Principles Of Nonviolence Research Articles

Current Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi's Political Views

The research paper is current relevance of Mahatma Gandhi political views on the overall world impact on his political thought. For Gandhi ji morality and religion are two faces of the same coin from which neither of them can be separated. According to him, religion is to morality what watch is to seed that is sown in the soil. Thus morality and religion would go together Neither morality precedes religion nor religion precedes morality. They are intertwined and interdependent on each other. Morality emphasizes the relation of the individual to society and religion emphasizes the relation of individual to God. Gandhiji advocated that religion % and morality would pervade the whole of human life. He did not perceive religion as something more than morality. Morality is a way of life. Without it, we cannot respect and accept the rights of others. Gandhiji strictly followed morality in all his actions and performances. He tried to confine the national independent movement to the strict principle of Non-violence. It is the core of morality. And moreover, Gandhiji tried to moralize all religions and thereby to avoid hatred, fanaticism, and religious orthodoxy.

The Making of Indian Diplomacy: A Critique of Eurocentrism by Deep K. Datta-Ray

Reviewed by: The Making of Indian Diplomacy: A Critique of Eurocentrism by Deep K. Datta-Ray Ananta Kumar Giri (bio) The Making of Indian Diplomacy: A Critique of Eurocentrism. By Deep K. Datta-Ray. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. ISBN 978-0-19-020667-3. In this book, Deep K. Datta-Ray strives to explore some of the deep foundations of Indian diplomacy with and beyond the discourse of modernity, especially its preoccupation with power, control, and violence. [End Page 1020] Datta-Ray argues that modern diplomacy is rooted in a model of violence and control, and Indian diplomacy is striving to move beyond this. Indian diplomacy draws inspiration from the civilizational ethos of and preoccupation of India with dharma, right conduct, and a non-violent way of being with the world. For Datta-Ray, the Indian approach to diplomacy, as it draws from the civilizational steams of the Ramayana and Mahabharata as well as Indo-Mughal experiments in creative diplomacy and Gandhian and Nehruvian approaches, is that "politics may be possible without violence" (p. 3). Datta-Ray shows how Indian diplomacy avoids an either-or approach. He discusses at great length the civil Indo-U.S. nuclear agreement in which India negotiated with the United States in a subtle manner. While negotiating with and acceding to the United States, Indian diplomats and negotiators stuck to India's right to do further tests without violating the terms of agreement. India also did not have to choose between the United States and Iran and creatively negotiated with both. Datta-Ray studies the making of Indian diplomacy by speaking with some of the practicing diplomats as well as some of the key makers of Indian foreign policy such as Shiv Shankar Menon and K. Natwar Singh. Menon argues that we need to "develop our own strategic concepts and vocabulary" (p. 86). Menon emphasizes the need for both credibility and empathy, especially empathizing with the problems and the predicament of one's adversary. For Datta-Ray, this approach is different from the anarchical binarism of modernity. Menon suggests that he draws this from the dharma-centric approach of Mahabharata, Ramayana, and Gandhian experiment with this. Datta-Ray adopts a hermeneutic approach to understanding the making of Indian diplomacy, which "[…] maintains the possibility of Indian diplomacy being not the 'indigenization of modernity', but maintained by a metaphysic external to modernity" (p. 23). Datta-Ray writes the following about Menon: "Menon's virtues were drawn from Mahabharat (Mb)." Mahabharat is an aspect of Indian cultural identity. About Gandhi he writes: "At least three centuries of modern thought from Hobbes onwards—and a much longer intellectual tradition—were short-circuited by Gandhi's innovations within a tradition of dharma." Datta-Ray argues that in offering military resistance to aggression on Kashmir by Pakistan-supported Pathan forces, India did not deviate from the principle of dharma and non-violence. Gandhi also supported this military response. For Datta-Ray by doing so Gandhi did not deviate from the principle of non-violence. As he writes: "Kashmir demonstrated that it was possible for the state to perform Gandhian policy" (p. 223). But Datta-Ray is writing his book in 2015 and he should have looked into the violence in which Indian security forces are involved in Kashmir. Datta-Ray also argues how Nehru continued the Gandhian approach to foreign policy and international diplomacy. The Non-Aligned Movement [End Page 1021] that Nehru co-created with Nasser of Egypt and Tito of former Yugoslavia was a continuation of Gandhian policy. This is synchronized with his friendly policy of Panchasheel with China. But, as Datta-Ray writes, "[… ] the China war sensitized Nehru about the cost of applying principled Gandhism in the international [realm]" (p. 238). Despite this, Nehru did not cross the "laxman rekha in terms of weaponization" (p. 239). Nehru did not want to build nuclear weapons and wanted to use nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. This was an aspect of his commitment to the Gandhian way of being with self and the world. Despite their differences, for Datta-Ray, Nehru followed Gandhian principles in his politics and policy. Datta-Ray strives to understand the making of Indian foreign policy...

Membangun Kembali Nilai-Nilai Dasar Keislaman sebagai Resolusi Konflik Ahmadiyah: Diskursus Hak Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan

Justice, tolerance, and mutual forgiveness is the fundamental values of Islam. The principle must be understood and imitated and realized in social attitudes. But in fact, the principle of nonviolence and peace in Islam was limited to the principle of not integral to the individual Muslim. This has often resulted in various conflicts in society. This paper focuses existence of Ahmadiyah conflict. Ahmadiyah position as a minority group should get protection from the state. The State must ensure and protect the rights of religious freedom which is owned by Ahmadiyah. So with the protection provided by the state, the new state acts can be said to be in accordance with the constitutional mandate

Creating the Nonviolent Peace Force

Creating the Nonviolent Peace Force

ТОЛЕРАНТНІСТЬ ЯК ВАЖЛИВА СКЛАДОВА ЧАСТИНА ПРИНЦИПУ НЕНАСИЛЛЯ

У статті розглянуто особливості формування поняття «толерантність» і визначено, що зазначений термін запозиченийіз фармакології та з латинської перекладається як «здатністьпереносити», «терплячість». Також визначено основні принципи толерантності, серед яких толерантність постає як байдужість, неможливість взаєморозуміння, поблажливість і якрозширення власного досвіду та критичний діалог.Підкреслено відмінність поняття «толерантність» відпоняття «терпимість» і встановлено, що терпимість пов’язана, насамперед, із психологічними відчуттями й терпіннямлюдини (морально-етичний аспект), а толерантність, крімцього, характеризує ще й соціальний рівень взаємин міжлюдьми, їх рівноправ’я і визнана один одним поведінка, незалежно від їхніх фізичних, психологічних, етнічних та іншихвідмінностей (морально-правовий аспект).Також з’ясовано зв’язок сучасного поняття толерантності із класичним принципом ненасилля і визначено, що обидва терміни передбачають відмову від монополії на істину,любов до людей, прагнення зрозуміти та морально прийнятиіншого, необхідність відмови від агресії, прийняття іншогоспособу мислення, поведінки й організації діалога у спілкуванні різних людей і груп. The article defines the features of the concept of “tolerance”,and it is determined that this term is borrowed from pharmacology and from Latin translates as “ability to endure”, “patience”.The basic principles of tolerance are also defined, among whichtolerance is indifference, as the impossibility of mutual understanding, as indulgence and as an extension of one’s own experience and critical dialogue.The distinction between “tolerance” and “patience” is emphasized, and it is established that tolerance is primarily due to psychological sensations and patience of a person (moral and ethicalaspect), and tolerance, in addition, characterizes also the sociallevel of relationships between people, their equality and recognized each other's behavior, regardless of their physical, psychological, ethnic and other differences (moral and legal aspect).Also, the connection between the modern concept of tolerance and the classical principle of nonviolence has beenclarified and it is determined that both terms provide for therenunciation of the monopoly of truth, love for people, thedesire to understand and morally accept the other, the needto renounce aggression, adopt a different way of thinking,conduct and organize dialogue in communication differentpeople and groups.

Be the Change You Want to See

Although principles of nonviolence have been applied in sociopolitical arenas, they can also be helpful in understanding intimate partner relationships. This is because couples who handle conflict in a constructive way are often using techniques and ideas congruent with nonviolent philosophies. Relationships that handle conflict by becoming aggressive could potentially apply principles of nonviolence to help them address problems in constructive ways. The purpose of this study was to explore qualitative data that described intimate partner dynamics (including conflict, violence, appraisals, and safety) to better understand how individuals apply principles of nonviolence in their partnerships to achieve healthier relationship outcomes. Three qualitative data sets were analyzed using grounded theory methodology. From this secondary analysis, emerged categories and concepts that illustrate the ways couples demonstrate nonviolence principles in these relationships. The first main category was awareness, which included accountability, reflection, commitment, and justice. The second category was action, which included the concepts of authenticity, resistance, repair, and care. These are shown in a process model that in undergirded by the category of context, which includes interaction, gender/culture, and family of origin. Implications for clinical practice and research are provided.

The Impact of Art in Social Movements to Protect Water in the Northern Rivers Region in NSW

This article is founded upon research that was inspired by the lovely community of the Northern Rivers Region and their passionate, artistic, and nonviolent way to protest against coal seam gas mining in the area. It was completed during the course of the Masters of Integrated Water Management which was instructed by the International Water Centre at the University of Queensland premises.Residents of the NRR claim that CSG Industry may pollute shared water resources, destroy the land, and ruin the scenery for them and future generations. Having little political, legislative or National Government support, the community organized and educated themselves in order to create a national grassroots organization called “Lock the Gate Alliance” that fosters policy changes to stop CSG activities unless it is proven safe for the environment, natural water resources, land, and health.The Alliance's activities follow principles of nonviolence and community participation, which have inspired creative and artistic ways to create awareness about current CSG processes, to educate people, to raise funds, and more. The inclusion of art expressions in the Alliance's social movements have encouraged resident participation, leading to increased social capital. As a result, the Alliance has progressed in the social movement lifecycle following a path to success.

Local randomness in Cabello’s non-locality argument from the information causality principle

The principle of non-violation of "information causality", has been proposed as one of the foundational properties of nature\cite{nature}. The main goal of the paper is to explore the gap between quantum mechanical correlations and those allowed by "information causality" in the context of local randomness by using Cabello's nonlocality argument. This is interesting because the gap is slightly different than in the context of Hardy's similar nonlocality argument\cite{gazi}

Nonviolence Writ Large

Say “nonviolence” today and your hearers are likely to think of protest marches and sit-ins, but nonviolence, as Mahatma Gandhi said, “is not the inanity it has been taken for down the ages.” It is a law of nature and can be applied in any relationship or situation, including statecraft. Indeed, Gandhi argued that “it is blasphemy to say that nonviolence can only be practiced by individuals and never by nations which are composed of individuals.”In North America, an early experiment in nonviolent statecraft began in March 1681, when King Charles II granted William Penn governorship of the vast territory in North America that today bears his name. Penn was a close friend of George Fox, founder of the Religious Society of Friends (the Quakers), and the Quaker regime he created remained an island of peace even as traumatic battles between Native Americans and European settlers swept over surrounding territories. Penn’s “Holy Experiment” only came to an end about seventy years later — not, please note, because the nonviolent colony could not defend itself but because later generations lost faith in its nonviolent principles. Those principles, along with some ideas borrowed from the Iroquois Confederacy, created a foundation of governance that we would envy today: freedom from racism and intolerance (Penn had himself been imprisoned in London for his Quaker beliefs), restorative justice (Penn reduced the 212 capital crimes under British law to two and made all prisons “work houses” for rehabilitation), democracy (even though the king had granted him absolute power over the colony), and peace. The “Great Law” that Penn established in 1682 did away with war and standing armies. What a contrast to the “statecraft” (or corporate craft?) working its violence today in Ladakh, as Helena Norberg-Hodge poignantly describes on page 34 of this issue of Tikkun.Though Penn was not aware of it, his was not the world’s first experiment in nonviolent statecraft (nor was it the last, as Matt Meyer skillfully shows in his essay on page 31). Around 260 bce, a great king of Northern India, Ashoka Maurya, succeeded in conquering a neighboring kingdom in a huge battle, but was so overwhelmed when he saw the devastation he had caused that he renounced war on the spot. Adopting Buddhism, which seemed at the time a more practical basis for compassionate rule, he actually expanded his reign to almost the whole subcontinent and his peaceful empire lasted until his death in 232 bce. Like Penn’s Holy Experiment, the Ashokan rejection of war did not occur in a vacuum but was built on aspects of nonviolence in the supporting culture, including nonviolence toward animals in Ashoka’s case, and religious tolerance. A famous edict of his states “He who cannot respect another’s religion has no respect for his own.”I happened to be in Japan when the first noises were made about abolishing Article Nine of the Japanese Constitution, which encodes Japan’s famous renunciation of militarism, and Japanese friends asked me how to prevent this loss. I argued that you can’t just renounce war, you need to adopt an alternative such as civilian-based defense (where citizens are trained to disobey coup attempts or foreign interventions) and/or unarmed civilian peacekeeping — the work being done across borders in dangerous areas by Nonviolent Peaceforce, Peace Brigades International, and about fifteen other organizations. Nonviolent statecraft must also include the kind of measures adopted by Penn and Ashoka to shift the paradigm from a national security state to “common security” or “total security.”Stephen Zunes, in his highly informative essay on page 29, explains that the successes of nonviolence he lists have not come, “in most cases, from a moral or spiritual commitment to nonviolence, but simply because it works.” In other words, we have seen by and large what Gandhi called “the nonviolence of the weak,” and if we think that’s impressive, just imagine what it will look like when we see the nonviolence of the strong — of those who could use force but choose not to because they have an inner sense that we’re all connected. Imagine.

The Power of the Wave: Activism Rainbow Region-Style

The Power of the Wave: Activism Rainbow Region-Style

The Flipside of Violence, or Beyond the Thought of Good Enough

This essay attempts to answer three types of question concerning the images of violence found in deconstructive discourse. First, there is the question of confusion between real violence and transcendental violence. Second, there is the question of a lack of vigilance in regard to real violence. And finally, third, there is the question of the need for a moral principle of non-violence. The response to the first type of question lies in the recognition that the violence Derrida attributes to the transcendental level of experience (in “Violence and Metaphysics” for example) lies in the openness of experience. This openness amounts only to the potential for real or factual violence. The response to the second type of question lies in the recognition that more vigilance is needed since the transcendental level cannot be characterized in mundane terms, and that resistance to the mundane means no images of factual violence. Finally, the response to the third and most difficult question lies in an examination of Derrida’s statement that “tout autre est tout autre.” Through this statement we approach something like a principle, even a moral principle. The statement presents us with an imperative to respect every single other as if he, she, or it were absolutely other.

Waging Nonviolence: Reflections on the History Writing of the Pashtun Nonviolent Movement Khudai Khidmatgar

Is not the Pashtun amenable to love and reason?He will go with you to hell if you can win his heart,but you cannot force him even to go to heaven. The article investigates recurrent narratives in the cultural historiography of the early twentieth‐century nonviolent movement of the Pashtuns, known as Khudai Khidmatgar (1929–1948). Commentaries and studies of this movement are ridden with three inter‐connected problems: first, a cultural stereotyping of the Pashtuns, labeling acts of nonviolent resistance as an aberrant phase in a culture branded as inherently violent; second, a denial of the indigenous roots of the movement, viewing it as a provincial offshoot of Gandhianism; and third, an elitist privileging of the principles of nonviolence over concrete acts and practices. Employing a close reading of media reports and historical accounts, I argue that the Khudai Khidmatgar movement offered an example of radical nonviolent action, drawing from Islamic principles, and dialectically engaging with transnational debates. I propose a careful examination of the foreclosures and oversights in the historical narratives of nonviolent resistance movements.

Deconstructing the Economy of Debt: Karl Marx, Jürgen Habermas, and an Ethics of Debt

The great financial crisis of 2007–08 is a global showcase of how profoundly erroneous modern neoliberal capitalism can be. Given that at the core of this crisis lies the abusive economy of debt, which includes not only household debt but also corporate financial debt, this paper thematizes specifically the abuse of debt from a moral-political perspective. More specifically, by critically engaging in comparative discourse between Karl Marx and Jürgen Habermas, I develop an argument that the abusive economy of debt should be deconstructed through the reconstructive political economy of debt. To be more specific, I present two fundamental ethical principles in reconstructing the political economy of debt: the “principle of nonviolence” and the “principle of remuneration.” The “principle of nonviolation” stipulates that it becomes an unethical appropriation of the economy of debt when debt plays the abusive role of violating the fundamental human rights of the debtor by the creditor. While the “principle of nonviolation” primarily addresses the abuse of debt occurring on an interpersonal level, the “principle of remuneration” mainly focuses on the abuse of the economy of debt on an international horizon such as Southern debt crises. The second ethical principle, the “principle remuneration” stipulates that it is imperative for the North to forgive the external debt (particularly odious debts) of the South, because Southern debt crises largely originate in the political economy of the North. Through political economy of debt, we not only protect debt from its abusers but also promote the mutual good between debtors and creditors in society. Ultimately, this paper presents a moral-political solution to liberate debt from the abusive and reductive economy of debt.

Gandhian Concept of Freedom and Non-Violence and Its Viability in Today’s Society

Mahatma Gandhi was a difficult person, quite adamant and stubborn with his principle of nonviolence but eventually it was non-violent resistant that won freedom for us, the Indians with all dignity, respect and awe. Gandhian concept of freedom is necessary more than anything else in the present day conflict torn world; a world where man is pitted against man, nation against nation and religion against religion. If we strive for freedom, then Gandhian principles are the pre-requisite which will lead us to that freedom. Freedom is the sum total of self-respect, self-restraint and maturity as preached by Gandhi and which can alone be attained through non-violence. History bears evidence where freedom was won by waging war at the expense of lives; however history has also shown freedom or ‘swaraj’ can be achieved through Gandhian non-violence. This non-violent way of life may bring an end to internal struggle or disputes in several parts of the world which is being frequently witnessed today. With this aim in view, our present paper is an attempt to analyse Gandhian concept of freedom and non-violence to indicate its potential contribution to the present day society.

Aesthetics of Violence in Uwe Timm'sRotand Friedrich Christian Delius'sMein Jahr als Mörder1

This essay examines how two novels written in the spirit of 1968 incorporate potential violent acts into narrative in ways that reflect the nonviolent principles of Autoren Edition and Hannah Arendt's ideas on the relation between violence and political action. The authors of these novels join art and terror by recounting purely fantasized acts of violence that become aesthetically reified in narrative form. This essay asserts that Timm'sRotand Delius'sMein Jahr als Mörderacknowledge the place of violence in the public realm of politics but displace it to the sphere of aesthetics and narrative in order to grant it a political legitimacy that it otherwise does not possess for peaceful social change.

Sustaining the Occupy Movement

Sustaining the Occupy Movement

Дружба. Очерки по теории практик: сб (review)

Reviewed by: Дружба. Очерки по теории практик: сб Thomas Stewart Hooker (bio) Дружба. Очерки по теории практик: сб. статей / Научн. ред. Олег Хархордин . Санкт-Петербург: Изд-во Европейского университета в Санкт-Петербурге [Серия "Прагматический поворот"], 2009. 454 с. ISBN: 978-5-94380-085-6. In Russia, friends are all around us. They gossip in the kitchen, stroll through parks, sip coffee at cafés, relax at their dachas, and toast to good health at birthday parties. According to the 2001 Sino-Russian Treaty of Friendship, Russia and China will be friends until at least 2021, and Dmitry Medvedev always begins his annual New Year's speech by addressing his apparently many "dear friends." In recent months, friends gathered together on Bolotnaia and Prospekt Sakharova to protest a regime that itself seems organized according to personal connections and networks of friends. Even as iPhones, Facebook, and Twitter threaten to radically restructure the way ordinary Russians relate to one another, friendship continues to play a role in the country's life and politics. So it is quite astonishing that Oleg Kharkhordin's Druzhba: ocherki po teorii praktik is the first major work on friendship in Russia since the early 1980s, when two of the most prominent Soviet sociologists, [End Page 462] Vladimir Shlapentokh and Igor Kon, published their own studies of the phenomenon. As Kharkhordin hints in his foreword to Druzhba, the topic's sprawling nature might explain this otherwise surprising scholarly neglect (P. 6). Friendship can at once describe a geopolitical relationship between two states just as it can two individuals, and to make matters even more difficult, it turns out that we rarely use the word "friend" to address our friends in face-to-face interactions. In 2005, with the support of the Carnegie Foundation, Kharkhordin assembled a group of researchers at the European University in St. Petersburg to tackle this expansive and immense subject. The result is a magnificent collection of chapters that weaves together multiple disciplinary and theoretical perspectives into a single remarkably unified volume. Although it contains no single overarching argument, Druzhba reveals a curious and complex relationship between theories of "political friendship" drawn from classical philosophy and early Russian history, and the everyday practice of friendship in Russia today. At first glance, the problematics of friendship appear entirely unrelated to the major questions currently facing Russian politics (P. 11). Power emanates from above, cries for clean elections come from below, and friendship seems stuck in the private sphere while violence and a selective application of the law take its place. However, friendship was not always cordoned off from public life. Ancient Greece and Rome famously produced tracts on the ethics of friendship and its role in political life, and Kharkhordin argues that we would do well to return to these foundational philosophical texts for guidance on Russia's current situation. Friendship shows real promise, he suggests, for Russian society's transformation from a violent and indeed "uncivil" obshchestvo to one that draws on principles of nonviolence and mutual aid inherent in friendship to become "civil" and just (Pp. 15–18). The search for a solution to the ills of post-Soviet society, for a means to articulate a politics outside of both the state and the quasi-public corporations and groups responsible for much of the violence and disorder in Russia today, is precisely what allows a wide range of disciplinary approaches to cohere into one singular volume on friendship. Rather than extracting his own conclusions from the writings of Aristotle and Cicero, Kharkhordin provides the reader with a tour through twentieth-century reflections on the classical version of "political friendship." One neo-Aristotelian recommendation demands that each citizen share a common concern for the moral and political character of [End Page 463] every other citizen. In other words, a society is just only when people feel a general form of friendship, or philia, for each other. This "caring (cura) for the soul" is an idea long familiar in Russian history, traceable at least as far back as Feofan Prokopovich's 1706 De Arte Rhetorica (P. 249). Indeed, that idea also had its day in the Soviet Union, reaching its horrifying but logical conclusion with the bloody chistki, in which the moral character of each Soviet citizen was placed under the lights for all to see and judge (P. 27). Interestingly, although Kharkhordin has elsewhere devoted...

Crescent and dove: peace and conflict resolution in Islam

In the face of overwhelming attention to extremist movements and the fundamentalist Islam they often espouse, exploration of peacemaking and conflict resolution in Muslim communities is especially timely. Crescent and Dove looks at the relationship between contemporary Islam and peacemaking by tackling the diverse interpretations, concepts, and problems in the field of Islamic peacemaking. Although Islamic law requires followers to preserve and protect life, and peacemaking efforts arise in Muslim communities everywhere, those who advocate for Islamic principles of nonviolence and peacebuilding, as well as traditional methods of conflict resolution, face serious challenges. Writing from their perspective as Muslim scholars and peacebuilding practitioners, the contributors offer critical perspectives on what works, what opportunities exist, and what areas are fertile for effective peacebuilding efforts. Their experience and analysis demonstrate that fostering a culture of peace in Muslim communities and building effective conflict resolution practices must occur within an Islamic framework and must engage Muslim leaders. Crescent and Dove addresses both theory and practice by delving into the intellectual heritage of Islam to discuss historical examples of addressing conflict in Islam and exploring the practical challenges of contemporary peacemaking in Arab countries, Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, and Indonesia. These groundbreaking essays offer possibilities for nonviolent interventions, peacemaking, the implementation of human rights, the reinterpretation of texts, peace education instruction, and employing successful mediation, negotiation, and conflict resolution skills in an Islamic context.

Bound on Hardy’s nonlocality from the principle of information causality

Recently,the principle of nonviolation of information causality [Nature 461,1101 (2009)], has been proposed as one of the foundational properties of nature. We explore the Hardy's nonlocality theorem for two qubit systems, in the context of generalised probability theory, restricted by the principle of nonviolation of information causality. Applying, a sufficient condition for information causality violation, we derive an upper bound on the maximum success probability of Hardy's nonlocality argument. We find that the bound achieved here is higher than that allowed by quantum mechanics,but still much less than what the nosignaling condition permits. We also study the Cabello type nonlocality argument (a generalization of Hardy's argument) in this context.

SPIRITS OF NON-VIOLENCE

In the first few decades of the twentieth century there came into view two competing yet collaborative discourses of non-violence, one non-western and the other western. Where the former found its condition of possibility in the particular forms of anticolonial politics popularized by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, first in South Africa and then in India, the latter emerged in more muted form out of the curious interchanges between English guild socialism and continental phenomenology. Did these culturally dissonant traditions ever converge or enter into productive dialogue? Do they designate a coherent form of postcolonial ethics, one we might draw upon to counter the epidemic of harmfulness in the present world? The answer to these questions requires that we carefully reconsider the cosmopolitan dimensions of what Jacques Derrida has described as an imaginary colloquium around the thematics of ‘spirit’ which also emerged in the period under consideration: ‘And this is indeed what they are all wondering, in this imaginary symposium, in this invisible university where, for more than twenty years, the greatest European minds met. They echo each other, discuss or translate the same admiring anguish: “So, what is happening to us? So, what is happening to Spirit? Where is it coming to us from: Is it still from spirit?”’(Derrida 1987: 124). This essay hopes to bear witness to M. K. Gandhi's role as a crucial interlocutor in this almost, but not entirely, imaginary discussion. It will, first, sketch the historical setting for the cosmopolitan crisis of spirit under review, looking for points of convergence between European and non-European variations on the theme. A second, concluding, section accounts more theoretically for the philosophical contrapuntality between the refrains of non-violence and of spiritual crisis, respectively. My purpose is to enlist Gandhi's voice in the design for a ‘modern’ metaphysics of morals founded upon the valorization of the principles of non-violence.