Process Of Decolonization Research Articles

The Global North-Global South Relations and their reflection on the World Politics and International Economy

The concept of Global North and Global South (or North-South relations in a global context) is used to analyze a grouping of states along with socio-economic development and political parameters. The Global South represents a term frequently used to identify the regions of Latin America, Asia, Africa, and Oceania. It is one of a family of names, including “Third World” and “Periphery”, that determine territories outside Europe and North America, in most cases (though not all) low-income and often politically or culturally marginalized countries on one side of the so-called divide, the other side being the countries of the Global North (often equated with developed countries). As such, the term does not inherently refer to geographical south; for example, most of the Global South is geographically located within the Northern Hemisphere, and on the contrary, some countries from the Global North – particularly Australia, New Zealand, and the South African Republic are located in the Sothern Hemisphere. The determination as used by governmental and developmental institutions was first introduced as relatively open and value-free alternative to “Third World” and similarly, potentially “valuing” terms like developing countries. The States of the Global South have been described as newly industrialized or in the process of industrializing, and most of them appeared on the world political map as independent states as a result of the process of decolonization, which occured during the cold war period in the second half of the XX Century.In its turn, Global North correlates with the Western world—excluding Japan, South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, and Israel (among others)—while the South is largely associated with the developing countries (previously called «Third World”) and the Eastern world. The two groups are often defined in terms of their differing levels of wealth, economic development, income inequality, democracy, political and economic freedom, as defined by freedom indices. Countries, that are generally considered as part of the Global North tend to be wealthier and less unequal; they have developed states, with strong democratic institutes, which export technologically advanced manufactured products and where the biggest part of the economically active population is employed in the service sector. Southern states are generally law-income developing countries with younger, more fragile democracies heavily dependent on primary sector exports and generally, they share a history of colonialism imposed on them by Northern states. In most of those countries, the biggest part of the economically active population is involved in the sector of agriculture. Nevertheless, the divide between the North and the South is at times challenged.
 Based on the socio-economic parameters, as of the two decades of the 21st century, the share of the North—with one-quarter of the world population— comes four-fifths of the income earned anywhere in the world. 90% of the manufacturing industries are owned by the companies that are located in the North. Inversely, the South—with three-quarters of the world population—has access to one-fifth of the world’s income. As nations become economically developed, most probably they will be associated with the concept of “North”, regardless of geographical location; similarly, nations that do not qualify for “developed” status are in effect deemed to be part of the “South”.

Maturation of the Bandung Project with Lessons from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)

Abstract January 2022 marked the rollout of the largest trading block in the world, the RCEP. It is the argument of the paper that this trading block emerged out of four periods of the Bandung Process that was launched in 1955 for the process of decolonization. In 1954, the Vietnamese army defeated the army of France and Dien Bien Phu. A year later, Vietnam was one of the founding members of the Bandung process. This was the project initiated by the formerly colonized states to form a global coalition to resist imperialism. Organizing to consolidate independence under the banner of the struggles for bread, freedom and justice, the Bandung movement anchored the nonaligned movement, the struggles in Palestine, the struggles against apartheid and the struggles for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). As a member of the 10 member Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Vietnam has been at the forefront of opposing western economic and military domination of Asia. This resistance had matured in the formation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement which was signed in November 2020. RCEP brings together China, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and all 10 members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The paper traces four moments of the Bandung Process and brought to the fore the importance of the current historical conjuncture when Vietnamese diplomatic leadership within ASEAN facilitated this new trade deal. The combination of the intensified warfare, global health pandemics, crisis of global warming, the fragility of capital, the weaponization of trade and finance and instability generated by the US political system, along with systemic racism continues to point to the necessity for a new international monetary and financial system (IMFS). From the Bandung era, through the financial crises of capitalism, the societies of the South have been seeking new institutions and formations to break the stranglehold of western imperialism and white supremacy. The paper will highlight the possibilities offered by RECP in the context of the continued struggles for a New International Economic Order in opposition to the US project of the weaponization of trade and finance.

Nagy-Britannia és Afrika

On February 3rd 1960 British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan gave a landmark speech in the South African Parliament. He stated that no one can resist the “wind of change”, the process of decolonisation. This represented a turn in British politics, that for more than a decade after India becoming independent was still trying to preserve as much as possible of its colonial empire, that was not that long ago the biggest empire in history. Letting go of the West African colonies was relatively easy, as the climate and the high population density made the region unfavorable for European settlement. However, there was a desire to turn South and East Africa into “the white man’s land”, therefore Britain was unwilling to give up its positions in this region. Macmillan changed this policy. The new course of decolonisation was not followed by everyone, in South Rhodesia, and primarily in the South African Union the white minority tried to resist the wind of change for a long time. Britain was unable to stop these attempts, therefore the decolonisation process dragged on for decades, concluding only in 1994.

A tale of two disciplines? Philosophy in/on translation

ABSTRACT We describe the genesis of this special issue on ‘philosophy in/on translation’: a symposium led to the formation of a successful research group. The interface between philosophy and translation studies has become a fruitful research field, as evidenced by the growing number of conferences and publications. Research into translation and philosophy addresses three topics, as identified by Anthony Pym: what philosophers have said about translation; how translation theorists turn to philosophy to support their ideas; and the translation of philosophical texts. We argue for a fourth link: that, following Derrida, the implications of (un)translatability shape the very notion of philosophy. Five future research directions are mapped in detail: the move beyond the western canon, as the academy engages with the process of decolonisation; epistemic justice, as researchers interrogate and reject Anglophone models; substantive theories of translation that will complement analytical enquiry; the use of translation as a philosophical tool; and the new interface between translator studies and philosophy. We describe in detail the contents of the ten chapters of this special issue and show how the authors both investigate phenomena and provide ways of moving research forward. An exciting time lies ahead for those who work in this interdisciplinary field.

Groundwater: At the Heart of the Circle (Eau souterraine : au coeur du cercle)

This paper focuses on the ongoing process of decolonization and reconciliation in the art therapy training program at the Kutenai Art Therapy Institute (KATI). It is presented as a story in honor of the Indigenous emphasis on storytelling as research. It includes a discussion on training art therapists to be culturally sensitive, increasing the awareness of Indigenous ways of knowing and research, and the development of the Groundwater Initiative.

Between Algeria and the world: anticolonial connectivity, aporias of national liberation and postcolonial blues

ABSTRACT This article explores the lateral connections between the Algerian anticolonial struggle and other similar struggles in the colonial world. Such connections linked up Algeria to Vietnam, Black Panthers in the U.S., and Palestine, among others. Not only were these anticolonial connections crucial to the FLN's strategy, but this strategy and the Algerian struggle more generally were crucial in generating the Third Worldist momentum as Algiers became the ‘Mecca of Revolution'. I examine how, although the goal of anticolonial struggles was national independence, the terrain whether logistic, ideological and even strategic was decidedly translocal. The focus on anticolonial connectivity in the Algerian War becomes a pretext for engaging with a political paradox: while the decolonization process seeks the recovery of dignity by the colonized, the nation-state becomes both the condition for the instantiation of this ideal, and the straightjacket that contains and limits its full realization. Here I re-focus the discussion from ‘alternatives to nation-state' to the idea of historical necessity. I thus treat the anticolonial narrative in more complicated ways, seeing it both as a necessary tragedy and as a narrative of ‘crushed hopes.’

Contemporary English-Language Historiography of the Decolonization of Trucial Oman

The article provides an overview of papers published after 2000 that examine various aspects of the decolonization process in Trucial Oman. The author identifies three schools of historical research that study these issues: the first so called “British” school explores the reasons why the British government decided on decolonization in January 1968; the second so called “Middle Eastern” school examines the main problems faced by the process of decolonization; the third so called “American” school studies the connection of the decolonization process with the regional system of international relations and global Cold War confrontation. Declassification of British documents dealing with the decolonization process in the Persian Gulf the early 2000s allowed historians to make many important discoveries and significantly improve our understanding of how the UAE were formed.

ДЕКОЛОНИЗАЦИЯ И ОБРАЗ АФРИКИ В БРИТАНСКОМ КИНЕМАТОГРАФЕ 1945–1960 гг.

Movies are created in specific historical conditions, influenced by the surrounding reality and dominant values, processed and projected them onto the screen. Thus, pre-war British cinema, having absorbed the ideology of the late 19th century, told about the “white man’s burden” in the far corners of the empire, for example, in Africa. It reflected British ideas about the “dark continent” as a dangerous place inhabited by cruel savages, and other stereotypes. However, the Second World War and the rise of the national liberation movement in the colonies dealt a tangible blow to the old imperial ideology, forcing British politicians to develop and promote new concepts of intraimperial relations. The article has the following tasks: to find out how the process of decolonization that began in 1945–1960 influenced the ideological content of British movies about the Empire, how approaches to the visual representation of the colonized “other” changed in this regard, and how the audience perceived these changes. Using the plots of several post-war films as an example the author shows how the new rhetoric about the Commonwealth of Nations and partnership and current events related to the liberation of the continent from British rule influenced on the depiction of Africa in feature films. It is concluded that, despite the presence of rudiments of previous ideological attitudes, attempts to soften the tone of the narrative and present Africa and Africans in a more noble light have become noticeable in British cinema.

The Sharpeville Massacre, Violence, and the Struggles of the African National Congress, 1960-1990

During the long process of decolonization in South Africa, the Sharpeville Massacre was a turning point for the African National Congress' decision to begin using violence for the internal resistance to apartheid. Nelson Mandela and the ANC reacted to the Sharpeville Massacre by shifting their methods to incorporate the practicality of anti-colonial violence. In his 1964 "I Am Prepared to Die" speech, Mandela acknowledged that peaceful resistance was met with brutal force, and this could not go on. The ANC continued its strong non-violent resistance while also developing a military wing and conducting sabotage. This essay brings into question the realities of non-violence in the face of violent oppression.

The language issue of Ukraine during the russian-Ukrainian war. The impact of centuries of repression of the Ukrainian language on modern society

The study of the language issue in Ukraine is relevant considering the importance of linguistic identification: since most Ukrainians have been Russified, it is necessary to pursue a clear and strategic language policy that could ensure the gradual but steady development of all things Ukrainian in the future. The purpose of this research was to explore the current state of linguistic consciousness in Ukrainian society, and the specifics of the establishment and development of the Ukrainian language during the long linguistic crimes and after the outbreak of the russian-Ukrainian war. The following methods were used to achieve the set purposes: analytical and synthetic, comparative and contrastive, historical, diachronic and synchronous. A panoramic analysis of the prohibitions and restrictions on the functioning of the Ukrainian language over the past four centuries was conducted, in particular in the fields of education, book publishing, office work, the church, etc. The study examined the historical stages of the development and formation of the identity of the Ukrainian language and provided statistics on the language issue a few years after independence, after the russian aggression in eastern Ukraine, and after russia's full-scale invasion. It developed an understanding of the causes and consequences of linguistic crimes and assessed the stages of Russification and the impact of the russian-speaking space in different regions of Ukraine. Attention was focused on the mechanisms of linguistic decolonisation on the example of different national languages and countries, forms of linguistic planning and national policies of states affected by language bans, and the revival of identification. The materials presented in this work can be used for further scientific research in the field of linguistics, sociology, historiography, and cultural studies, in particular, in the study of colonisation and decolonisation processes in various national languages of the world

Marjo Lindroth and Heidi Sinevaara-Niskanen, The Colonial Politics of Hope: Critical Junctures of Indigenous-State Relations (London: Routledge, 2022)

The main theme is “hope“. The authors trace the sources of this concept to the colonial era in which the only “hope” for Indigenous peoples to survive was integration into Western society. The empirical and conceptual analysis of hope follows three thematic paths: the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights, the ratification of ILO Convention 169, and the creation of self-governments such as the one established in Greenland in 2009. The decolonization process by the Nations Unite began in 1960, when several declarations were stating that “natural heritage and political determination belong to all individuals”. These rights were not to be influenced by diplomatic relations between states and were to be respected in all member states. As the book points out, not all states adopt the new provisions easily. Since the declarations of the General Assembly are not legally binding, in the 1970s the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) came into force. Even today, these conventions play a role of absolute importance in disputes involving cases of inequality, discrimination, and racism.

Interrelações das Epistemologias do Sul e o cuidado transcultural nas práticas em saúde e Enfermagem

Abstract Objective to reflect on the interrelationships of transcultural care and the Epistemologies of the South of health and Nursing practices. Method this is a reflective study, based on a narrative review of the literature, highlighting the concepts of abyssal line, ecology of knowledge, and decolonization of knowledge from the framework of the Epistemologies of the South. Results after the reflective analysis of the material, three reflexive axes emerged, namely: Populations south of the abyssal line; Ecology of knowledge and interculturality; and Decolonization of knowledge in health and nursing practices: culturally congruent care. Final considerations and implications for practice the appreciation of the self-care culture of vulnerable population groups south of the abyssal line is essential to create opportunities for visibility and voice removed by the colonization process in the health field, as a result of the overvaluation of biomedical knowledge. There is a need for dialogue between knowledge to build an environment of mutual learning, characterized as the ecology of knowledge. For this, the decolonization process is needed from the perspective of post-abyssal thinking, with the appreciation of popular knowledge, in favor of culturally congruent care. Finally, in nursing, the framework of the Theory of Universality and Diversity of Cultural Care equips nurses to plan and implement sensitive transcultural care.

Decolonisation: African Political thought

African political thought is fundamentally rooted in African heritage and culture. It is a frontal assault against the imperial powers of Great Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, and the Union of South Africa, which denied the diverse African peoples of their right to self-government. Thus, the political concepts of African leaders at various times and places were intended to be last attacks against the denial of the basic human rights of the people. At the period, political thinking centred on two major threats to African states and the continent: colonialism and racism. In African Political Thought, the notion of Decolonization is best investigated and analysed in the context of its processes. Any attention that was paid to the African past highlighted the savage character of intergroup interactions. As colonial education was influenced by the need to explain the ills of colonialism, African history was filled with European discoveries of Africa. In order to rectify this anomaly, the concepts of Pan-Africanism and Negritude were developed within an African setting. These concepts aided in reinforcing the significance of African heritage despite the European invasion. This research seeks to investigate the origins of African political philosophy and the decolonization process in certain African locations. The major source of data collecting is secondary sources.

Aid, Knowledge, and Power: The Legacy of Imported Expertise at the National College of Arts, Lahore

My research aims at identifying and understanding the complicated and often contradictory process(es) of Pakistan’s decolonization in connection with the imported frameworks of knowledge in the structure and pedagogy of the National College of Arts (NCA), Lahore during the formative years of the institution. With a focus on the college’s Architecture Department, the paper begins in 1958 by highlighting the historical context and factual history of the effort to restructure the former colonial craft school. The college’s modernization process is seen to be dictated by the incoming foreign aid and expertise, aligned with the national policies of the new military regime of General Ayub Khan. Thus, the major themes of the paper converge on the Decade of Global Development, the foreign-funded knowledge economy, and its consequent import of expertise at the National College of Arts. Subsequently, the research engages critically with the legacy of this expertise by dissecting the multi-layered process(es) of decolonization. These processes range from questioning the methodologies of modernization and spatial decolonization, questions of gender, and the inclusion of diverse voices in the effort to find alternate knowledge paradigms.

Understanding The ISMS of Nigerian Post-Colonial Art Movements: An Ideological Path for Emerging Contemporary Art

Scholars of African art have advocated various methodologies for the study of African contemporary arts. These methodologies serve their purposes, however there is no particular most embracing and consensus approach so far. Since the millennium, the outcomes of African contemporary art actually defy any static approach. This paper proposes the ideologies and aesthetics of some post-colonial art movements in Nigeria and their impact on Nigerian contemporary art, as a methodological path to understanding the emerging contemporary arts of Nigeria. The art movements considered in this paper are Zarianism, Osogbo Art, Ulism, Onaism and Araism which are the most outstanding of Nigerian post-colonial art movements since independence in 1960. These art movements, through their ideologies, have largely shaped what is today considered as Nigerian Contemporary Art. This paper is a contribution to the ongoing dialogues on the identity of post-colonial Africa and the processes of de-colonization of African culture. Contemporary Nigerian art in this paper is the art from the 1990s till date. The paper is based on qualitative research and bibliographic surveys. The findings show that many contemporary Nigerian arts and artists are affiliated or linked with early post-colonial art movements. In conclusion, a successful inquiry and understanding of the formation and practice of the art movements hopefully will create a pathway in the prediction, identity, and understanding of recent works of art in Nigeria and Africa.

Decolonizing the History of Pre-Columbian Art in Brazil

This study resumes the discussion undertaken by Ulpiano Bezerra de Menezes, historian, archaeologist and museologist at the University of São Paulo, the first to “decolonize the history of Art in the Americas”. At the same time, this resumption is in charge of paying homage to this researcher who found the mistakes and gaps left by European scholars who were at the service of Eurocentric colonialism and its Eurocentric culture. However, the central objective of this text is to contribute to this process of decolonization, expanding the discussion that began in the 1980s. To this end, here, the chapter that opens the work História geral da arte no Brasil, edited by Walter Zanini, whose title is Art in the pre-colonial period, and which completes decades.

When is a Process of Decolonization Complete: as Applied to the Internal Decolonization Process of Indigenous Peoples of Canada

When is a Process of Decolonization Complete: as Applied to the Internal Decolonization Process of Indigenous Peoples of Canada

Фигура С. Родса в контексте "войн памяти" Соединённого Королевства 2020-2021 гг.

He political movement “Black Lives Matter” has activated a new stage of development of the “memory wars” in Europe. A new life stage of “memorial wars” is connected with the development of discussions about the role of imperial heritage and memorials of politicians and colonists in the past. The article analyses one of the most resonant episodes of these events - the debate about the toppling of statues of British politician C. Rhodes. The goal of this research is to identify the role of the personality of C. Rhodes in the “memory wars” of Great Britain. The sources of the article consist of materials from the periodical press, social networks and speeches by representatives of the Conservative and Labour Parties of the United Kingdom. The research was created in the functional paradigm, which provides to explore relationships between activists of the “Black Lives Matter”, “Rhodes Mast Fall” and the largest political parties in Great Britain. The article identifies the key arguments of each side in the conflict. It provides that the most of the supporters who side with the toppling of the monument to C. Rhodes are descendants of migrants of different generations. Therefore, this discussion represented for them a painful narrative of the exploitation of colonies by the metropolises. Based on the application of critical discourse analysis, there is a note that the position of supporters of the preservation of the monument is based on the special significance of the imperial heritage of Great Britain as an integral part of national identity. Finally, the research concludes that the analysis of the case of C. Rhodes demonstrates the incompleteness of the decolonization process.

„Išmemorialinti“, uždaryti ar palikti: Venclovų namų-muziejaus veikimas interneto erdvėje

The Venclova House-Museum is probably the most discussed museum in Lithuania today. Not only are the museum’s activities and the communication of the collection discussed, but also the general question of the need for and value of this museum. In February and March 2022, a study of the museum’s performance was carried out on the Internet. The research highlighted the main and the most debated problems relating to the communication of the museum, as well as identifying fundamental communication errors which have been made by this cultural heritage communication institution. During the research, parallels between the process of museum decolonisation (which is currently taking place in museums all over world), and the main communicational issues of the Venclova House-Museum were also identified. The study includes a semantic analysis of the museum’s performance on the Internet, a qualitative content analysis of discussions on Facebook, and semi-structured interviews with participants in the discussion.

‘Contact zones’ of heritage diplomacy: transformations of museums in the (post)pandemic reality

ABSTRACT Tracing transformations in the museum agency under the pressure of the pandemic crisis in 2020, the article conceptualizes museums as dynamic ‘contact zones’ of heritage diplomacy. It explores two foundational components of a contact zone, such as building a social space for a cross-cultural encounter, negotiation and debate as well as offering a platform to address transnational concerns on the heritage decolonization agenda. Drawing on desk research, document analysis and semi-structured interviews with museum professionals, it analyses the case studies of the livestreaming bilateral museum diplomacy and metaverse live heritage pandemic diplomacy, followed by a discussion on the processes of museums decolonization that started to unfold in response to the 2020 Black Lives Matter movement. The research argues that the impact of the digitalization pressures did not only affect the ways, forms, and structures of cross-cultural communications in museums, but also moved them a bit forward in their decolonization processes.