Presidential Inauguration Research Articles

How to Plan a Presidential Inauguration

How to Plan a Presidential Inauguration

미국 대통령 취임사에 나타난 ‘정치는 여행이다’ 은유에 관한 연구

대부분의 정치인들은 자신들의 정치적인 효과를 누리고 국민들을 적극적으로 설득하기 위해 다양한 수사(rhetoric)를 사용하는데, 그 중에서 정치담론에서 은유는 추상적인 이슈들을 일반 국민들에게 접하기 쉽도록 하는 도구로 주요 이슈를 강조하기 위해 자주 사용된다. 또한 정치인들은 자신들의 정치적 목적이나 계획을 관철시키기 위해서 뿐만 아니라 자신들의 입장을 더 분명하게 전달하기 위해서 혹은 국민들을 더 설득하기 위해서 은유라는 기제를 사용한다.BR 본 연구는 인지언어학적 관점에서 최근 미국 대통령 취임사 10개에서 나타난 은유 중에서 빈도수가 높은 [정치는 여행이다] 은유를 심층적으로 분석하고 여행 은유가 지니고 있는 함축적 의미를 고찰하였다. 전직대통령들이 취임사에서 [정치는 여행이다] 개념적 은유를 자주 사용되는 이유는 여행이라는 것이 힘들고 지속적인 과정이듯이, 훌륭한 국가를 만드는 것 역시 길고도 지속적인 노력을 필요로 하며 힘든 과정임을 일반 국민들에게 설득하기 위함이다. 여행 은유에서 사용된 하위 은유로 [국가/국민은 여행객이다], [정치적/사회적 목표는 목적지이다], [정치적 전략은 길, 도로, 방향이다], [정치적 어려움/난관/문제/도전은 장애물이다], [정치적 변화/개혁(혁신)은 앞으로의 이동이다] 등이 있으며 각각에 대하여 사상 관계를 살펴보았다. 마지막으로 여행 은유가 지니고 있는 함축적 의미를 살펴보았는데, 미국 대통령 취임사뿐만 아니라 정치담론에 나타난 여행 은유와 관련하여 중요한 함축적 의미는 아메리칸 드림이다. 아메리칸 드림이 여행 은유와 결합할 때 아메리칸 드림은 앞으로 계속 살아있는 대상으로 개념화됨을 보았다.

Motivation? The Effects of High-Impact Experiential Learning Activities on Political Science Students

This research examines whether high-impact experiential learning activities in politics motivate students positively in learning, personal development and establishing career goals? Using participant observations and student journals recorded during their participation in the Osgood Center for International Studies 2017 Presidential Inauguration Seminar and the Washington Center for Internships and Academic Seminar’s 2016 Democratic and Republican Convention seminars, this research identifies specific outcomes related to the impact of such experiential learning opportunities on students of political science.

Who Are US Latinas/os? An Inauguration Day Reflection

Who Are US Latinas/os? An Inauguration Day Reflection Lorena Gauthereau (bio) On Friday, January 20, 2017, the US Presidential Inauguration Day, many universities and social activist groups across the United States organized varied events. At Rice University, in Houston, Texas, students, faculty, staff, and alumni alike participated in “Onward! An Inauguration Day Teach-in,” a day of roundtable discussions and breakout sessions focused on educating and engaging the Rice community on politically charged topics. The event was proposed by English professor Lacy Johnson and co-organized by Johnson and anthropology professor Zoë Wool. “Onward!” was inspired in part by an opinion piece written by Rice University president David Leebron, which appeared in The Rice Thresher at the start of the Fall 2016 semester. In the article, Leebron urged students to participate in difficult conversations concerning topics of politics and religion. Such discussions, Leebron stated, “can form an incredibly important part of an education, and enable us to truly benefit from all the forms of diversity in our community” (Leebron n.p.). The goal of the teach-in was to “offer resources through which new infrastructures for dialogue, education, understanding, and engagement can emerge. Our intention is to help all participants thoughtfully contemplate the implications of the new federal administration across a wide range of domains by putting this moment into broader historical, social, and political context. Our hope is that new ways forward will emerge” (Rice Responds). One of the breakout sessions, “Who Are Latinas/os?” was led by Rice Associate Professor of Chicana/o and American Literature José F. Aranda Jr. During this session, Aranda touched on various topics, including national statistics; the diverse socioeconomic, political, and cultural background of US Latinas/os; immigration; language; religion; and racial discrimination. The students, staff, faculty, and alumni who attended this event participated in conversations about community and cross-cultural awareness. I participated in the event as well, and, after the discussion, I prompted the attendees to write a reflection on an index card, which would then form a line in a collaborative poem. I gathered the unsigned cards and organized them in what I felt was a cohesive manner. I limited my editing to organization and creating line breaks in order to preserve the rawness of the moment and the poem’s polyvocality. [End Page 199] The following poem is the result of the collaborative work of Rice community members who attended the session, including undergraduate and graduate students, staff, faculty, and alumni. In its honest roughness, this poem conveys the discomfort, the sorrow, the optimism, the confusion, and most of all the desire to connect that pulsed through this group of people. The collaborative nature of the poem weaves together political thoughts and personal worries. It infuses policy with personal experience. Who Are Latinas/os? Who are Latinas? Who are Latinos? I am not safe to be myself,I’m safe to be like everyone else.No puedo ser,I’m safe to be like everyone else. “MEXICAN” should not be a slur. I love my culture andSometimes I just wantTo share itWithout someone thinkingI’m the typicalHispanic stereotype.It’s not a stereotype.It’s my culture.And I’m not afraid to share it. Oh you’re not from here?I didn’t think you wereIllegalYou speak English so well! My family is from the United States.I am Chicana. [End Page 200] LATINO + HISPANIC RIGHTSAREHUMAN RIGHTS Why is it that myliminality,duality,my white motherand my brown fatherspell outnullnessinauthenticity? Geography matters.Unity matters.Uniqueness matters.We matter. We long to reach out toConservative Hispanics who feel like theyhave todistance themselves from“dirty Mexicans.” I am more than aPhysical representation ofA percentage and aCulturalSocialAssumption ofMy people. I am more than theDaughter of peopleWho risked their livesTo give me aBetter future,But I am proud ofOur history. [End Page 201] SOMOS UNIDOS.We need education onShared experiences,Understanding.We need to unite. When I joined my high school soccer team,the locker room divided within the first weekbetween...

“We Won’t Go Back into the Closet Now Without One Hell of a Fight”: Effects of the 2016 Presidential Election on Sexual Minority Women’s and Gender Minorities’ Stigma-Related Concerns

Much progress has been made in terms of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) rights. The 2016 United States presidential election, however, raised concerns that this progress could be slowed, if not reversed. We conducted an internet-based study and gathered both qualitative and quantitative data from a national convenience sample to examine how sexual minority women and gender minorities (n = 741) perceived the outcome of the election in relation to stigma-related concerns, perceptions, and expectations. Quantitative analyses of responses collected between December 2016 and the presidential inauguration (January 20, 2017) revealed that participants reported high levels of election outcome-related concerns, including psychological and emotional distress. Qualitative responses centered on the individual-level impacts of the perceived threat of potential increases in structural stigma. Participants raised specific concerns about the possible rollback of rights and the rise in hate speech and discrimination, and the stigmatizing effects of these on LGBTQ and other marginalized populations.

The Function of Repetition in Trump's Inaugural Address A discourse analysis study

Political speech might be one of the most problematic types of discourse because it is usually characterized by the use of different techniques and strategies that allow politicians to convey their political messages and persuade people of their ideologies and thoughts. 
 The American presidential inaugural addresses are a form of political discourse that shares the characteristics of both oral and written discourse. It is actually an ample area that worth to be studied to explore some of the features that characterize this type of discourse. 
 This paper is an attempt to investigate the function of repetition in Trump's Inaugural address from a discourse analysis perspective.
 The analysis revealed that repetition is used as a main strategy in Trump's address to reflect inclusiveness and create a shared responsibility with the audience.

Stock Market Reactions to Presidential Social Media Usage: Evidence from Company-Specific Tweets

When the President of the United States tweets, do investors respond? We analyze the impact of tweets from President Trump's official Twitter accounts from November 9, 2016 to December 31, 2017 that include names of publicly traded companies. We find that these tweets move company stock prices and increase trading volume, volatility, and institutional investor attention, with a stronger impact before the presidential inauguration. There is some evidence that the initial impact of the presidential tweets on stock prices is reversed on the next few trading days.

Sustainable Administrative Reform Movements Policy in Joko Widodo's Administration

Joko Widodo (Jokowi) is a leader that is widely expected to transform Indonesia into a better country. Hopes and wishes were rising when he was elected as the president of Indonesia. This paper will describe various innovations undertaken before and after his presidential inauguration as well as the assorted innovations made in reforming the administration of his cabinet. As the president of Indonesia, Joko Widodo is required to realize the aspirations of the people in freeing the government from corruption, collusion, and nepotism. The management of ministerial and non-ministerial institutions becomes the very first crucial issue undertaken by Joko Widodo. This led to a polemic in regards to reducing or increasing the number of institutions, as the Jokowi administration actually increased the amount. In Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration, several policies were made systematically and based on legislations that had been approved by the lagislature. Joko Widodo's administration in more partial in nature. The administrative reform program that is highly anticipated is the continuation of the Public Service Act. This law is a step forward from the administrative reform program that aims at the creation of good governance. Changes is career path, salary system, pension and benefits for civil servants, performance-based staffing are various efforts of sustainability carried out by Joko Widodo's administration.

Latent alliances: the Women’s March and agrarian feminism as opportunities of and for political ecology

On 21 January 2017, the day after a bitterly contested presidential inauguration, nearly 5 million women and men marched and protested in 673 places across the globe – under the banner of the Women’s March. The March exceeded and expanded expectations on many levels, from organizational projections to media classifications to scholarly analysis. One aspect of the March – and its ongoing repercussions – that has eluded attention is its latent links to and alliances with women-led agrarian movements underway in the United States and internationally. Rendering the March merely urban does a disservice to the subtle ways agricultural politics and even agrarian resistance permeated its political messages. I argue that a feminist political ecology analysis – particularly a postcolonial, intersectional one rooted in anti-racism and anti-classism and following the lead of Black agrarian womanism – helps elucidate the latent alignments between and among the Women’s March and transnational women-led agrarian movements, such as those of La Via Campesina. As such, the burgeoning field of feminist political ecology is well-equipped to help connect the applied intersectional visions at work in the Women’s March with those of agrarian feminist movements, even as this task provides an important intellectual opportunity for political ecology itself.

Language and politics: A study of presidential speeches of selected Ghanaian leaders

This study explores the illocutionary acts performed in Presidential Inaugural Addresses (PIAs) by Ghanaian presidents of the 4th republic and their intended communicative effects on the audience. It also investigates the indicators that give rise to these acts. This is a qualitative study which adopts an exploratory design. The sample speeches used are President J.E.A. Mills’ 2009 inaugural speech and President Mahama’s 2013 inaugural speech. Rooted in Austin’s and Searle’s (SAT), the five classes of illocutionary speech acts delineated by Searle are significant in the speeches. They include assertives (60.89%), commissives (20.51%), expressives (11.54%) and directives (7.05%) of the total data. The study concludes that Presidential Inaugural Speeches (PIAs) are characterized by dominant performing of assertives and no declaratives. These illocutionary acts are used to depict past, present and future situations in the country and to inspire public confidence in the governments. The acts are indicated by the interplay of the time, the mood and the subject of the verb phrase of the proposition and the use of performative verbs. The study has implications for literature on African political speeches in general and particularly, presidential speeches. It also has implications for the SAT.

Editor's Pick

Kim Stafford The Flavor of Unity: Post-Election Poems Little Infinities, 2017 Are you dreading the future after reading the dystopian lit in this issue, or feeling paralyzed by the general malaise in the world today? First, read Timothy Bradford’s recommended books on activism (pages 6–7), then track down a copy of The Flavor of Unity, poet Kim Stafford’s recently released chapbook. Impeccably timed, my copy arrived the day before the US presidential inauguration in January. A cover letter explained the genesis of the project: Stafford woke before dawn on November 8, 2016, and wrote the first poem in the book, “Election Morning Starlight,” full of the fervor to offer “sufficient witness at the fulcrum” of history. After the election, Stafford aspired to cultivate a sense of post-election unity, to achieve “a sense of common purpose [as] our way forward together.” In “Why I Am a Teacher after the Election,” Stafford writes: “So we sing praise. Tell legends / of the good, story the lives of simple / saints and worthy witnesses.” The theme of “eloquent witnessing” echoes throughout the twenty-eight poems in the book, building on the author’s concept of “eloquent listening” in The Muses Among Us (2003). In the three-part poem “Dear America,” we read: “If you were a century, I would be one breath / striving to speak my honest syllable.” Here, the poet offers a “whispered testament” even as the new American president called on citizens to “bleed the red blood of patriots” in his inaugural address. In an afterword subtitled “A Hierarchy of Responses to Trouble in the World,” Stafford offers twelve possible antidotes to paralysis “in a kind of ascending order of usefulness.” The first half-dozen items suggest various solitary modes of catharsis or turning inward, but the poet then turns away from “brute reaction” to endorse, instead, approaches that “empower others” and “gather companions for the difficult, restorative work to come”: “Send forth your writing or art to help others,” he writes, practicing what he preaches. The booklet (available at lulu.com) ends with three dozen epigrammatic lines meant to spur “constructive responses in times of change.” My favorite reads: “The nesting-doll of the citizen in dark times: the pragmatic encloses and protects the skilled, which encloses and protects the creative, which guards the free spirit.” For Stafford, that free spirit sparks the creative, which in turn impels the concerned citizen to join the new “continental congress” that “convenes / at bus stops, taverns and cafes, parking lots / where neighbors pause (their shopping carts / with flour milk and eggs).” While some might choose to hurl themselves against the barricades, thoughtful readers will welcome Stafford’s more measured counsel for the next four years and beyond. Daniel Simon Editor in Chief If things start we’ll have to be ready for a scrap with the whole world—and, God willing, we’ll come out on top!” and he laughed and coughed again. That night, Matija tossed and turned, trying to dispel his dark thoughts and get to sleep. I’ll have to go in search of food again tomorrow. I’d really like some meat again. It’s been ages since we had that piece of old cow that the farmer took apart down at the front entrance, he thought, recalling the repulsive sight. Then he was beset by doubts as to whether he had really completed his stories. The composition bothers me here and there, the narrative is too linear, and there are probably still redundancies, he thought. Should I tweak things a bit more or ask someone’s opinion? I know in advance what Ana would say. Love makes you blind. . . . Hey, what about M. R.? He wouldn’t refuse me the favor. Why didn’t I think of him before? He’d give me some good, honest feedback. Yes, I’ll give him the stories to read, but I mustn’t say a word to Ana or else she’ll lose her temper. I can hear her reproaching me already: “Why are you so unsure of yourself? Didn’t you promise me you wouldn’t add one letter more?” I’ll call him from the office...

Editor's Pick

Kim Stafford The Flavor of Unity: Post-Election Poems Little Infinities, 2017 Are you dreading the future after reading the dystopian lit in this issue, or feeling paralyzed by the general malaise in the world today? First, read Timothy Bradford’s recommended books on activism (pages 6–7), then track down a copy of The Flavor of Unity, poet Kim Stafford’s recently released chapbook. Impeccably timed, my copy arrived the day before the US presidential inauguration in January. A cover letter explained the genesis of the project: Stafford woke before dawn on November 8, 2016, and wrote the first poem in the book, “Election Morning Starlight,” full of the fervor to offer “sufficient witness at the fulcrum” of history. After the election, Stafford aspired to cultivate a sense of post-election unity, to achieve “a sense of common purpose [as] our way forward together.” In “Why I Am a Teacher after the Election,” Stafford writes: “So we sing praise. Tell legends / of the good, story the lives of simple / saints and worthy witnesses.” The theme of “eloquent witnessing” echoes throughout the twenty-eight poems in the book, building on the author’s concept of “eloquent listening” in The Muses Among Us (2003). In the three-part poem “Dear America,” we read: “If you were a century, I would be one breath / striving to speak my honest syllable.” Here, the poet offers a “whispered testament” even as the new American president called on citizens to “bleed the red blood of patriots” in his inaugural address. In an afterword subtitled “A Hierarchy of Responses to Trouble in the World,” Stafford offers twelve possible antidotes to paralysis “in a kind of ascending order of usefulness.” The first half-dozen items suggest various solitary modes of catharsis or turning inward, but the poet then turns away from “brute reaction” to endorse, instead, approaches that “empower others” and “gather companions for the difficult, restorative work to come”: “Send forth your writing or art to help others,” he writes, practicing what he preaches. The booklet (available at lulu.com) ends with three dozen epigrammatic lines meant to spur “constructive responses in times of change.” My favorite reads: “The nesting-doll of the citizen in dark times: the pragmatic encloses and protects the skilled, which encloses and protects the creative, which guards the free spirit.” For Stafford, that free spirit sparks the creative, which in turn impels the concerned citizen to join the new “continental congress” that “convenes / at bus stops, taverns and cafes, parking lots / where neighbors pause (their shopping carts / with flour milk and eggs).” While some might choose to hurl themselves against the barricades, thoughtful readers will welcome Stafford’s more measured counsel for the next four years and beyond. Daniel Simon Editor in Chief If things start we’ll have to be ready for a scrap with the whole world—and, God willing, we’ll come out on top!” and he laughed and coughed again. That night, Matija tossed and turned, trying to dispel his dark thoughts and get to sleep. I’ll have to go in search of food again tomorrow. I’d really like some meat again. It’s been ages since we had that piece of old cow that the farmer took apart down at the front entrance, he thought, recalling the repulsive sight. Then he was beset by doubts as to whether he had really completed his stories. The composition bothers me here and there, the narrative is too linear, and there are probably still redundancies, he thought. Should I tweak things a bit more or ask someone’s opinion? I know in advance what Ana would say. Love makes you blind. . . . Hey, what about M. R.? He wouldn’t refuse me the favor. Why didn’t I think of him before? He’d give me some good, honest feedback. Yes, I’ll give him the stories to read, but I mustn’t say a word to Ana or else she’ll lose her temper. I can hear her reproaching me already: “Why are you so unsure of yourself? Didn’t you promise me you wouldn’t add one letter more?” I’ll call him from the office...

Editorial Comment

Editorial Comment Jen Parker-Starbuck As the preparations for this issue are reaching completion, the United States is experiencing an unprecedented political shift. During the week I wrote this people were debating whether to watch or boycott the presidential inauguration, and millions more were preparing to take to the streets the day after the inauguration in peaceful protest. By the time this issue is published the country will have a new president, but one who has divided and stirred up more controversy than any global leader in recent memory. As I have engaged with these essays, all of which point to important and/or overlooked historical data, figures, and performances or recall critical moments that foreshadow our neoliberal times, it has been difficult to accept this "post-fact" climate. While information is interpretable and history is in need of expansion to become more inclusive, the notion of "alternative facts" is anathema to all we do as academic researchers and scholars. The new administration's attempt to claim these alternative facts is just another way of framing lies, and this new order emanating from the United States needs a great deal of fact-checking. This election has caused (or made too clear) a schism that will take a long time to heal, and this moment is just the beginning. It is then necessary to return to moments in history to show how crucial it is to unearth the forgotten and set records straight. The authors in this issue have done just this: they reach back to moments forgotten and people overlooked; they turn to data analysis and to a life cut too short to fulfill an extraordinary vision; they have in some cases sought alternative lines of narrative, but ones that complicate, correct, or augment the record. Now, days after the historic women's street marches that galvanized people across the globe, it is fitting to open the issue with an analysis of street theatre in David Calder's essay "2CV Théâtre: Transgression, Nostalgia, and the Negative Space of French Street Theatre." This essay returns us to post-1968 France to describe the theatre company Théâtre de l'Unité's touring production of 2CV Théâtre—a tiny theatre within a Citroën automobile that was seen in twenty countries during the years 1977 to 1997. Calder's retracing of the origin stories of French street theatre to both the student protests of May 1968 and a premodern carnivalesque argues that 2CV Théâtre resists and complicates the populist (street) versus elite (indoor) origin stories. This theatre, according to the essay, works almost homeopathically by playing up the elitism, but also theatrically, as it ironically comments on the boundaries between, for example, actor and spectator. I was struck by a quote in the essay, that the company's performers "have not taken to the streets to escape theatricality so much as they have taken theatricality to the streets," and find it a potent strategy to challenge divisions in the contemporary moment. Calder pushes historiographic assumptions about street theatre through this historically under-examined example, and suggests a more complex narrative emerging from industrial modernity to trouble the populist versus elitist divide through performance interwoven with the automobile industry. [End Page vii] Katie Johnson's "An Algerian in Paris: Habib Benglia's The Emperor Jones" brings to historical attention the largely overlooked work of Algerian-French actor Habib Benglia, specifically in his portrayal of Brutus Jones in Eugene O'Neill's The Emperor Jones (1923, reprised in 1950). As Johnson notes, Benglia, "the first African actor to appear on a French national stage," was well-documented in the international press for this performance, but has not been significantly covered in theatre scholarship. Her essay analyzes aspects of Benglia's "remains," such as a misfiled press photograph, commentary, reviews (often incorrect or full of assumptions), and Benglia's legacy as a nightclub owner and dancer in Paris, to subvert notions of colonial subjectivity and narratives of empire. Her exacting research not only introduces Benglia as a key actor in this role and contributes to the performance history of O'Neill's play, but also importantly argues how these performative remains can...

Poetry and Anarchism

Poetry and Anarchism Margaret Konkol (bio) Unruly Equality: U.S. Anarchism in the Twentieth Century. Andrew Cornell. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2016. Pp. xiv + 416. $29.95 (paper). Crisis and the US Avant-Garde: Poetry and Real Politics. Ben Hickman. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 2015. Pp. 200. $120.00 (cloth); $72.84 (eBook). Personal Modernisms: Anarchist Networks and the Later Avant-Gardes. James Gifford. Alberta: University of Alberta Press, 2014. Pp. xx + 296. $34.95 (paper). During the 20 January 2017 presidential inauguration demonstrations in Washington, D.C., an antifascist protestor identified as part of an anarchist Black Bloc punched white nationalist Richard Spencer, touching off an absurd yet serious national debate: “is it okay to punch a Nazi?” That the video clip gained meme status indicates a widespread frustration, a perceived ineffectiveness of civil political discourse and a readiness to abandon nonviolent means for more violent tactics or, at least, to check the quiet normalization of the far right with a gleefully small-scale action that, though violent, is schoolyard in its proportions. In some sense the protestor’s surprise punch is an avant-garde gesture, an act of radical political guerilla theater. Indeed, scholars of the avant-garde have recognized an intimate link between anarchist and avant-garde tactics. Ben Hickman’s new book begins with a statement from Joshua Clover, reflecting on his 2009 arrest and role in the UC Davis Occupy movement in which he admonished “capital-T Theory” for leading him—as well as so many other poets writing in the wake of Language Poetry—to imagine that poetic language equates to political action, repudiating “ideas which allow activities at the level of language to claim the same material force as a thrown brick.” Clover has since reiterated this sentiment: “Certain things will have to be actively destroyed on the side of capital . . . And they will not be destroyed with [End Page 867] language” (1). Since the 2008 recession and subsequent Occupy Movement, a resurgence of anarchist activity has propelled anarchism to the forefront of the US cultural consciousness. According to Clover, despite this reanimation, avant-garde poetry is not participating. Instead, it has been absorbed into capitalist social formations. By contrast, political anarchism retains the shock of the new. There is historical precedent for understanding anarchist activity as avant-garde strategy. In February of 1967, wearing black masks and hoisting fabricated skulls on the tips of pikes, a group of artists who called themselves Black Mask—whose inspirations included the work of Amiri Baraka—marched along Wall Street with a sign “Wall Street is War Street,” protesting a culture of violence and oppression, specifically the Vietnam War and the treatment of African Americans by the police. A spokesman for Black Mask explained that it had “nothing to do with moral witness, peaceful demonstration or even resistance—this is aggression, the beginning of revolutionary struggle” (Cornell, Unruly Equality, 206). This is the first recorded appearance of the “black bloc aesthetic,” but connections or cross-pollinations between artists, writers, and anarchists reach back to the 1920s (Unruly Equality, 260). Anarchist philosophy, despite its communitarian values and aesthetic manifestations, has often been reductively perceived as a radically violent antistatist position. For instance, even as Lola Ridge, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Malcolm Cowley, and others mourned the 1927 execution of anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti, their literary commemorations elided the pair’s anarchist affiliation—an attempt to rescue Sacco and Vanzetti from an irreparably maligned ideology. In fact, Dan Colson has argued that the erasure of anarchism from literary history begins with poets and writers themselves. This may explain why there is a relative dearth of literary-historical research on the subject, until now. The contemporary resurgence of anarchism on the political stage makes the timing of recent investigations of poetry and Left politics opportune. Three recent books offer perspectives on poetry’s relation to anarchist and Marxist politics. In combination, they recover the extent and influence of anarchist thought in the twentieth century, making the case that any history of the avant-garde or of late modernism is incomplete without reckoning with the importance of anarchism. In presenting anarchism’s developments from 1915 to...

Audience responses and the context of political speeches

Previous studies showed that cultural dimensions (individualism and collectivism) are related to audience behavior in responding to political speeches. However, this study suggests that speech context is an important issue to be considered in understanding speaker-audience interaction in political speeches. Forms of response, audience behavior, and response rates were analyzed in three speech contexts: acceptance speeches to nomination as political parties’ candidates for presidential election, presidential election campaign speeches, and presidential inauguration speeches in the Korean presidential election of 2012. We found that audience response forms and behavior were distinctive according to the three speech contexts: in-group partisan leadership, competitive, and formal contexts. However, there was no relationship between the affiliative response rate and electoral success in the election. The function of the audience response is popularity and support of a speaker in acceptance and election campaign speeches, while it is conformity to social norms in inauguration speeches.

La brecha de las noticias en Argentina: factores contextuales y preferencias de periodistas y público

This investigation examines the supply and demand of news in seven places in Argentina through a quantitative content analysis of the news more prominently published on homepages and “most read” lists over a period of seven months, including the presidential campaign and the 2015 presidential inauguration. The quantitative analysis of over 5500 news shows that there is a significant and consistent gap between the preferences of journalists and consumers and a greater variability in the preferences of membersof the public than in the choice of professional news producers. This paper uses these findings to reflect on the concepts of agenda-setting and monitorial citizenship.

‘Have a Quiet, Orderly, Polite Revolution’: Framing Political Protest and Protecting the Status Quo

This paper demonstrates how print media sources frame the Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street in ways that, consciously or not, support the prevailing status quo – social, economic, and political elites. The study employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) as the analytic framework, investigating how print media (sometimes referred to as ‘print capitalism’) utilized framing techniques that disparaged the two political organizations but in very different ways. The analysis incorporates articles appearing in the New York Post and the New York Times from the inception of each organization, through six weeks after the 2012 Presidential Inauguration; articles were coded to uncover themes that defined both organizations as ‘outsiders.’ Tea Partiers are characterized as irrational demagogues, while Occupy Wall Street (OWS) activities are criminalized; both are dismissed as irrelevant, leaving the predominant ‘mainstream’ political rule intact. Findings identify tools of discourse used by media to limit the influence of competing movements while essentially protecting the status quo. Revealing these tools provides clues to unreliable discourse in media coverage of presidential candidates, which tends to quash open debate and threaten principles of participatory government.

Ethos Presidencial de Autoridade: Análise da Modalidade Deôntica nos Discursos de Tomada de Posse do Estado Novo

Under the scope of Discourse Analysis, this article analyses the construction of an authority presidential ethos (Amossy, 2010; Maingueneau, 1999) of the President of the Republic in 6 presidential inaugural addresses given during the Estado Novo. This study uses a qualitative approach to focus on the deontic modality (linguistic categories, obligation source, target and object) and its analysis falls into two headings: a) the President’s duties and b) the People’s duties. We have concluded that distinct and multiple images of authority (that serve Estado Novo’s political and ideological agenda) are built of and/or by the President.

Ethos Presidencial de Autoridade: Análise da Modalidade Deôntica nos Discursos de Tomada de Posse do Estado Novo

Under the scope of Discourse Analysis, this article analyses the construction of an authority presidential ethos (Amossy, 2010; Maingueneau, 1999) of the President of the Republic in 6 presidential inaugural addresses given during the Estado Novo. This study uses a qualitative approach to focus on the deontic modality (linguistic categories, obligation source, target and object) and its analysis falls into two headings: a) the President’s duties and b) the People’s duties. We have concluded that distinct and multiple images of authority (that serve Estado Novo’s political and ideological agenda) are built of and/or by the President.

An Analysis of Pragmatic Functions of Hedging in American Presidential Inaugural Addresses

This paper endeavors to analyze the functions of hedging devices in American presidential inaugural addresses from the 20th century to present on the Cooperative Principle and the Politeness Principle. Hedging is an important ingredient of fuzziness and plays an important role in human communication. People often take it as an effective strategy to improve their expressiveness and communicative effects. In American presidential inaugural addresses, the application of hedging contributes a lot to the mildness, politeness and flexibility of linguistic expressions, thus fulfilling the needs of some special political purposes.