguments (Usage Axis), and what was, in each case, the impact of the tweets (Impact Axis). We conclude that, regardless of the way each actor used Twitter during the campaign, the appeal to emotions and the debasement of the opposing views tended to have more relevance, which may be a distressing hypothesis for democracy.

Jewish Nation State Law and Transformation of the Elite in Israel

In this paper I will discuss that The Basic Law: Israel as the Nation State of the Jewish People which is enacted in 2018, is taken a form around that is seen at elite and institutional level of historical institutional transformations in Israel. Legal arrangements are main builder of state and society relation sets around the world. Political elites as the decision makers of political process in Israel whose preferences and orientations stand out as the main factor in determining the content of legislative activities. Ashkenazi middle class intellectuals, political activists and professional politicians who the founding political elites in Israel came to fore as the main agents in the founding process of Israel. Demographic change, diversification of geopolitical preferences, differentiation of the components of the economic structure affected on social dynamics and transformed the composition of the elites. It is observed that the preferences of the decision making actors who have shifted from the Ashkenazi elites to Mizrahi elites that have started to be effective in Israel. Ideological differences, intergenerational challenges and personal conflicts between political professionals of Ashkenazi elites that have accelerated the rise of the Mizrahi elites in Israel.

West Africa: The Formation Of National Statehood

The article is devoted to the study of the dynamics of political modernization in West Africa in the first decade of independent development. The author analyses the formation of political systems, the emergence of democratic institutions, and the causes of their crisis as well as the emergence of military and civilian authoritarian regimes. The author draws on legislative acts, documents of state authorities and governing bodies, evidence of contemporaries, expert assessments and explores national mechanisms of political leadership and governance using the examples of Nigeria, Ghana, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire, Sierra Leone. The national specifics of political systems and the characteristics of political culture exclude the possibility of highlighting the “universal” model of power relations that is valid in all countries of the region. At the same time, a comparison of these processes with similar phenomena that took place in other parts of the post-colonial world allows concluding that the development of the political space of West Africa had regionally special features. At the same time, the country approach to the topic made it possible to identify the specific influence of the state and its institutions on the life of society, as well as to form an idea of the variety of forms and methods of political rule. The significance of the scientific analysis of the formation of national statehood rests upon the incompleteness of our ideas about the ruling groups and their role in the system of public administration in West Africa. The article shows that many politically active groups of society — professional politicians, military men, officials, technocrats, and leaders of religious organizations — joined the struggle for control over state structures. Social conflicts, coupled with ethnic, regional, confessional contradictions, shook the fragile political regimes that developed in the late 1950s and early 1960s.

Antipartito. Opposition to the political class and the party system in 1970’s Italy

ABSTRACTFrom the early years of the Republic, the central role played by political parties in Italy’s post-World War II democracy was offset by a widespread sentiment of hostility towards professional politicians that had arisen in broad swaths of civil society due to fear of excessive power in the hands of political elites in State institutions. This sentiment, further nurtured in subsequent decades by the troubles associated with Cold War democrazia bloccata (‘blocked democracy’), reached a decisive turning point in the 1970s. During that period, under the pressure of world economic crisis and post-1968 extremism and terrorism, rejection of partitocrazia (‘party rule’) across the ideological divide became a pervasive phenomenon, marked by such emblematic events as the vote in the 1978 referendum on public funding for political parties, the resignation of then President of the Republic Giovanni Leone, and the election in his place of Sandro Pertini: the first key political figure, in Italian democracy, to present himself as an ‘ordinary man’ rather than a member of the elite.

Introduction

Introduction Melvin I. Urofsky As usual, we have a potpourri of subjects for you to enjoy in this issue, and we also have contributions from what might be called two generations of constitutional and legal history scholars. David W. Levy is my exact contempo­ rary. We started out together as instructors at the Ohio State University in the 1960s and worked together for many years as the co­ editors of seven volumes of Louis D. Brandeis Letters. He is the official historian of the University of Oklahoma, from which he recently retired as David Ross Boyd Profes­ sor of History. Last year he asked me to read the manuscript of a new book he had written (tasks that we have done for each other for many years now), and while wearing my reader’s cap, my hat as editor of this journal is always near at hand. I suggested an article, and what caught my attention—and what I thought would interest our readers—is the reaction of the University in the McLaurin case. In civil rights litigation, we often hear about what the plaintiffs went through, and often it was indeed terrible, but sometimes the defendant’s actions are also impacted. Several years ago we ran an article by the attorney who argued the case for Kansas in Brown v. Board ofEducation. We think you will find this article just as interesting. Louis Fisher is another old friend. For many years, he was a fixture in the Law Division of the Library of Congress, where he answered legal questions from senators and representatives on a variety of matters. He has retired from that position and is now a scholar in residence at the Constitution Project as well as a visiting professor at the College of William and Mary law school. He is now also free to file amicus briefs in his own name with the High Court. For many years, Louis Fisher has been arguing— and correctly—that Charles Evans Hughes’s famous dictum “the Constitution is what the Supreme Court says it is” is wrong. Our constitutional heritage is developed by input not only from the judiciary, but from Congress, the executive branch, academia, and the people themselves. In this arti­ cle, he takes on the notion that the courts have been the great protector of individual rights and argues that Congress should be given far more credit than it has in the past. D. Grier Stephenson, Jr., the Charles A. Dana Professor of Government Emeritus at Franklin & Marshall College, has been writ­ ing “The Judicial Bookshelf” since before I took over as editor, and that is a long time. I always mention how grateful I am that he 6 JOURNAL OF SUPREME COURT HISTORY keeps working along with me, but it is true. It would be hard to think of the journal without him. Turning to younger scholars, Timothy R. Johnson is the Morse Alumni Distinguished Professor at the University of Minnesota, Rachel Houston is a doctoral candidate there, and Amanda C. Bryan is a newly minted Ph.D. who is an assistant professor at Loy­ ola University in Chicago. They have been working a mine that will keep Court scholars busy for years to come, Justice Harry Blackmun ’s extra-judicial notes that he scribbled in green pencil through his 30+ years in the Marble Palace. During oral argument, Justice Blackmun took copious notes on the case in standard black pencil, but he also wrote about a lot of other things that were on his mind in green. In this article, we get a taste of what the Justice was thinking about. James A. Todd is an assistant professor ofpolitics at Palm Beach Atlantic University, and his subject is one of the great cases of the nineteenth century, Cooley v. Board of Wardens (1852). In that case the Taney Court essentially said that while the federal government under the Commerce Clause has power, if the national government has not acted, then the states are free to do so—even in interstate matters. While the Jacksonian Justices were more concerned with state than with federal powers, Professor Todd shows that the growing nationalism after the Civil War...

ФЕНОМЕН ЕЛЕКТОРАЛЬНОГО АБСЕНТЕЇЗМУ В СУЧАСНОМУ СУСПІЛЬСТВІ

У статті досліджено і проаналізовано актуальні питання, пов’язані з поняттям «абсентеїзм» та його різновидами. Висвітлено питання, пов’язані з практичними причинами, які впливають на рівень абсентеїзму. Розглядається сутність абсентеїзму, ілюструються форми його проявів, аналізуються причини політичного абсентеїзму як явища. Природа абсентеїзму розкривається в статті багатоаспектно: і як політична позиція індивіда (аспект індивідуального вибору), і як суспільний феномен (показник рівня залученості в політику груп населення), і як неминучий елемент виборчого процесу (причини, що перешкоджають волевиявленню громадян).