Principles Of Pluralism Research Articles

Religion for Hedgehogs? An Argument against the Dworkinian Approach to Religious Freedom

Abstract—According to Ronald Dworkin, the right to freedom of religion is a mere implication of a more general right of ethical independence in foundational matters. For Dworkin, just as a particular religion cannot be treated as special in politics, religion cannot be considered sui generis in the political arena. This article argues that the right of religious freedom should be regarded as sui generis. The epistemological and ethical theories that support a Dworkinian approach to religious freedom are reductive and misconceived. These theories close the door to transcendent meaning and revealed religion, to a conception of religion as a fact and a value. The Dworkinian paradigm does not sufficiently protect the principles of pluralism and self-determination that are at the heart of religious freedom. Finally, this article argues that, when properly understood, the right to religious freedom is based on ethical autonomy and the unity of the person rather than on Dworkin's theories of ethical independence and the unity of value.

‘Fiat and Forbearance’: The Challenge of Capturing Plurality and Diversity in Environmental Governance

A close reading of India’s Constitution indicates that the ideals of pluralism and diversity underpin our basic approach to environmental issues. All the same, the past record of environmental governance in the country suggests that the twin ideals have not been adequately captured through appropriate policies and programmes. Part of the reason for this situation has been the predominant use of command and control instruments for realizing environmental goals. This article argues that the future of environmental governance in India lies in pursuing the principles of pluralism and diversity through balanced approaches to issues. This would imply having an open mind towards ‘command and control’ and ‘market based instruments’, pursuing economic and social development within the ambit of environmental policies, conserving the diversity of landscapes and nurturing a network of public spheres that can create plural viewpoints on environmental issues. In the light of the current environmental scenario in the country, where local commons and global commons fight for space, it is argued that an enlightened ‘fiat and forbearance regime’ that balances the ‘global’ with the ‘local’ offers the best hope for promoting plurality and diversity in environmental governance. The article unfolds the architecture of an enlightened fiat and forbearance regime for India in its local, regional, national and global dimensions. It is argued that a multi-level, multi-stakeholder governance system, if backed by certain enabling principles, can help India realize the paradigm of ‘enlightened fiat and forbearance regime’ in the realm of environment.

Religious Symbols in Educational Institutions: Jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights

Abstract The issue of religious symbols in educational institutions has been a source of vigorous legal and political controversy. Two types of cases have been litigated before the European Court of Human Rights: those concerning the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in schools and universities, and those concerning the presence of the crucifix in school classrooms. In this article, I shall analyse these cases, assessing how the Court balances different rights and State interests, focusing in particular on the Court’s interpretation of the principles of neutrality/secularism and of gender equality. I shall criticise the Court’s deference to the State, arguing that it should more strictly supervise how States respect human rights. Respect for human rights requires that the States respect individual’s religious freedoms, be autonomous from the religion and safeguard the principle of plurality. While the Court has proclaimed these principles, it has failed to apply them in these cases.

The afterlife of solidarity: Political contestations in post-1989 Poland

Poland’s post-communist development is defined by economic and political progress, marred by divisive and unstable politics. An acrimonious political discourse, low levels of public participation, and chaotic politics appear in sharp contrast to a unified, engaged society of pre-1989. The reasons for the path lie in the nature of Poland’s challenge to communism, the ethos of the opposition, and the expression of politics in normative value terms. Since 1989, attempts to appropriate the values of Solidarity as political capital have led to deep political divisions, first expressed in a post-communist divide between the former regime and the opposition, then in a post-Solidarity divide among heirs of the movement. The conflict over the legacy of Solidarity through the appropriation of its normative ethos for partisan politics distorts the values of collective will and social solidarity. The latest discourse pits the vision of “liberal Poland” dedicated to pluralist principles, individual rights and tolerance of differences to the vision of a “solidaristic Poland” dedicated to traditional, Christian and nationalist values. In these agendas, the symbolism of Solidarity serves as political capital to advance distinctive political futures.

The Aim of a Theory of Justice

Amartya Sen argues that for the advancement of justice identification of ‘perfect’ justice is neither necessary nor sufficient. He replaces ‘perfect’ justice with comparative justice. Comparative justice limits itself to comparing social states with respect to degrees of justice. Sen’s central thesis is that identifying ‘perfect’ justice and comparing imperfect social states are ‘analytically disjoined’. This essay refutes Sen’s thesis by demonstrating that to be able to make adequate comparisons we need to identify and integrate criteria of comparison. This is precisely the aim of a theory of justice (such as John Rawls’s theory): identifying, integrating and ordering relevant principles of justice. The same integrated criteria that determine ‘perfect’ justice are needed to be able to adequately compare imperfect social states. Sen’s alternative approach, which is based on social choice theory, is incapable of avoiding contrary, indeterminate or incoherent directives where plural principles of justice conflict.

English

IntroductionThe biggest success of European society is reflected in the fact that it has largely managed to build a pluralistic society that accepts and respects differences among people. This achievement has opened the road to new success in the political and economic fields, so that today we have the European Union in front of which are great opportunities if it succeeds to maintain the direction towards pluralism and respect for diversity among its citizens. The principle of pluralism is consistent with the natural law of Allah Almighty because He has created people different and prescribed to them to meet and know each other: O mankind! We have created you from a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that you may know one another (Qur'an, Al-Hujurat 13). Whatever is natural, whatever is consistent with the natural law of God, has a chance of success, because it brings to human beings what is in harmony with their nature, what is good and useful for them.Although, as noted, European society is pluralistic, although it respects pluralism, some people within society, sometimes, reluctantly accept when something comes from the Islamic culture. There is prejudice, and even open opposition, at the first glance, just because it comes from Islamic culture. Given the objectives that European society proclaims, it would be fair to give participation banking fair treatment and a chance to participate and compete in the European market. Thus, the revival of the following universal values and principles on which European society is built is necessary:1. A universal attitude toward human beings: that all human beings are bloodbrothers and sisters with the same rights and obligations.1 People should be valued according to their actions-how beneficial or harmful their deeds and actions are to themselves, to other people and to the environment, but not based on their ethnic origin or religion.2. The freedom of expression of ideas should be fully implemented. Restriction should only be on the usage of insulting words and expressions. It will enable people to present their products and ideas freely.23. Equal rights and obligations in society and equal rights in front of the law: This principal requires European secular states to revive the original idea of secularism, according to which all citizens are equal in their rights and obligations and equal in front of the law.34. Equal opportunity for all human achievements: It can be achieved if the cultural and other achievements of all Europeans are equally treated and given equal opportunity to compete in the field of ideas and products.4Rational Behind Prohibition of InterestThe Qur'an and the Sunnah do not provide any detailed rational for the prohibition of interest (riba). However, the implicit meaning of Qur'anic verses and sayings of the Prophet, p.b.u.h., about interest may suggest that the charging of interest is an act of injustice. This is why Muslim scholars, when speaking about reasons why Islam has prohibited interest, say that the main reason behind the prohibition of interest is the prevention of injustice. The injustice in dealing on the basis of interest can be observed at different levels. For example, the fact is that the lender is guaranteed a positive return while the borrower takes all the risks. Therefore, taking interest represents akl amwal an-nas bi-l-batil because the lender and the borrower are in an unequal position. Such injustice may result based on significant price fluctuations, or any of a number of other considerations. Moreover, there is a very real danger of exploitation of poor debtors by creditors, which Islam strives to eliminate. (Zuhayli, 2001:1/337)Furthermore, it opens the way for the accumulation of wealth in a few hands. After explaining that as a whole, socio-economic and distributive justice, intergenerational equity, economic instability and ecological destruction are considered the basis of the prohibition of interest, Muhammad Ayub concludes: Keeping in mind all relevant texts and the principles of Islamic law, the only reason that appears convincing is that of distributive justice, because the prohibition of Riba is intended to prevent the accumulation of wealth in a few hands; that is, it is not to be allowed to circulate among the rich (Holy Qur'an, 59: 7). …

The divine deviance &ndash towards a sociological theory of radical Islamism

Radical Islamism is widely appreciated as the very cognitive and ideological framework and denominator for the creation of a worldview that is hostile to the principles of pluralism and peaceful co-existence. Empirically tested knowledge of the phenomenon, as well as efforts to develop a comprehensive and falsifiable theoretical proposal, is on the other hand, rather limited in regard to the crucial question: What is Islamic radicalisation? On the basis of in-depth explorative interviews, a nationwide representative survey, and final conceptual refinement of findings with stakeholders and experts, and through methodological triangulation, awareness of the guidelines of the methodology of phenomenological theory (by development of codes, concepts, categories and finally theory and cross examination of widespread hypotheses) this study attempts: a) to provide a conceptual clarification of the concept 'radical Islamism'; b) to introduce a falsifiable theoretical proposition to the question of the attributes of the phenomenon 'radical Islamism'; c) to outline some empirical research implications of the proposed theoretical framework.

Terrorist profiling: human rights concerns

Post-9/11, law-enforcement agencies have expanded the processing of personal data for terrorist profiles; this is actually among the very reasons why personal data are processed in the first place. De facto terrorist profiles tend to be based predominantly on the use of such criteria as ‘race’, colour, religion, or ethnic and national origin to single out persons for enhanced scrutiny. Terrorist-profiling practices, therefore, raise the question as to their conformity with the right to privacy, the protection of personal data, and the principle of non-discrimination. This article critically examines to what extent, if any, terrorist-profiling practices may be regarded as compatible with the principle of non-discrimination and the fundamental rules pertaining to the protection of personal data. For this purpose, it looks at various approaches to defining profiling in the context of countering terrorism, as well as describing de facto manifestations of terrorist-profiling practices. The conclusion is that terrorist-profiling practices all too often fail to comply with the fundamental requirement that any restrictions on the right to privacy and the protection of personal data are adequately regulated, necessary and proportionate. The so-called ethnic profiling gives rise to particularly serious problems. It tends to assume the nature of ‘racial’ profiling and, accordingly, entail discriminatory effects that can result in feelings of humiliation and stigmatisation among the targeted groups. Since the risk of further marginalisation and even radicalisation within those groups also appears to be a very real consideration, the whole necessity of ethnic profiling in the name of countering terrorism must be called into question in a contemporary democratic society built on the principles of pluralism and respect for different cultures.

Pluralism, Secularism and The European Court of Human Rights

The Article 9 religious freedom jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights most basically concerns the question of religious pluralism. The “principle of pluralism seems to be the main—the core—principle” guiding the Court's religious freedom jurisprudence, argues one of the Court's judges. Assessing the Court's work in the area of religious freedom therefore requires considering its treatment of pluralism, which is the concept most often employed to interpret Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights. The Court's approach to religious pluralism is still heavily indebted to the decision inKokkinakis v. Greece, a 1993 case involving a Jehovah's Witness who had been repeatedly arrested and jailed for violating Greece's prohibition on proselytism. In the majority opinion finding that Mr. Kokkinakis's Article 9 rights had been violated, the Court writes the following:

Formarsi alla/nella contaminazione

The culture of postmodernism, with its principles of pluralism, difference, weaknesses, etc.. is already in the direction of the encounter and exchange and contaminate. The postmodern «golden» age is for the contamination. Because of its legitimacy, for his actions as a rule, by its very act itself as art. And in any discipline. These issues have a strong pedagogical significance and the author critically reflects on their importance in education.

The paradox of Solidarity's legacy: contested values in Poland's transitional politics

Poland's post-communist development is often depicted as a contrast between a unified, engaged society of pre-1989 and a passive, divisive society of post-1989. What explains the displacement of political solidarity with a fragmented political scene? A factor specific to Poland is rooted in the struggle of Solidarity against communist power. The consequences are subsequent attempts to appropriate the values of Solidarność as political capital by competing political voices, leading to contestation about the nature of the country. This normative discourse was evident first in the post-communist divide, between forces stemming from the former communist regime and those affiliated with the opposition. More recently, the saliency of the post-communist division has receded, and a new contested discourse has surfaced among voices coming out of the Solidarity tradition. This rhetoric seeks to define a contrast between a “Solidaristic Poland” dedicated to traditional and Christian values affirming notions of exclusivity and superiority, and a “liberal Poland” dedicated to market and pluralist principles based on competition and individualism. In both political divides, the legacy of Solidarity provides useful political capital to advance distinctive visions of Poland.

“Political Islam” in the Context of Globalization and Growing Clerical and Secular Fundamentalist Movements in the Beginning of the 21st Century

Yuri Pochta's article gives a philosophical analysis of different types of fundamentalism, both religious and secular in their nature. Its focus is made on so-called "Islamic fundamentalism" the author explores in changing context of the post-modern era. Taking fundamentalism as something modern as such, the author argues that it often merges with modern conservatism. In the post-modern culture, which overcame tradition, fundamentalism can take extreme forms sometimes close to terrorism. On the other hand, while postmodernism is based on the principle of pluralism and tolerance, fundamentalism has to follow rules of the game and becomes an additional narrative, one more sub-culture and linguistic game. Post-modern fundamentalism, Pochta thinks, is doomed to discredit tradition, reviving it in the memory, but excluding it from the real life. Seeking for tradition in texts, not in real life, fundamentalism converts it into the text too. Its development is determined by translation and form, but not idea and contents. Criticizing modern era, fundamentalism is unable to produce anything except slogans, meetings and web-sites. Taking tradition as virtual it can not play as defender of the later against post-modernism. Both fundamentalism and post-modernism address to reduced social groups and lead their followers to irrational and local, not rational and universal.

Education with Principles of Pluralism and the Albanian Tradition of Political Thinking

Education with Principles of Pluralism and the Albanian Tradition of Political Thinking

Language and the politics of institutional identity: can the University of Pretoria become a bi- or multilingual university?

In its Strategic Plan: 2007 to 2011, the University of Pretoria commits itself (like other South African universities) to the principle of pluralism, and in particular to the promotion of diversity and multilingualism. Given South Africa's constitutional commitment to pluralism, and in the light of vision statements such as this, the development of bi- and multilingual universities in South Africa is clearly an important higher educational objective. The question is, however, whether such an objective can really be realised in the South African context. Given the recent decline of bilingualism at three formerly statutorily designated bilingual South African universities, one has to ask: Will an institution such as the University of Pretoria really be able to remain a bilingual university in a meaningful way? What forces are operative in tertiary language policy development in South Africa? In this paper, this issue will be discussed with reference to the language-political history of the University of Pretoria.

Assessing the New Washington Pluralism from the Perspective of the Malaysian Model

This paper discusses the post-Washington Consensus development paradigm, questioning whether the changes it embodies are sufficient to open up the development debate. We show that the new paradigm, which might be called ‘Washington Pluralism’, harbours three pluralist principles. It maintains that development is 1) contingent on culture; 2) contingent on history; and 3) requiring a multidisciplinary perspective. We assess these principles on the basis of an analogy with the Malaysian Model, which embodied the same three principles. We show that, in Malaysia, the first two evolved into cultural determinism and historicism, respectively, while the third created a discourse in which institutions, politics and culture were reduced to instruments for development. Consequentially the proliferation of the idea of a Malaysian Model has been associated with increasing authoritarianism in Malaysia rather than with increased openness. On the basis of this analogy we conclude that the three pluralist principles are not sufficient to create an open development debate.

The Dimensions of Ethics: An Introduction to Ethical Theory (review)

Reviewed by: The Dimensions of Ethics: An Introduction to Ethical Theory Derek Allen (bio) Wilfrid J. Waluchow . The Dimensions of Ethics: An Introduction to Ethical Theory Broadview 2003. 256. $26.95 Wilfrid J. Waluchow takes ethical theory to be a branch of philosophy that aims 'to understand, interpret and to some extent guide, the practice of morality.' So understood, ethical theory covers meta-ethics (the topic of part 1) and normative ethics (the topic of part 2). Rather than argue for particular answers to questions in ethical theory, the book explores, 'with a critical eye,' a range of answers to such questions that have been offered by philosophers in the history of Western thought. In a chapter on basic terminology commonly employed in ethical theory, Waluchow differentiates among kinds of moral judgments, theories of obligation, and theories of value. He also explores the language of rights and explains two approaches to the interpretation of moral utterances (cognitivism and non-cognitivism). In the following chapter, he presents three arguments for moral relativism, and finds them to have 'only limited force.' Though he does not claim to settle the question of whether moral relativism is true or false, he does think that his discussion undermines the view that in morality everything is a matter of opinion and the view that moral relativism leaves no room for moral disagreement or moral reformers. The best possible argument against moral relativism, he suggests, would perhaps be the articulation of a theory purporting to establish an objective basis for morality. In a chapter on morality and religion, he examines two such theories: the divine command theory and natural law theory as developed by Aquinas. An important non-theistic attempt to provide an objective basis for morality lies in social contract theory, which Waluchow believes capable of finding a 'suitable mid-point' between moral relativism and a moral objectivism of the sort represented by Aquinas's natural law theory. His account of modern social contract theories of morality is largely an exposition of the theory developed by David Gauthier; the novice will find it challenging. In the second part of the book (normative ethical theories), Waluchow examines utilitarianism, the ethical theories of Kant, W.D. Ross, and Aristotle, and feminist ethics. His discussion of utilitarianism covers utilitarian theories of value and the two main utilitarian theories of obligation, act utilitarianism and rule utilitarianism. Both of the latter theories, he argues, face the same difficulty: even if they get the right results in most cases, it may be that they do so for the wrong reasons. [End Page 158] Turning to Kantian ethics, he claims that Kant's first formulation of the categorical imperative highlights two requirements of 'valid moral thinking accepted by most moral agents,' namely logical consistency and impartiality. A shortcoming of Kant's theory, however, is that it locates the source of the intrinsic worth of human beings exclusively in their rationality. But Kant should perhaps be applauded for encouraging us to consider 'whether there is more to moral judgments than an assessment of consequences.' For W.D. Ross there is, though for him consequences 'do count sometimes and to some extent.' Ross proposes a theory of obligation with a plurality of ultimate principles, each specifying a prima facie duty. The chief strength of the theory, Waluchow holds, is that it recognizes the complexity of the moral life. But it lacks 'a means of adjudicating among conflicting prima facie duties,' and this is a 'serious gap.' For Aristotle, the fundamental ethical question was not 'what should I do?,' as it was for the utilitarians, Kant, and Ross, but 'what should I be?' When it comes to deciding what we should do, there is an 'indeterminacy' in Aristotle's ethics. On balance, in Waluchow's view, this is a weakness of the theory. The solution, he thinks, may be 'to supplement Aristotle' s account of moral virtue with a theory of right action.' Many strands of feminist ethics (the topic of the final chapter) criticize traditional ethical theory for being too concerned with universal principles. But, Waluchow argues, the feminist objection isn't really to universal principles but to a tendency to abstract from context. Moreover...

Peer review, politics and pluralism

The first part of this paper describes the editorial decisions that led to the publishing of The Skeptical Environmentalist(TSE) and the rejection of requests by critics that Cambridge should cease publication on the grounds of claims that it had not been peer-reviewed and that it would be abused by right wing political interests seeking justification for opposing new environmental regulation. The second part focuses on the strengths and weaknesses of peer review and compares the editorial decision-making process, including peer review in journals and book publishers. The third part of the paper explores the role of political considerations in editorial decision-making and compares the controversy surrounding TSE with other recent controversial publications in both the arts and sciences. The final part of the article draws on the work of political scientist and constitutional lawyer Cass Sunstein to argue that the academy is based on the principle of pluralism and that University Presses acting as “general interest intermediaries” have a particular responsibility to publish a wide range of opinion. Political pressure on presses to exercise a form of self-censorship should be resisted. © 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

The "Religious Secularism" of Lebanon and the United States: A Discussion between Lebanon's Secular Debate and Madison's "Principles of Pluralism"

Within the current discussions of Jslam and democracy, the issue of secularism has now become one of the most important themes. Throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the main premise put forward by Jslamic scholars in various forms has been that secularism is atheistic and, therefore, incompatible with £slam. This article investigates one Islamic debate on the issue of secularism in order to find the root elements of the Muslim argu­ment. In looking at the 1976-77 secularism debate in Lebanon we argue that, like Lebanon, most Muslim scholars use the French Revolution and its Jacobist views as the standard for understand­ing secularism. Rather, the Lebanese context is better suited to the eighteenth-century American context and its development of a "religious secularism." The conclusion here is that Lebanon would be better off using eighteenth-century American rhetoric in its social political discourse for a vision of its own future, and that Musi im minority communities (primarily in the United States) can recover the issues involved in the American secular debates that saw secularism as "freedom for religion" in multi­communal states rather than the enemy of religion.

Not so special? merging media pluralism with competition and industrial policy

How do European policymakers and media companies react to the AOL‐TimeWarner merger? In this short provocation, Marsden asks whether the successful coupling of the world’s largest ISP and media content creator signal le defi americain in communications, for Europe and the rest of the world? In particular, he questions whether market actors should be permitted a similar role in Europe. In competition policy terms, the question is whether creation of economies of scale and scope, particularly through vertical integration between carriers and content providers, now causes increasing redundancy of media‐specific ownership laws at a national level in favour of European industrial policy? The outflanking policy trend is demonstrated specifically in the merger of Vodafone‐Mannesmann, and the content alliances formed with Vivendi, and between Vodafone, Vivendi and variously BSkyB and Manchester United. Even if symbolic debate continues to give primacy to democratic principle, European public policy may switch poles, from denying concentration of media on democratic principle of pluralism of ownership, to encouraging European champions to compete with the Americans. This convergence debate will centrally occupy policymakers, with new national legislation and Commission Directives in all probability preceded by critical merger decisions by the Competition Directorate.

Not so special? merging media pluralism with competition and industrial policy

How do European policymakers and media companies react to the AOL‐TimeWarner merger? In this short provocation, Marsden asks whether the successful coupling of the world’s largest ISP and media content creator signal le defi americain in communications, for Europe and the rest of the world? In particular, he questions whether market actors should be permitted a similar role in Europe. In competition policy terms, the question is whether creation of economies of scale and scope, particularly through vertical integration between carriers and content providers, now causes increasing redundancy of media‐specific ownership laws at a national level in favour of European industrial policy? The outflanking policy trend is demonstrated specifically in the merger of Vodafone‐Mannesmann, and the content alliances formed with Vivendi, and between Vodafone, Vivendi and variously BSkyB and Manchester United. Even if symbolic debate continues to give primacy to democratic principle, European public policy may switch poles, from denying concentration of media on democratic principle of pluralism of ownership, to encouraging European champions to compete with the Americans. This convergence debate will centrally occupy policymakers, with new national legislation and Commission Directives in all probability preceded by critical merger decisions by the Competition Directorate.