Peace Process Research Articles

Securing the peace or renegotiating the political settlement? Understanding popular support for post-conflict constitutions

ABSTRACT How do ordinary citizens view elite-driven, post-conflict constitutional reforms? Established theories emphasize the role of constitutional reform in both postwar democratization and preventing conflict resurgence. This article contends that emphasis on fostering political inclusion and settling conflicts resonates differently across post-conflict societies. Focusing on Nepal, this study draws on a survey implemented with over 1,000 respondents shortly after the ratification of the country’s constitution in 2015. The exploratory analysis shows that even when post-conflict constitutions grant greater rights to historically marginalized groups in absolute terms, they may still perceive that greater concessions would be possible; this makes such groups more likely to oppose the constitution and more likely to prefer extended negotiation periods. Conversely, Nepalis exposed to higher violence during the Maoist insurgency from 1996 to 2006 view the constitution as the conclusion of the peace process and are more supportive of the constitution and opposed to longer negotiation periods. The analysis further highlights that some excluded groups were less likely to learn about constitutional negotiations at all. We identify new pathways influencing the democratic legitimacy of post-conflict constitutions, offering insights for internal and external stakeholders involved in constitutional reform processes and their aftermath.

Ethio-Eritrean Relation: From Jubilant Liaison to Paroxysm Hostility Since 2018

For the past two decades, the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has posed political, economic and social security threats in the Horn of Africa. The seemingly unexpected resurgence of jovial contact between Eritrea and Ethiopia grabbed national, regional and international attention. It was Abiy who jumpstarted the peace process in June 2018. Unfortunately, their relationship gradually deteriorated from a cheerful amorousness to a vicious enmity. Thus, Ethiopia and Eritrea have both shown the ability and readiness to utilise proxy armies against one another. However, the literature on Ethiopia–Eritrea relations now avoids the topic of how peace and security might be restored. Therefore, the primary goal of this article has been to discuss and analyse the development of the Ethio-Eritrean relationship since 2018, from jubilant liaison to paroxysm hostility. To record and analyse this exciting issue, the article would be limited to primary sources such as letters, reports, journals, interviews, live streaming media and published secondary texts that this writer has access to.

Research on Refugee Governance from the Perspective of International Law -- Taking the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict as an Example

The problem of refugee protection has existed in the international community for a long time, which is almost unavoidable for every member of the international community for its close relationship to national politics, economy, law, national security, diplomacy and so on. This paper mainly focuses on the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict to discuss the main sources of refugees and their governance dilemmas as well as attaches great importance to the protection and governance of refugees' rights and the possible improvement of international cooperation mechanisms. Responding to the refugee crisis requires greater cooperation at the regional and global levels. Finally, this paper puts forward some relevant thoughts. For example, advocating the creation of an independent Pakistan is the most effective approach. It is also important to promote peace processes such as negotiations and reconciliation, and to actively engage in international cooperation at the world level, with appropriate assistance from both States and international organizations. Hopefully, these measures can contribute to the international refugee problem through this own research.

Firms and Peacemaking: The Role of Private Firms in Civil War Negotiations

Over the last 20 years, scholars have closely examined the political and social conditions that promote peaceful conflict resolution and those that exacerbate violence. Accordingly, there is much greater understanding of violence and peace processes. Mostly lacking from this scholarship, however, is a role for private firms. International firms are often present in societies prone to conflict. Recent research suggests firms can play an important role in conflict prevention and resolution, and business scholars suggest these actors can reduce tensions in conflict zones. Yet, little is known about how multinational corporations impact conflict resolution dynamics. This project explores how the private sector affects conflict. Using new data, the authors show the effects of an active private sector on the occurrence and outcomes of civil war negotiations. The findings show that corporate calls for peace are effective at encouraging states and rebels in democracies to negotiate, but only increase the likelihood of reaching a peace agreement in nondemocracies.

Learning from Civil Society Actors in Turkey: Using Transitional Justice in an Ongoing Conflict

ABSTRACT∞ This article examines the role of civil society in the implementation of transitional justice in Turkey’s ongoing Kurdish conflict, which is characterized by historical state violence and a lack of official transitional justice processes. Drawing on 24 interviews, the research reveals the evolution of civil society engagement from its peak during the 2013–2015 peace process to its decline under increasing authoritarianism. The research argues that, despite challenges, civil society retains the potential to drive incremental change in the absence of formal transitional justice mechanisms. However, the authoritarian regime has significantly curtailed its capacity, creating a limited civic space for transitional justice. The article highlights the need for stronger links between civil society in Turkey and international transitional justice scholarship. Such collaboration could empower activists, enabling them to overcome challenges and increase their effectiveness. Turkey offers a unique case for transitional justice scholars and practitioners to learn from civil society actors committed to pursuing justice.

Secrecy, Uncertainty, and Trust: The Gendered Nature of Back-Channel Peace Negotiations

Abstract Back-channel negotiations are commonplace in peace negotiations and can serve as crucial mechanisms for reaching agreements. While there has been a moderate increase in scholarship examining back-channel negotiations in the last two decades, none has explored the gendered nature of these spaces. This article analyzes how and why back-channel negotiations are highly gendered processes and why their gendered nature matters for sustainable peace. We begin with a review of the current literature on back-channel negotiations and discuss how and why they are critical mechanisms in peace negotiation and agreement processes. Next, we show how women’s inclusion in peace negotiations and agreement practices matters for sustainable peace. Thereafter, we discuss how secret negotiation spaces are infused with gendered power and masculine logics of war and peace. We argue that three key features of back-channel negotiations—secrecy, uncertainty, and limited trust—come together to create an echo chamber of hypermasculinity ideas, values, styles, and norms that prevent women from achieving descriptive and substantive representation inside fundamental secret negotiation spaces. This article adds to the developing literature on back-channel negotiations and helps us better understand how and why women and their interests are regularly excluded from peace processes despite the global prominence of the United Nations’ Women, Peace, and Security agenda.

Understanding Self-Government

Increasingly the go-to option for managing separatism, territorial autonomy provides special self-government for territorially concentrated minorities. Rather than an institution in its own right, autonomy is often studied as a form of decentralization and federalism or an endpoint in peace processes. To aid in conceptual development and demonstrate varied applications, this paper analyzes the varied forms and uses of territorial autonomy. The best-known forms are democratic and post-conflict. Less understood are indigenous, authoritarian, and ‘nested’ autonomies. These types of territorial autonomy are approach by distinct scholarly subfields and feature varied causes, institutions, effects, and defects.

Conducting Care-full Research: Collaborative Research amidst Corona, a Coup, and Other Crises

Abstract Feminists have long called attention to often profoundly uneven power relations in international relations research, assumptions regarding who is able to be a “knowledge producer,” and the risks of extractive research. In research “on” and with young people, these dilemmas are compounded by ageist suppositions about youth competencies. This paper reflects on efforts by the authors to design and undertake a youth-led, adult-supported research project on youth activism and peace processes in South Sudan, Afghanistan, and Myanmar through virtual interviews. It discusses how our approach to skills training, mentorship, and research design empowers youth researchers to engage in dialogue with youth peacebuilders to establish a more collaborative research agenda. Centering collaboration offers opportunities for more responsive engagement with communities traditionally marginalized within the research environment. The global pandemic has raised questions about research at a distance, the requirements of “participation,” and the ethics of reciprocity with research participants as knowledge producers. In each case, challenges raised difficult questions about the ethics of pursuing research in these complex contexts. We offer the idea of care-full research that centers a feminist, reflexive approach, is collaborative in multiple ways, and generates new possibilities for knowledge creation amidst multiple crises and beyond.

Post-traumatic stress, depression, and anxiety during the 2021 Myanmar conflict: a nationwide population-based survey

The UN warns that Myanmar faces the 'triple crises' of mass conflict, uncontrolled COVID-19, and economic collapse. Therefore, we aimed to assess the population mental health burden, healthcare needs, and the associated risk factors in Myanmar. We established a nationwide random sample and recruited 1038 adults via random digit dialling from July 3-Aug 9, 2021, during the ongoing conflict since Feb 1, 2021, and surge in SARS-CoV-2 infections. Probable post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was assessed using the PTSD Checklist-Civilian Version. Probable depression and anxiety were assessed using the Patient Health Questionnaire-2 and the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-2. We calculated population attributable fractions for probable mental disorders using multivariable logistic regression models. Based on the mental health burden and healthcare-seeking patterns, we projected the need for mental health services. During the 'triple crises', a third of adults in Myanmar (34.9%, 95% CI 32.0-37.7) reported a probable mental disorder. Prevalence of probable PTSD, depression, and anxiety were 8.1% (6.6-9.7), 14.3% (12.0-16.6), and 22.2% (19.7-24.7), respectively. We estimated that up to 79.9% (43.8-97.9) of probable PTSD was attributable to political stress. This corresponds to 2.1 million (1.1-3.2 million) fewer adults with probable PTSD if political stress was removed from the population. The mental health burden could translate into roughly 5.9 million adults seeking mental health services. The mental health burden in Myanmar is substantial, and population mental health might only be restored when the three crises have ended. An accelerated peace process is critical to protecting Myanmar's population mental health. This research was supported the Research Grants Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, China (Project No. HKU 17606122) and the Michele Tansella Award.

The territorial logic of an export-led growth strategy: Israel’s regime change after the Second Intifada

In recent decades, neo-mercantilism has become ubiquitous among small and large states. The conventional explanation for the appeal of an export-led growth regime has focused on the material interests of domestic growth coalitions. This article offers an alternative explanation for transition to export-led growth strategies, based on the geopolitical and territorial interests of states. It posits that states embrace a mercantilist export-led growth model because it aligns with their geopolitical objectives. The article demonstrates the geopolitical hypothesis based on the transition of Israel from a consumption-led to an export-led growth strategy after the end of the peace process and the outbreak of the Second Intifada in 2000.

Confronting recurring violence in the DRC and Mali: The concept of adaptive alignment of peace processes

ABSTRACT This article presents a critical analysis on the interrelated yet distinctive approaches of various peace processes, namely: peace mediation, peacekeeping and peacebuilding. The critique aims to broaden the understanding of the extent to which peace processes adapt to complex environments marked by cycles of violence, and the extent to which these adaptations align. This understanding is particularly critical given the complexities of current peace processes, which often involve overlapping interventions in persistently violent settings. To address this need, the article draws on the concept of adaptive alignment, which views peace processes as dynamic and interconnected systems that continuously adapt to the evolving nature of complex conflict-affected situations. Adaptive alignment focuses on maintaining peace through adaptability, offering a nuanced understanding of how peace initiatives collectively engage to mitigate violence and achieve sustainable peace. The concept is further illustrated through examination of the specific cases of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Mali.

Before Asking “What Happens Next?”: The Compatibility Between the Olympic Education Principles and The Objectives of Sport for Development and Peace

The United Nations Office on Sport for Development and Peace has been closed in 2017 and its mission has been conveyed to the International Olympic Committee. The aim of this article is therefore to explore whether the principles of Olympic Education, based on Olympism and the Olympic Movement, are compatible with the objectives of Sport for Development and Peace. Qualitative research method was used in this research. And phenomenological research design was adapted as an instructive method for collecting and analyzing data. In-depth, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 6 participants whom were selected through purposive sampling based on their expertise on the topics of the research question. The resulting data was compiled using descriptive analysis and classified using content analysis. According to 11 main themes and 2 sub-themes that have been deducted, it has been revealed that Olympic Education principles and Sport for Development and Peace objectives complement each other in terms of conceptual basis and practice. On the basis of the research findings, the following conclusions were drawn: The participants of the Sport for Development and Peace programmes need to take active roles in the process; the policy resolutions upon the research subjects need to be implemented fully and effectively; the stakeholders in the Olympic Education and Sport for Development and Peace processes need to be all in cooperation and coordination; the sustainability of the process needs to be maintained; the strategic partnership between the United Nations and the International Olympic Committee needs to be maintained on an equal footing.

Reaching a Successful Peace Process by Task-oriented Collaborations

Reaching a Successful Peace Process by Task-oriented Collaborations

Investigating the language of conflict and peace in critical discourse studies

ABSTRACT This introduction to a Special Issue of Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) – dedicated to showcasing scholarly research into the language of conflict and peace, describes the general conceptual character of language in conflict initiation as well as in peace process. It further examines the potentials of linguistic representation in the construction of social and political realities that have strong implications for conflicts not only at the interpersonal level but also have consequences in terms of national and global security. It argues that critical discourse analysis provides sufficient and interesting methodological resource for analyzing conflict and peace discourses. Then, it briefly summarizes the various topics covered in the Special Issue highlighting the approaches adopted by the authors. Drawing from different contexts and scenarios, the authors demonstrate how methods in linguistics and discourse studies are applied to analyzing conflict and peace processes. Hence, this introductory piece, shows how this Special Issue contributes to scholarly understanding of the roles of language within the context of conflict or peace, as well as illustrate in some interesting extent, how to research the language of conflict and peace in discourse studies.

When Civilizational Nationalism Meets Subnationalism: The Crisis in Manipur

The armed ethnic warfare that has been raging in Manipur since May of last year is unprecedented. It pits the state’s subnational majority Meiteis against Kukis—a subnational minority in the state. The ethnicization of law enforcement and the looting of arms from police stations by mobs have created a situation in the state that now resembles a civil war. There is ample evidence pointing to the fact that the state government bears the lion’s share of the responsibility for this violence. Proclaiming President’s Rule—dismissing the state government and assuming its functions—could have helped restore faith in the impartiality and integrity of state institutions. That New Delhi has chosen not to exercise this option provides important clues to what is at stake from the perspective of the ruling party and the Hindu nationalist establishment’s long-term political–ideological agenda. This political configuration has implications for the future of the Naga peace process.

Building Trust Through Care: A Feminist Take on Inclusion in Multi-Track Mediation

ABSTRACT Inclusion is seen as a ‘golden standard’ in conflict mediation, and multitrack peace processes as a tool to operationalize it. However, when non-official (Track Two and Three) actors do not have faith in the official (Track One) peace process, a critical tension emerges, undermining the underlying logic of multitrackness. This article examines this tension, applying a feminist lens to the peace processes in Georgia and Nagorno-Karabakh. It calls for a re-thinking of the hierarchical logic of a multitrack peace process, predominant in much of the literature and practice, and to (re-)centre practices of care, relationship and movement-building, and social reproduction.

The Role of Women in Peace-Building in South Sudan

The role of women in developing and improving the livelihoods of the various communities in the country is key to peace-building. They have great influence and responsibility as mothers who bring many people to a common understanding. Based on this responsibility, the government of South Sudan has recognized their contribution to the peace process and the development of South Sudan as a whole. Pre-peace-building is said to be a proactive process that requires identification of conflict incidences, analysis of conflict structure, actors with adaptation of necessary responses and management mechanism, which includes restoration of trust and confidence of the stakeholders involved in the conflict. It is the art of regaining relationships with the governmental institutions and social groups in the various communities, which helps to unite them to live peacefully in their country.Therefore, this paper examines the contribution of women to peace-building during the recent conflict in the country. The paper also investigates the approaches employed by women in peace-building, as well as the efforts and commitments to influence their participation. Previously, women were excluded from participating in leadership in the fields of educational opportunities. However, their contribution to peace-building or conflict resolution will empower them to play a part in leadership positions. The methods used in this paper are descriptive and analytical. However, the sources used to gather the data for this study are both primary and secondary.

Young people with LGB identity and their sense of belonging: Evidence from Northern Ireland – A society emerging from violent social conflict

In 2023 Northern Ireland celebrated the 25th anniversary of the Belfast Good Friday Agreement (GFA) which is regarded as a milestone of the Northern Ireland peace process. Via the 1998 Northern Ireland Act, the peace process saw equality and anti-discrimination legislation being implemented in Northern Ireland that legislates that public authorities must carry out their duties with due regard to equality of opportunity, including between persons of different sexual orientations and gender identities. Using time series data from 2013 to 2023 taken from the annual Young Life and Times (YLT) survey conducted among a randomized sample of 16-year olds in Northern Ireland (N = 15,162), this article explores the extent to which same-sex attracted young women and men express a sense of belonging to, and influence in, their local neighborhoods and Northern Ireland. We argue that the sense of belonging and influence can be used as suitable policy indicators to assess how same-sex attracted young people fare in Northern Ireland, a society emerging from significant violent conflict. The YLT dataset allows us to track, if any change in attitudes can be detected over the last decade. Our analysis shows that there was an increase in the proportion of young people, especially among young women, expressing same-sex attraction. However, our study also indicates that, regardless of gender, LGB 16-year olds consistently felt a lesser sense of belonging and influence than their non-LGB individuals. We found no LGB-specific differences among respondents with different religious affiliations. LGB respondents disproportionately rejected both Protestant and Catholic faiths and community affiliations, unlike their non-LGB counterparts. Our findings are a strong indicator that religion still plays a major part in the relationship between ethno-national communities in Northern Ireland and that there still is a long way to go until LGB young people feel valued and feel that they belong.

Resolving Secessionist Wars in the Horn of Africa: A Call for a Critical Discourse

ABSTRACT This article examines how superpower mediation affects the negotiations, and the resolution, of secessionist wars. The negative role of superpower leverage in mediation, it’s argued, is neglected, and depoliticized in the literature which, consequently, legitimizes foreign intervention and exploitation and perpetuates the imposition of ready-made resolutions. Fostering an indigenous end to secessionist wars by promoting subaltern ontologies and epistemologies in order to challenge the theoretical disposition of superpower hegemony in mediation theory, will, positively, strengthen local ownership of peace processes and foster consensus on indigenous resolutions. Superpower intervention in Sudan’s 2005 peace agreement validates the main arguments of the article.

Between Peace and Conflict: The Middle East After the Abraham Accords

In 2020, four Arab states - Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Sudan and Morocco - took their first steps toward normalizing relations with Israel with the active US support. This research is an attempt to identify the main incentives which made the Arab states act the way they did, as well as to analyze the situation of the Palestinians amidst the strengthening of relations between Israel and the Arab world. The author also examines how the conflict between Israel and Hamas, which began on October 7, 2023, has affected the established diplomatic, economic, and military ties between the Jewish state and the Arab countries which signed the Abraham Accords. The study concludes that one of the main incentives for Arab states to normalize relations with Israel is the desire to deepen military and technical cooperation with the U.S. At the same time, it would be far-fetched to consider the normalization of relations between the four states and Israel as a step toward regional stabilization, given the reaction of the Palestinians and other Middle Eastern states to the agreements embraced. The reaction reflects the failure to find a common approach to the Middle East peace process as well as the fact that there is no region-widely shared view on shaping a new regional architecture. In this context, it is worth highlighting the situation of the Palestinians, for whom these agreements were a stab in the back and created unfavorable conditions for the establishment of a full-fledged state of Palestine. The study also emphasizes that the future of the “Abraham Accords” and the possibility of their expansion will depend on the development of the conflict between Israel and Hamas, as well as on the readiness of the parties to reach a long-term peaceful settlement. The continuation of the conflict in Gaza would seriously undermine Israel’s image in the Arab world and would certainly undermine the fundamental principles of the Abraham Accords, which would diminish the importance of these agreements. This study offers a valuable perspective on the complex and dynamic relationships in the Middle East region and contributes to understanding the motives and consequences of recent geopolitical changes.