Principles Of Peaceful Coexistence Research Articles

The People’s Republic of China and the Development of Contemporary International Law: Review and Prospects

The development of Chinese international jurisprudence over the past 70 years can be divided into three stages: fledging; recovery and development; and flourishing. During the period, Chinese international lawyers have made great contributions to the development of international law through, inter alia, the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence, recognition and succession, the peaceful settlement of international disputes, the Belt and Road Initiative, the Shared Future for Mankind, and so forth. However, participation in international legislation and international judicial activities needs to be further improved, because the theoretical ground for China’s foreign policy and diplomatic practice is still insufficient and academic works with global influence are not enough yet. The development of Chinese international law follows such trends: more valuable interpretation and application of international law; the theoretical innovation of international law; and the improvement of China’s discourse power. These are important missions for Chinese international lawyers.

China in the Middle East: an Analysis from a Theoretical Perspective of “Path Dependence”

There is an ongoing debate about whether China’s growing economic presence in the Middle East will eventually make it more politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs. This paper demonstrates, from a theoretical perspective of “path dependence,” that China’s promotion of the “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence” since the 1950s as the guiding doctrine of its foreign relations has forged a “path” for China to follow, along which it has made and repeated promises against interventionism and imperialism to other countries including the Middle Eastern ones. It, in turn, has created a situation where moving away from that “path against interventionism and imperialism” will cause huge damage to China’s reputation as a reliable non-interventionist partner to the Middle Eastern countries, and the “Global South” in general. As a result, China has refrained, and will arguably continue to refrain, from being too politically assertive on the Middle Eastern affairs.

Compradors, Neo-colonialism, and Transnational Class Struggle: PRC relations with Algeria and India, 1953–1965

AbstractThis study of China's relations with Algeria and India shows that the Mao-era emphasis on the transnational function of class made it fundamentally sceptical of the privileged status of the nation-state and transformed Beijing's posture towards the Third World in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Beijing's sense of a growing matrix of transnational class forces damaged relations with India, a key Third World moderate, and spurred closer ties with non-state, revolutionary movements like the Algerian Front Libération Nationale (FLN). Thus Beijing retreated from the post-Korean War phase of moderate diplomacy during which it had eschewed support for revolution abroad under the rhetoric of the ‘Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence’. This article relates Beijing's class analysis of the growing challenges in its relations with India to the arc of interactions between the communist Chinese, the FLN revolutionaries, and the newly post-colonial Algeria. It demonstrates that because of Beijing's understanding of how the domestic class category ‘comprador’ facilitated ‘neo-colonialism’ (an emerging Third World concept), China's anti-imperialism must be understood through its perception of the transnational function of class forces. This understanding of the post-colonial dilemma—how far to maintain or sever ties with the West, which grew partly from Chinese perceptions of Indian politics—explains the curious difficulty that Beijing faced in maintaining cooperative relations with many newly independent nations like Algeria. The emphasis on transnational class struggle also provides an interpretation of Beijing's foreign policy which is intimately linked to domestic politics and affirms the contribution of ideology to the Sino-Soviet split.

Shared Security: A Chinese Perspective of Non-Traditional Security

Common threat and co-morbid realization have diverted the attention of humans toward non-traditional security studies. The real essence of non-traditional security (NTS) is called ‘shared security’. It is not only extension and transformation of security, but it also gives innovation to discourse of NTS studies. The object of shared security is to solve conflicts of human society in general and in diverse conflicts under the Chinese values and contribution in security and diplomacy in particular. Chinese concepts, such as ‘bao he tai he’ (great harmony are preserve in union), ‘wan guoxianning’ (states all enjoy response), ‘he erbu tong’ (harmony but not sameness), and ‘tianxia da tong’ (unity of the world) all embody rich intellectual resources and the growing discourse on ‘shared security’. The Chinese ‘Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence’ are the symbol of peace and harmony while the origin of share security provided an important ideological and unique value of the cooperation. The contribution of Chinese scholars and the new concepts like new world, common security, human security and global governance have provided the creative possibilities for sharing security argument. This study attempts to link NTS to common threats and develop shared security within Chinese characteristics.

The Communication Imperative in Resolving Communal Clashes in Ebonyi State, Nigeria

The media as the fourth estate of the realm is susceptible to manipulation; regardless of place and time. This is partly why media-conflict study is gaining currency, globally. The communication imperative in resolving communal clashes in Ebonyi State is now of concern to both peace and conflict scholars and public policy makers. The kind of information the media disseminate is critical to sustaining peace and harmony in the society. It is on this note that we examined the role of the communication imperative in resolving communal clashes in Ebonyi State. To what extent has the mainstream media shunned the principle of ‘who pays the piper dictates the tune’; a tendency that promotes and escalates conflict or communal clashes in the society, and concentrates on the issues fueling the conflict in order to get the government to respond to the grievances of the people before it degenerates into conflict? Using desk research, the paper argues that the communication imperative is vital in promoting peace and resolving communal clashes by embracing the principle of peaceful coexistence as against the policy of disseminating only the kind of information those who pay their wages want them to. The latter often tends to instigate and escalate conflicts, as empirical evidence has demonstrated in other parts of Nigeria and other flash-points across the globe. Key words : Communal clashes, communication imperative, media-conflict study, flash-points DOI : 10.7176/PPAR/9-6-12 Publication date :June 30 th 2019

Language of conciliation: A reading of Joseph O’ Neill’s Netherland

The present paper analyzes Joseph O’Neill’s
 Netherland as a narrative of conciliatory engagement with the Other despite the
 presence of an Orientalist discourse in the post- September 11 world. This
 novel depicts a Western society disoriented by the anxiety generated by the
 intensified phenomenon of terrorism after September 11. Mostly Western
 characters find themselves anxious, fearful and discomforted due to the
 ubiquitous presence of individual and collective anxiety. The manifest intent
 in the novel is to bring these characters out from their pre-September 11
 spaces of comfort into a post-September 11 world of discomfort in order to
 confront, engage and reconcile with people, events and phenomenon that have
 contributed to those discomforts. These undertakings force the characters to
 explore a whole plethora of strategies, some escapist and irrational, others
 more meaningful and productive. Like the conflict between the self and the other,
 and the West and Islam in most September 11 novels, Netherland too recognizes
 those differences. However, the distinct approach here is not to avoid, ignore
 or escape from those differences, but to look for a middle ground based on the
 principles of peaceful co-existence, mutual understanding, conciliation,
 forgiveness, humanism, tolerance and multiculturalism. The other is accorded
 recognition in an international and cosmopolitan space of less divisiveness as
 the new discourse discourages the binary divisions of nations, ethnicities,
 cultures and religions. 

Playing Cards of Myanmar with the Giants

Myanmar’s strategic location and abundant natural resources always make Myanmar as the core interests of some powerful countries. Since independence, because of historical experiences and national location, Myanmar has always used the neutral and non- aligned foreign policy and followed the five principles of peaceful coexistence. After the world economic crisis in 2008, the importance of Myanmar's strategic position is more obvious. At that time, because of China's influence, Myanmar tried to carry out the political transformation. During this transition period, Myanmar needs support and encouragement from far and near friends. From 2011, western countries and Japan began to contact with Myanmar and helped the democratic transition. Although there is no country challenges Myanmar's sovereignty, the giants have great effects on Myanmar domestic issues, e.g., national reconciliation and terrorist conflicts. So, Myanmar needs to balance national interests and giant powers. Although small countries constitute as a majority of the world, the foreign policy of small states has never been a concern of mainstream of international relations theory. Therefore, this article will describe along with the shift of the world power center, the relationship between Myanmar and China, India, Japan, the United States and the European Union, and then pointing out which policy can find Myanmar’s own balance among the giants?

AN ANALYSIS OF SINO-INDIAN RELATIONS: MODUS OPERANDI OR MODUS VIVENDI

China and India celebrated their embryonic relations with a documented modus vivendi i.e. “The Panchsheel Agreement”. This concord highlighted five principles of peaceful coexistence between India and China. The Tibet region was the nucleus of this agreement. Nevertheless, after four years of its celebration, eyebrows raised from both sides in 1959 when China started its unification process and India welcomed the Dalai Lama, a separatist leader of the Tibetan region. This caused bitterness between India and China and both the states reversed to their retrospective modus operandi, which later on graduated into a full-fledged war between the two countries in 1962. Despite their limited modus vivendi in the 21st century, both the states tend more towards their intrinsic modus operandi. This analytical study is discussing the Sino-Indian relations through the lenses of Modus vivendi and Modus operandi and its implication for Pakistan.

Rizaitdin Fakhretdin’s spiritual experience in the development of the ideas of enlightening the peoples of the Volga and the Urals at the turn of the 19th-20th centuries: a historical and philosophical analysis

This article attempts to analyze the educational views of an outstanding scholar-theologian of 19th-20th century, Rizaitdin Fakhretdin, whose fate and activities reflected the vicissitudes of the complex historical era of the changes in pre-revolutionary Russia and the hard years of the establishment of Soviet power in the regions of the Volga and the Urals. The spiritual dominant, as a factor of Enlightenment, forms the basis of the evolutionary development of the society. In the conditions of the development of modern Russia and the urgent need to develop the principles of peaceful coexistence of peoples and concessions, the philosophical study of the national and cultural heritage, spiritual experience, the values and traditions of generations, the place and role of ethnonational communities, the destinies of its ideological enlighteners in the spiritual life of modern Russia is of the highest importance. The article also focuses on the development of the spirituality of human being and the degree of enlightenment of the society, which are the foundation of the unity, stability, strength, and greatness of society and the state. The choice of the topic is dictated by both theoretical interest and practical needs. The contemporaru image of multinational Russia requires a serious historical and philosophical analysis of its social development. The heterogeneous immune nature of the Russian civilization facilitates the assimilation of spiritual and practical experience in the conditions of the coexistence of different peoples. The use of unique socio-historical knowledge stimulates the widening of the capacity of every social, confessional, national community to be involved in the strengthening of Russian unity.

ОСНОВИ І ЦІННОСТІ ІНДІЙСЬКОЇ ЦИВІЛІЗАЦІЇ ВІД СТАРОДАВНІХ ЧАСІВ ДО СУЧАСНОСТІ

One of the world’s oldest civilizations India is an unique one, with uninterrupted tradition for centuries. It has given birth to four religions – Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism, which are known mainly due to the principles of peaceful coexistence and non-violence. Geography, history, ethnic and linguistic variety and social structure, together with religious principles shaped this amazing civilizational pluralism, which required tolerance. Exactly these values will shape the conduct of the Republic of India after independence, both in internal and external affairs. Author deals with this continuity of civilizational values and also examines the challenges to this extremely traditional civilization in contemporary Indian development.

A China e as novas rotas da seda e o desenvolvimento pacífico: Reflexões sobre hegemonia e o papel da China no contexto internacional

A iniciativa conhecida como “Cinturão e Rota”, proposta pela China em 2013, é um ousado projeto econômico e geopolítico com o propósito de ampliar e fortalecer a cooperação regional no contexto eurasiático e nas bacias dos Oceanos Pacífico e Índico. O projeto possui dois braços: terrestre e marítimo, respectivamente o cinturão econômico da Rota da Seda e a Rota da Seda Marítima no século XXI. Esta Iniciativa oferece uma oportunidade para se analisar o contexto da política externa chinesa e as estratégias estabelecidas para atingir seus objetivos de longo prazo, como o seu “desenvolvimento pacífico”, a criação de uma ordem mundial multipolar e a reafirmação dos “Cinco Princípios da Coexistência Pacífica”, meios com os quais busca construir um novo modelo de relacionamento entre grandes potências que ajude a superar uma suposta inevitabilidade da “Armadilha de Tucídides”. Para tanto, este artigo está dividido em três partes, além da Introdução e das Considerações Finais. Em primeiro lugar buscaremos levantar elementos sobre os fundamentos históricos que embasam a formulação atual da política externa da China. Na segunda seção, discutiremos a evolução da política externa chinesa por meio da análise dos documentos e declarações de seus líderes desde 1978, quando se inicia o processo de “Reforma e Abertura”. Por fim, iremos analisar a Iniciativa “Cinturão e Rota” como um exemplo de como na prática a China busca criar os meios para reafirmar as suas intenções pacifistas e inclusivas num contexto geopolítico bastante conturbado.
 Palavras-Chave: China; hegemonia; Armadilha de Tucídides; Iniciativa Cinturão e Rota
 
 

CHINA’S ONE BELT, ONE ROAD AND ENERGY SECURITY INITIATIVES: A PLAN TO CONQUER THE WORLD?

In less than 50 years China has grown from a poor country to a global power. Export of goods to the developed markets of the West and the insistence on the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence have elevated China to the second largest economy in the world. China's development plans function on a basis of a two-way road and the principle behind it is pretty straightforward, energy import and goods export. The scale of diplomatic efforts to strengthen China's relationships with Asian, African and European countries brings astounding results almost on a daily basis. The Chinese mobile providers in Africa had 475 million users in 2013 and the total trade between China and Africa from rose to US$198.49 billion by 2012. Chinese success stories are not too different in Asia and Europe, where they invest billions of dollars in various infrastructure projects. In March 2016, China came up with its most ambitious project, outlining a $50 trillion plan to create a world electricity network that heavily incorporates wind energy from the Arctic and solar energy from the Equator regions. As the report states, the project could come on line by 2050, but the State Grid wants to begin pilot projects within the next 10 years. This paper analyzes the complexity and multidimensionality of the Chinese plans within and outside the scope of the One Belt, One Road initiative and makes an attempt at predicting one of the possible outcomes of the Chinese plans.

Soviet International Law: Between Slogans and Practice

This article is devoted to an analysis of the Soviet doctrines of foreign policy, international law and relations. It is claimed that Soviet international law was based on two conflicting ideas – the idea of universal peace and the idea of world revolution. These ideas were reflected in two conflicting principles of Soviet international law – the principle of peaceful coexistence and the principle of socialist internationalism. Throughout its history the ussr was balancing between these ideas and principles depending on its internal and external interests and the current political situation, moving its foreign policy from the first principle to the second one, and vice versa. The article divides the history of Soviet foreign policy into five major stages – the foreign policy of Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev and Gorbachev – to analyse each of these stages in turn.

"LETTER TO THE KING" BY JULES DESTRY: FROM SEPARATISM TO UNITARISM IN BELGIUM

Contradictions between the regions of Belgium - Wallonia and Flanders - have a long history associated with uneven political, economic and cultural development of the territories, which in 1830 became parts of an independent state, the Kingdom of Belgium. The "Letter to the King", written by eminent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936 gg.), is one of the most interesting sources on the history of Belgium of this period, It became a kind of manifesto of balance between the ideas of separatism and unitarianism. This article includes excerpts from the "Letter to the King", which were given for the first time in the author's Russian translation and conducted historical criticism of the source. The study is based on a set of scientific methods and approaches, including the principle of scientific objectivity and systematic approach, used in historical research. The main methods are problematic and historical-comparative analysis, classification and comparison of political and historical concepts. An external source of criticism included information about the place and the time of the creation of document, the biography of the author studies; internal critic source recreates the idea of the letter and the background of historical events. Prominent Belgian politician and writer, socialist Jules Destree (1863 - 1936), highly appreciated the personal qualities of King Albert I, appealed to his experience and political vision, describing all the problems Walloons faced in their opposition to the Flemish. Destree in his letter opposed the unequal development of the regions of Belgium and the protectionist policies of the central government in respect to the detriment of Flanders Wallonia. He summarized and formulated the factors that, in his opinion, interfere with the full development of his country. Destree pays great attention to linguistic differences, which were at the heart of conflicts between Walloons and Flemings, and are still shaken by Belgium. He reflects on the fact that the central government should be doing to reduce the national tensions that unites two people, and that the shares, which should be a system of education that future generations were able to overcome the historical alienation of such geographically close and ideologically distant peoples. Although Jules Destree firmly defends separatism idea for Wallonia as the only solution to the problem, however, by the end of his letter, reasoning it takes a more balanced position. The idea of a unitary state was not denied completely, but Destree emphasizes the importance of a balanced central government policy in relation to the regions in order to reduce internal tensions between the two nations. The ideas embodied in his "Letter to the King", formed the basis of the principles of peaceful co-existence of further autonomous regions as part of the union, which was manifested in the future during the First World War, when the Walloons and Flemings alongside confronted a common enemy.

THE GERMANS IN SOUTHERN RUSSIA: PERCEPTION AND TRUST

In the present article attempt, to show how the process of formation of relations between the Cossacks, who moved by the Decree of Catherine II in the southern regions of Russia and arrived in the same region representatives of other peoples in the specific case of the Germans, bound also previously adopted by the Decree of the Queen (1762), as an invited foreigners to Russia. Part of Germans has settled in the black sea (Kuban) Cossack troops, arriving from Central Russia and the Volga area. Undoubtedly, in process of settlement were established and relations between the Cossacks and the Germans, allowed for the sharing of experience of farming, cultivation techniques, culture. Contacts developed in terms of relationships that is demonstrated in the confidence and of the perception of the Cossacks and became the Russian Germans. Cossacks married girls from the German colonies. Of course, not without contradictions, frustration, but overall remained prevalent in a relationship consensus. Cossacks with respect and understanding belonged to the Germans expressed an interest in the field of culture the Germans, especially the training of children, youth education, consumer culture. Noteworthy is the fact that the Cossacks and the Germans showed together attention to the construction of roads, improvement of transport communications. All this was caused by a complex landscape of the region of inhabitance and of the Cossacks, and Germans, often the spills happen in Kuban river. Of course, the Germans welcomed the peaceful nature of the relations. The relationship has been continuously improved and filled with new content. The leaders of the German community of Michaelsberg adopt this policy. The head of the community, the Ruhr has always been a supporter of the principle of peaceful coexistence with neighbors and respect for the initiatives of the Cossacks on the arrangement of habitat, speaking at the same time for the trust between the community and the Cossack villages. In General the article reflects the existing trend in the study of such categories as perception of spiritual values and concepts people of the past era important for the further development of any of the Plurinational state, including such as Russia.

The main directions of international cooperation within ASEAN

The main directions of international cooperation within ASEAN

Muslim, trader, nomad, spy: China's Cold War and the people of the Tibetan borderlands. By Sulmaan Wasif Khan

In Muslim, trader, nomad, spy, Sulmaan Wasif Khan gives an account of how events in Tibet from the 1950s to the early 1960s informed not just important elements of Chinese foreign policy, but also wider relations among Third World states in an era of post-colonial statebuilding. As bottom-up history, it is a delightful corrective to reductionist accounts of international relations which focus on state capitals—there are not many analyses of diplomatic history which start from the subnational level. It also sheds light on developments in Tibet during a crucial period for the region. Khan argues that in the 1950s, ‘the Chinese state was weak in the Tibetan borderlands; that addressing that weakness caused the PRC to change from empire-lite to a harder imperial formation; and that the transition brought about a shift in Chinese foreign policy during the Cold War’ (pp. 4–5). The shifts in Chinese foreign policy have had long-lasting consequences. Khan shows how the ‘five principles of peaceful coexistence’ of 1954 (namely mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty; mutual non-aggression; non-interference in others' internal affairs; equality and mutual benefit; and peaceful coexistence), which remain a central part of Chinese diplomatic rhetoric, emerged from interactions with India over managing trade in the Tibetan borderlands. Because events in those geo-strategically important borderlands contributed to the breakdown in Sino-Indian relations and the conflict between the two countries in 1962, China's Tibetan frontiers would not just play a role in relations between these two Asian powers, but affect the prospects for Third World solidarity for the rest of the Cold War.

Regime Change, the Security Council and China: Table 1

China’s stance on its Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence is diametrically opposed to its evolving attitude within the Security Council in a number of dossiers where it has lent its support either tacitly or affirmatively to resolutions adopted that endorsed, facilitated, reversed and prevented regime change since the end of the Cold War. Rather than measuring such developments from a conflictual perspective, China’s increasing contribution in the international legal and political order, with a view to promoting a so-called harmonious world,may be seen in light of the international law of co-progressiveness and theory of relationality and relational governance respectively espoused by two Chinese international law and relations scholars Sienho Yee and Yaqing Qin.

China's Foreign Policy Shift in Africa: From Non-Interference to Preponderance

ABSTRACTThe penetration of Beijing into the African continent is radically changing the economic landscape of the region. The non-interference policy states that China does not meddle in the internal affairs of other nations and this is a core part of the five principles of peaceful coexistence; others include mutual respect for a nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, equality based on mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence. Furthermore, there has been no corresponding change in Beijing's foreign policy in terms of ambitions, alliances and interests. The Asian power is following the same foreign policy it has pursued since 1954: a policy of non-interference. The article argues that the non-interference policy has outlived its usefulness; Beijing needs to revisit this policy of non-interference in order to guard its economic investments and political interests, which have grown and come under threat recently. The research concludes that the policy of non-interference can be replaced by ‘preponderance’.

The ‘Tianxia Trope’: will China change the international system?

The tianxia trope has been advanced as an organizing principle for post-Cold War international relations encompassing the rise of the People's Republic of China. The tianxia system is defined as a Sino-centric hierarchical relationship among unequals, governed according to Confucian principles of benevolence. As traditionally practiced, it incorporated an important role for the observance of ritual, including the presentation of tribute to the emperor as Son of Heaven, purportedly resulting in a Pax Sinica. Its supporters believe that, if adopted in today's world, tianxia would constitute a great improvement over the anarchic Westphalian system of theoretically equal states who possess sovereignty, i.e. inviolability within their own borders. Because they answer to no superior authority, the Westphalian system is by its very nature conducive to discord and war. This article will argue that both the tianxia and Westphalian systems have serious flaws and were rarely practiced as either their proponents or detractors argue. However, even states whose domestic autonomy is compromised by internal dissent and whose weaknesses prevent their playing an influential role internationally have vested interests in maintaining adherence to the Westphalian system, if only as a bargaining position. The PRC government itself has accepted the principles inherent therein through such actions as joining the United Nations and becoming a signatory of the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence. It zealously defends its sovereign prerogatives when useful, even as it makes efforts to educate the world on the virtues of a Confucian Great Harmony, and its supporters advocate following a somewhat nebulously defined Chinese model. In the absence of compelling incentives for major players in the current international system to adopt the tianxia system, Westphalian sovereignty appears likely to remain the organizing principle of international relations for the foreseeable future, its serious deficiencies notwithstanding. To paraphrase Winston Churchill's remarks on democracy, it may be the worst form of government except for all the others.