Presidential Initiatives Research Articles

CONCENTRATION OF THE PRESIDENTIAL GOVERNMENT AND DECENTRALIZATION OF EXECUTIVE BODIES

The article is devoted to the analysis of the transformation of the presidential power of the Republic of Kazakhstan from the point of view of its concentration, understood as a process of increasing the volume of constitutional powers of the President, and deconcentration, which means a reduction of these powers, as society democratizes and entails the decentralization of executive power. Initially, the powers established by the Law on the Establishment of the post of President were representative in nature. After the adoption of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of the Kazakh SSR on October 25, 1990, the process of concentration of presidential power begins due to the recognition of the President as the head of the supreme executive and distributive power of the Kazakh SSR. He participates in the formation of the Government in coordination with the Supreme Council, has the right to prematurely dismiss the chairmen of regional Councils of People's Deputies, as well as preside over Government meetings. According to the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan of 1993, the President is empowered to create the Security Council and other advisory bodies, approve state programs and others. This increased the concentration of presidential power, which was greatly facilitated by the Constitution of 1995 and the constitutional reform of 1998. Having reached the peak of concentration by 2007, the presidential power on the constitutional reform of this year began the countdown to the process of its deconcentration. The constitutional reforms of 2017 and 2022 have contributed to this process. The deconcentration of presidential power has opened up the possibility for the decentralization of executive power. At the initiative of President K.K. Tokayev, the course in this direction was outlined by him in his Message to the People of Kazakhstan dated September 2, 2019. The constitutional foundations for the decentralization of executive power were provided for in the Law of June 8, 2022 "On Amendments and Additions" to the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan. This law provided for the legal grounds for the appointment of regional and elections of district and village akims.

The Trillion Dollar War: Presidential Budgets and the War on Drugs

Officially coined by Richard Nixon in 1971, the “War on Drugs” was greatly expanded under the Reagan administration. Regardless of party, subsequent presidents have continued fighting this so-called ‘War,’ as evidenced in their speeches. In this paper, I examine presidential speeches and initiatives ranging from Reagan to Trump. In doing so, I consider how their respective rhetoric and the funding they sought for their administrations’ initiatives have resulted in chronic overspending on this War. Not only have these efforts largely not had their intended results in eliminating drug use, but they also resulted in high incarceration rates while drug overdoses have increased since Reagan’s presidency.

Democracy Adrift and the Trajectories of the Political Parties in São Tomé and Príncipe

Since 1990, within the framework of the representative democracy then endorsed in São Tomé and Príncipe, there has been open political competition between political parties. Representative democracy and parties are not realities averse to the prevailing cultural patterns on the islands. However, this does not mean that parties have a role consistent with the idealization, common among São Toméans, about what they should represent and do in a representative democracy. For example, the governance programs or even the number of militants are not always known. Nor do party programs, when made explicit, clearly distinguish the various parties. Despite the openness to the creation of new parties, mainly presidential initiatives, the party landscape has been characterized by opposition between the two largest parties, the Movement for the Liberation of São Tomé and Príncipe, the historic independence party, and Independent Democratic Action , which in recent years has asserted itself as the dominant party. In this text, in addition to the summary characterization of the functioning and performance of the parties – sometimes, one-man parties –, an attempt is also made to characterize the free and open political competition in which the parties have moved from 1990 to the present day. Factors undermining democracy are highlighted, for example, the growing political and social entropy, discouragement and the feeling of loss of determination of individual and collective futures, and even temptations of authoritarian drifts. Strictly speaking, perhaps more than the erosion of democracy, we are witnessing the decantation of disbelief in the country, which contaminates all political action. Some politicians point out the need for changes in the parties, even for them to have a fruitful action, if not to achieve development, at least to contain impoverishment and greater social fissures. However, the hypothesis that parties will continue to replicate the practices and vices that lead to the gap between parties and society is more plausible, not to say accurate. Incidentally, the recent political history of the island highlights a set of purposes and actions, guided by acrimony and violence, averse to a minimum cohesion, which is why it is difficult to believe in overcoming the obstacles set for the pacification of political and social competition.

Socio-economic risks of a full-scale war of the russian federation against Ukraine and stabilization measures to overcome them in the context of the initiatives of the President of Ukraine

The subject of the study is: socio-economic risks of a full-scale war of the russian federation against Ukraine and stabilization measures to overcome them in the context of the initiatives of the President of Ukraine. The purpose of the scientific article is to conduct a study of socio-economic problems caused by the full-scale war of the russian federation against Ukraine and stabilization measures to overcome them, taking into account the Presidential initiatives. Research methods. All research components are based on the main principles - scientificity, objectivity, systematicity, development, as well as methods of learning socio-economic processes of social development – analysis, synthesis, problem-chronological, comparative-analytical, statistical, systematic and complex approach. Work methodology. In the process of researching the specified issues, the following were taken as a basis: the main provisions of economic theory and the national economy, the work of domestic scientists and practitioners in the specified field, scientific and analytical intelligence of the Center for Economic and Social Research at the National Institute of Strategic Studies. Work results. The main scientific result of the study is the study of socio-economic risks of a full-scale war of the russian federation against Ukraine and stabilization measures to overcome them in the context of the initiatives of the President of Ukraine. Field of application of results. The results of this study can be applied in the field of studying the problems of political economy, national and regional economy, global economy. Conclusions. So, based on the context of our research, we can draw the following conclusions, that the full-scale war of the russian federation against Ukraine contributed to: loss of human capital; reduction of production; due to hostilities, the agricultural sector lost part of the harvest; destruction of logistics chains and part of the transport infrastructure; shortage of energy resources, and this, in turn, had a negative impact on the production and social spheres; increase in the cost of production processes; inflation; reduction of aggregate demand and reduction of commodity exports; stagnation of investments, which led to the loss of financial resources of enterprises; an increase in the deficit of the state budget and the state debt, due to an increase in spending on defense and social needs; bank lending decreased. However, taking into account the balanced socio-economic policy of all branches of state authorities, and in particular the President of Ukraine, and the support of foreign partners, it was possible to prevent the fall and stabilize the key sectors of the economy.

Security versus status: explaining Russia’s interest in the Presidential Nuclear Initiatives and the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty

ABSTRACT Russia’s war against Ukraine has thrown US–Russian nuclear arms control into a deep crisis. Against this background, the questions of what drives Russia’s interest in nuclear arms control with the United States and what influences Moscow’s preferences regarding the institutional design of arms-control agreements deserve renewed scrutiny. This article argues that it is important to look beyond Russia’s material pressures and security concerns to understand when and in which form it is willing to pursue bilateral nuclear arms control. In particular, political elites’ notions of national identity and status aspirations are central to Russia’s arms-control policy. The article develops this argument by testing two theoretical frameworks—defensive neorealism and social-identity theory—that help to conceptualize material motives on the one hand and status motives on the other. It empirically investigates the importance of these motives for Russia’s arms-control policy by assessing two case studies: the Presidential Nuclear Initiatives of 1991–92 and the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty of 2002.

Abstract LB173: AACR President's initiative - 2020 by 2020: Democratizing precision cancer medicine and advancing health equity in the black belt

Abstract African Americans (AA) have higher incidence and mortality rates for several cancer types in comparison to their European American (EA) counterparts. Increasing participation in clinical research and patient registries, related to precision cancer medicine, will significantly improve cancer health equity. Many AA cancer patients are treated in community oncology clinics. Unfortunately, these health systems have limited access to Clinical Laboratory Improvement Amendments (CLIA) next generation sequence (NGS) germline and somatic DNA and RNA testing that are used to inform oncologists on the best treatment and/or clinical trial options for cancer patients. Indeed, AA CLIA NGS sample sets are poorly represented, which could presumably result in incomplete knowledge of genomic variants that could affect their treatment and overall outcomes. Hence, it is crucial to implement CLIA NGS efforts for all cancer patients. To address these disparities, Morehouse School of Medicine has formed the Comprehensive Approach to Reimagine health Equity Solutions (CARhES) consortium with Tuskegee University that has engaged community oncology practices in Alabama and Georgia - two of five Black Belt states. The CARhES consortium aims to implement precision cancer medicine to underserved and underrepresented communities that will improve the standard of cancer care by providing access to CLIA NGS testing, clinical trials, and personalized cancer care. Here we describe the first proof of concept of this approach with community oncology partners, i.e., Grady Health System, Wellstar Health System, Georgia Urology, Midtown Urology, and Maui Memorial Medical Center. At the time of consent, saliva, buccal, and tumor samples were collected from participants. Germline and somatic CLIA NGS was performed, and medical reports were returned to practitioners within 14 days. Prior to the COVID pandemic, the study enrolled over 880 patients with a 88% consent rate (n = 1000) in the first 11months of the program. At the start of the COVID pandemic, recruitment efforts were suspended for four months with a slow restart by June 2020. A decrease in the number of staff, office visits (67% reduction), and increase in COVID cases significantly limited recruitment efforts. During this slowdown, we established and improved eConsenting capabilities, which exist today. Community anxiety, due to the pandemic and SARS-CoV-19 vaccine efforts, resulted in a significant reduction in consent rates (88% to 60%). Nevertheless, this study began in April of 2019 and consented 1,750 participants in less than 2 years. Taken together, our study shows that a community-focused precision medicine approach requires meeting people where they are and providing them with access and understanding the benefit of clinical trial participation. The approximate 2,000 clinically annotated genomic AA datasets will greatly contribute to our understanding of cancer health disparities and among the first steps to democratize precision medicine. This study was funded by the American Association for Cancer Research, The Pelotonia Foundation, the M2Gen Foundation, and the National Cancer Institute (U54CA118638). Citation Format: Latrisha L. Horne, Gabriella M. Oprea-Ilies, Eddie R. Stanley, Carla M. Holloway, Margaret P. Hooker, Amina Isom, Derrick J. Beech, Ana Gaonkar, Shavette Harden, Jeffrey F. Hines, LaTonya Randolph, James K. Bennett, Daniel Canter, Darrell J. Carmen, Pooja Mishra, Giuseppe Del Priore, Roland Matthews, Brian M. Rivers, James W. Lillard. AACR President's initiative - 2020 by 2020: Democratizing precision cancer medicine and advancing health equity in the black belt [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2022; 2022 Apr 8-13. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2022;82(12_Suppl):Abstract nr LB173.

Presidential Initiatives as a Tool to Manage U.S. Foreign Assistance Policies in the XXI Century: From George W. Bush Jr. to Joseph R. Biden

Exploration of bibliography on the U.S. foreign policy reveals a striking and inexplicable lack of scholarly attention to such an interesting phenomenon, as presidential foreign aid initiatives. Such initiatives are studied exclusively in the context of a given administration’ policy but not as an element of the U.S. national system of foreign aid management. This paper is meant to fill this gaping niche. The first section defines a place of such initiatives among the presidential tools to influence foreign aid policies and the reasons behind their proliferation. The second section compares a dozen of the most prominent presidential initiatives of the XXI century — with a special focus on the differences between the most recent Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal, launched by Joseph Biden at the Summit for Democracy, and the initiatives of his predecessors. The conclusion is drawn that presidential initiatives have gained in significance over the last two decades due to objective as well as subjective factors. On the one hand, U.S. presidents sought to expand the room for maneuver in foreign aid programming and budgeting, which had been very limited from the very beginning due to the legal constraints and which had contracted even further because of a quick proliferation of Congressional earmarks and directives. On the other hand, one should not underestimate the impact of an unprecedented activism of the George W. Bush that the last three U.S. presidents had to keep in mind in their own aid policies. However, the launch of each initiative was determined by a unique combination of factors operating at the individual, domestic and structural levels. This explains a great variety in circumstances surrounding their launch, documentary and institutional formalization, which did not preclude a number of key similarities: 1) determining the funding volume; 2) providing a long-term perspective; 3) supporting the initiative through authorization acts, presidential orders, memoranda/directives or strategic planning documents issued by the White House; 4) establishing new coordination units. The higher the status of these units and the clearer their mandates were, the more effectively the implementation process went. The launch of the Joseph Biden’s Presidential Initiative for Democratic Renewal — which combines diplomacy and development tools — at the end of his first year in office illustrates the role of the aforementioned factors. His intent to solidify his legacy predetermined the choice of a thematic profile for the first presidential initiative which would reflect his personal ideas and considerations about a pivotal confrontation of the epoch in the most explicit way. However, at least for the time being the Joseph Biden’s initiative stands out in all three main dimensions, which raises doubts about its potential to exert a systemic and long-term influence on the U.S. foreign assistance policies.

Informal Coalitions and Legislative Agenda Setting in Mexico’s Multiparty Presidential System

ABSTRACTTo what extent can presidents exert gatekeeping power in opposition-led legislatures? Drawing on a study of roll rates in the Mexican Chamber of Deputies, where presidents lack legislative majorities and often face a legislature controlled by the opposition, this article argues that gatekeeping power is divided among multiple actors. It finds that presidents exert weak gatekeeping power over the agenda. While presidents and their parties are rarely defeated in votes related to presidential initiatives, they generally create stable, informal coalitions with opposition parties to pass their bills. Moreover, the agenda-setting power of the president and the president’s party is weaker with bills that originate in the legislative branch, where the party is occasionally rolled on legislative initiatives and during the amendment stage if it is not also the median party.

Addressing Social Determinants of Mental Health

Addressing Social Determinants of Mental Health

Modern constitutional reform in the context of real civil power model

The article examines aspects of the constitutional reform of 2020 in conjunction with the improvement of democracy as a form of direct democracy. The originality of the reforms that took place is assessed in the constitutional and legal dimension and in conjunction with the principles of the welfare state. Using the example of the all-Russian vote, it is substantiated that it is a special legal procedure for legitimizing constitutional changes that serves as a form of expression of the will of the people to change the configuration of constitutional and legal relations. The delegation of power by the people and the expression of support for the constitutional and legal initiatives of President of the Russian Federation is recognized as a condition for the implementation of the strategic goals of the state.

فاعلیة المبادرات الرئاسیة فى مواجهة المخاطر الصحیة وإتجاهات الجمهور نحو أنشطتها الاتصالیة

اهتمت الدراسة بالإجابة على تساؤل رئيس هو: ما الإجراءات الإتصالية التى اتخذتها المؤسسات الرسمية بالدولة فى المبادرة الرئاسية 100 مليون صحة؟ وما مدى فاعليتها وموقف الجمهور من خدماتها وأدواتها الإتصالية مع المواطنين؟ . کما هدفت الدراسة إلى رصد وتحليل محاور الخطة الرسمية لمبادرة 100 مليون صحة، وکذلک الوسائل الإتصالية بکل أنواعها، والمواد والرسائل والمضامين التوعوية التى استخدمت بالمبادرة للإعلان عنها ونشر الوعى بخدماتها فى کل مراحلها، واهتمت کذلک بإستبيان رأى الجمهور العام عبر نموذج اتصال المخاطر، وطبقت على عينة بلغت 400 مفردة بشأن الإجراءات الإتصالية والتوعوية بالحملة الإعلامية حول المبادرة الصحية. عکست نتائج الدراسة عدة جوانب منها: جاءت المبادرات الرئاسية بالقطاع الصحى فى الإهتمامات الأولى لمشارکة المواطنين وثقتهم بخدماتها المقدمة لکونها أطلقت من خلال رئيس الدولة،يليهامبادرات التعليم وفرص العمل وتکنولوجيا المعلومات. تحققت عناصر نموذج اتصال المخاطر الصحية فى تصميم حملة 100 مليون صحة وفقا لنتائج الدراسة فى الآتى: نوعت المبادرة الرئاسية فى وسائل الإتصال الإلکترونى والجماهيرى والشخصى، قدمت رسائل اتصالية واضحة وفق هدف المبادرة، اعتمدت أکثر على استراتيجية التخويف والتحذير، قدمت رؤية من التشبيک والتعاون بين المؤسسات المشارکة محليا ودوليا، اهتمت بالرد السريع على الشائعات والأخبار الزائفة بشأن الحملة لرفع مستوى الثقة والتعاون. أثبتت الدراسة وجود تأثير قوى فى تحقيق المشارکة الشعبية لإستخدام خطاب العاطفة والتخويف من خطورة فيروس سى والأمراض المزمنة، وأنه يعد أکثر تأثيرا على المواطنين فى تحقق المشارکة عندما يقترن بخطاب الإرشاد والتوعية. The Effectiveness of Presidential Initiatives in Confronting Health Risks and Public Attitudes Toward Its Communication Activities: A Case Study of 100 Million Health Initiative The problem of the study was determined in answering a major question: What are the communicative measures taken by the official institutions in the country in the presidential initiative 100 million health? What is its effectiveness and the public’s position on its services and tools for communicating with citizens? . The study also aimed to monitor and analyze the official plan for the 100 Million Health Initiative, as well as the communication means of all kinds, and the materials, messages and educational content that were used in the initiative to announce it and spread awareness of its services in all its stages. And awareness of the media campaign about the health initiative. The study was also interested in a general public opinion questionnaire on a sample of 400 individuals regarding communication and awareness measures in the media campaign about the health initiative. The results of the study reflected several aspects, including: Presidential initiatives in the health sector came in the forefront of concerns for citizen participation and confidence in the services provided, as they were launched by the President of the State, followed by education, job opportunities and information technology initiatives. The elements of the health risk communication model in designing the 100 Million Health campaign were achieved according to the results of the study in the following: The presidential initiative was diversified in electronic, public and personal communication means, it provided clear communication messages according to the initiative’s goal, it relied more on a strategy of intimidation and warning, presented a vision of networking and cooperation between The participating institutions locally and internationally have taken care to respond quickly to rumors and false news regarding the campaign to raise the level of trust and cooperation. The study proved that there is a strong influence in achieving public participation by using the speech of emotion and intimidation from the seriousness of the C virus and chronic diseases, and that it is considered more influential on citizens in achieving participation when it is combined with the counseling and awareness speech. key words: Presidential Initiatives, Health Risks Communication Model, Governmental Communication, 100 Million Health Initiative, Community Participation, Crisis Communications Management.

COOPERATION OF TEACHER AND STUDENT ON MUSIC WORK

This article attempts to highlight the enormous challenges faced a teacher. The actuality of the article is that it focuses on the attention of art in the education and cases of implementation of the projects of decree. We are not exaggerating to say that this scientifically-based article aims to highlight the President's initiatives and efforts. At the same time, the focus on the attention to the teacher and his spare ways were justified

PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES OF PRESIDENTIAL INITIATIVES FOR NORTH-EAST (PINE): AN INCLUSIVE DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY FOR THE ECONOMIC RECOVERY AND RECONSTRUCTION OF NORTH EASTERN NIGERIA

In recent times, the Northeastern region of Nigeria has engulfed into pocket of insecurity and political conflict. The insecurity ranges from bomb blast, kidnapping, rapping, to other related crimes including insurgency by Boko Haram elements. This has affected the economic ability and socio-political capability of the region to a miximum level. The development prompted the government to put more efforts and different palliatives measures in order to restore back hopes, peace, confidence, security of lives and property as well as to regain back lost livelihoods and reconstruction of all infrastructure damaged during the conflict in the region. These strategies include the Presidential Initiatives for North-East (PINE) Development, the various States Development Strategies, the Foreign Intervention Development Strategies, and the latest North East Development Commission Bill assented to restore hopes and reconstruct the economy of the region. The PINE in particular was founded by the administration of President Goodluck E. Jonathan to provide basic human needs and services for restoring livelihoods and confidence in the nation and its economic system. In spite of this strategy, the region still and largely lag behind in terms of infrastructural development, thousands of children still roams around the street at the expense of schools, people are still dying by bomb blast, internal displaced camps are overcrowded than ever, access to basic healthcare delivery in the camp is far from sight than ever. It was on this premise that the paper desires to assess prospects, challenges and operations of the PINE in the region. The paper also examines the existing strategies adopted by the PINE for the economic recovery and reconstruction of the region. Using documentary data gathered from official reports from governmental institutions both national and international such as Word Bank, National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) as well as books and Journals both hard and internet versions, the paper was analyzed through analyzing tool of content analysis. The paper argued that PINE as a strategy has help in ameliorating the suffering of the people but much is still needed. It is on this basis that the paper recommends inclusive strategy for the restoration of peace, hopes, and confidence as well as long lasting security in the region. Article visualizations:

INSTITUTION OF REFERENDUM IN POLAND – LEGAL REGULATIONS AND POLITICAL PRACTICE

The aim of the present paper is to analyze the legal basis of the referendum ordered by the President in Poland and demonstrate how this institution is utilized in political practice. The article assumes and proves that the fundamental condition for ordering of referendum by the President, both in legal and political terms, is the consent of the Senate. In the end this consent is determined by the distribution of political forces in the chamber. Furthermore a thesis was adopted on the political character of presidential initiatives regarding the ordering of referenda.

New Data for Investigating the President’s Legislative Program: OMB Logs and SAPs*

AbstractThis article introduces two newly available sources of data on presidents’ legislative programs. The first consists of administration legislative initiatives cleared by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) for submission to Congress. We refer to these records as “OMB logs” because they record OMB’s clearance actions on executive‐branch legislative proposals. The second consists of memoranda, officially called Statements of Administration Policy, that OMB sends to floor leaders detailing the president’s position on legislation pending floor consideration. We compare these new data on presidents’ legislative initiatives and policy preferences with those contained in currently available sources—The Public Papers of the Presidents and Congressional Quarterly’s scoring of presidential positions on roll‐call votes—and with a long available but seldom used fifth source, the Congressional Record. Both new data sources list bills and legislative preferences that are not included in the currently available sources. We illustrate the value of these new data by calculating presidents’ impressive “legislative effectiveness” in the House when all presidential initiatives are taken into account.

Presidential Evidence Initiatives: Lessons from the Bush and Obama Administrations’ Efforts to Improve Government Performance

Calls for assessing how well government programs work have been around for decades. The George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations both espoused support for the generation and use of evidence to guide and improve government management. The two presidents brought very different professional experiences, political views, and policy advisors to the job as chief executive of the federal bureaucracy, yet their “President’s Management Agendas” established similar expectations about the use of evaluation and performance information. This paper provides an overview of each administration’s approach, then highlights four key lessons for improving frameworks for government performance and better enabling evidence-based policymaking in practice: 1. Calibrate Evidence-Building Activities to Achieve Learning. The calibration of evidence-building activities to meet common needs for program learning must be better articulated to support engagement. 2. Coordinate Across the Evidence-Building Community. Evidence initiatives must establish better connections across the evidence-building community to engage agency staff working on performance, evaluation, statistical, and other activities to leverage their strengths and generate synergies for producing relevant and timely evidence. 3. Acquire and Sustain Audiences of Potential Users. Government initiatives to improve program performance by using available evidence need to engage agency leaders and other evidence consumers to identify the types of information that will be most useful to inform decision-making. 4. Implement Initiatives Effectively. Evidence-building capacity of federal agencies should be strategically enhanced, and success stories about the use of evaluation and other relevant forms of evidence to improve agency performance should be systematically collected and shared. The evidence initiatives over the past 20 years suggest that future initiatives aimed at improving government’s effectiveness can certainly be better designed to integrate performance measurement and evaluation activities with the numerous other efforts within the evidence-building community. Doing so stands to improve how efforts to build evidence occur, and better inform the variety of uses among potential users.

ЕАБР Макрообзор, Декабрь 2018. Испытание на прочность макроэкономических основ (EDB Macroreview, December 2018. Macroeconomic Stability Tested)

Russian Abstract: В 2018 г. страны – участницы ЕАБР столкнулись с серией вызовов для макроэкономической стабильности в регионе. Основные риски были связаны с замедлением глобального экономического роста, нарастанием протекционистских тенденций в мировой торговле и повышенной волатильностью на развивающихся рынках. Кроме того, макроэкономическая ситуация в регионе находилась под воздействием усилившейся геополитической напряженности. Несмотря на нарастание внешних вызовов, макроэкономическая ситуация в регионе оставалась стабильной. Важными факторами стали ориентация фискальной политики в большинстве стран – участниц ЕАБР на цели придания большей устойчивости экономическому развитию и реализация сбалансированной монетарной политики. Другим фактором улучшения экономической ситуации в регионе стала наблюдавшаяся в течение большей части 2018 г. благоприятная ценовая конъюнктура на рынке нефти. Во всех государствах ЕАБР в 2018 г. отмечаются положительные темпы экономического роста, который, по нашим оценкам, в целом по региону составит 2,0% по итогам 2018 г. Инфляция достигла рекордно низких уровней и к концу 2018 г. не превысит целевых ориентиров центральных/национальных банков. Взаимная торговля стран – участниц ЕАБР выросла на 12,5% по сравнению с январем – сентябрем 2017 г. Экономический рост в странах региона в 2017–2018 гг. был во многом обеспечен смягчением монетарных условий. Вместе с тем цикл восстановления экономической активности завершается, а инфляционные риски находятся на высоком уровне. В совокупности это ограничивает потенциал дальнейшего стимулирования экономики со стороны монетарной политики. В условиях нарастания внешних рисков все более актуальным становится поиск новых источников устойчивого роста, в том числе за счет преобразований, направленных на повышение эффективности экономик и улучшение инвестиционного климата. В рамках специального доклада к макрообзору коллектив авторов Евразийского фонда стабилизации и развития на примере Армении приводит свои рекомендации в отношении мер экономической политики, направленных на преодоление структурных и институциональных ограничений экономики. Проведенный анализ структурных разрывов в Армении позволил определить направления реформ, которые успешно реализуются в стране, равно как и те направления, по которым наблюдается отставание в реализации. Представленный в исследовании инструментарий является универсальным и может быть использован для разработки адресных рекомендаций в отношении мер структурной экономической политики. В ряде государств региона в 2018 г. власти выступили с инициативами структурных преобразований. Правительством Российской Федерации анонсирован пакет структурных изменений, направленных на стимулирование устойчивого роста инвестиционной активности и решение долгосрочных социальных задач. В Казахстане инициативы президента, озвученные весной и осенью 2018 г., во многом ориентированы на повышение благосостояния населения страны посредством улучшения деловой среды и развития человеческого капитала. Такого рода преобразования могут способствовать повышению качества экономического роста Казахстана в долгосрочной перспективе за счет его большей устойчивости и инклюзивного характера экономической модели развития. English Abstract: In 2018, the EDB member countries faced a number of challenges to regional macroeconomic stability. The main risks resulted from the global economic slowdown, growing protectionist trends in world trade and increased volatility in developing markets. Higher geopolitical tensions also had an impact on the regional macroeconomic situation. Despite the growing external challenges, the macroeconomic situation remained stable in the region, with most EDB countries’ fiscal policies aimed at achieving more sustainable economic growth and a balanced monetary policy. The favorable oil price during most of 2018 was another factor behind the improvement in the region’s economy. All the EDB member countries recorded positive growth rates in 2018, which we estimate at 2.0% overall. Inflation reached a record low and will stay within the central banks’ target ranges for 2018. The EDB member countries’ mutual trade grew by 12.5% versus January to September 2017. The 2017 and 2018 economic growth in the region was significantly assisted by eased monetary policies. Yet the recovery cycle is ending, while the inflationary risks are high. These factors combine to limit monetary policy’s ability to continue stimulating the economy. With the external risks mounting, it is increasingly important to find new sources of sustainable growth, in particular, by means of reforms intended to raise the economies’ efficiency and improve the investment climate. In the special report attached to this macro review, the team of authors of the Eurasian Fund for Stabilization and Development gives recommendations concerning economic policy measures that might help overcome an economy’s structural and institutional limitations, taking Armenia as an example. Analysis of the structural gaps existing in Armenia allows us to identify the areas of reform that are being successful – as well as those which are lagging. The tools used in the study are versatile and can be used for developing targeted recommendations on structural economic policy measures. In 2018, some member-states’ authorities initiated structural reforms. The Government of the Russian Federation announced a package of structural changes intended to stimulate sustainable growth of investment activity and pursue long-term social objectives. In Kazakhstan, presidential initiatives announced in the spring and fall of 2018 are largely intended to enhance the population’s welfare by improving the business environment and developing human capital. Such reforms may help improve the quality of Kazakhstan’s economic growth in the long run by making it more sustainable and based on an inclusive model of economic development.

Editorial introductions

Editorial introductions

ACS Safety Summit creates a culture of safety

I am now well into my presidential year, and my intention of creating some things that will last, that have meaning, and that will build talent within our society is shaping up (C&EN, Jan. 1, page 29). One of my presidential initiatives has been to team up with leaders from American Chemical Society governance and technical units to organize the first ACS Safety Summit, which took place at the ACS headquarters building in Washington, D.C., on Feb. 2–4. Over the past few years, we have heard and seen more attention paid to the topic of laboratory safety. A number of unfortunate incidents have shed light on something missing in our community. The reactions by those outside academia and industry have been escalating over time, the repercussions have been harsh, and the veil of indemnity has been torn away. Organizations including ACS, the Association of Public & Land-Grant Universities, and some

Ad Hoc Diplomats

Article II of the Constitution grants the president power to appoint “Ambassadors” and “other public Ministers” with the advice and consent of the Senate. By all accounts, this language requires Senate confirmation for the appointment of resident ambassadors and other diplomats of similar rank and tenure. Yet these are hardly the only agents of U.S. foreign relations. Ad hoc diplomats — individuals chosen exclusively by the president to complete limited and temporary assignments — play a comparably significant role in addressing international crises, negotiating treaties, and otherwise executing foreign policy. This Article critically examines the appointments process for such irregular agents. An orthodox view holds it permissible for the president to dispatch any ad hoc diplomat without Senate confirmation, but this view does not accord with the original meaning of Article II. Scrutinizing text and an extensive collection of original historical sources, I show that, under a formalist reading of the Constitution, the appointment of most ad hoc diplomats requires the advice and consent of the Senate because these agents are typically “public Ministers” and “Officers of the United States” under the Appointments Clause. The analysis makes several contributions. First, it provides the first thorough account of the original meaning of “public Ministers” — a term that appears several times in the Constitution but lacks precise contours in contemporary scholarship and practice. Second, for formalists, the analysis reorients longstanding debates about the process of treaty-making and empowers the Senate to exert greater influence over a wide variety of presidential initiatives, including communications with North Korea, the renegotiation of trade agreements, the campaign to defeat ISIS, and the stabilization of Ukraine, all of which depend on the work of ad hoc diplomats. At a time of trepidation over the nature of U.S. foreign policy, such influence might operate as a stabilizing force. Third, the analysis illuminates rhetorical and doctrinal maneuvers that have facilitated the rise of the modern presidency, including historical revisionism and the marginalization of international law as an input in constitutional interpretation. These maneuvers complicate the political valence of originalism and cast the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) — a key proponent of the orthodox view — as a motivated expositor of the separation of powers.