President Of Czechoslovakia Research Articles

Reports to the Military Office of the President of the Republic in Czechoslovakia on the situation in Poland in 1935

The article focuses on the military and political reports of the Military Office of the President of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1935. The relations between Czechoslovakia and Poland in the interwar period were not ideal for a number of reasons, yet there were mutual contacts, one of which was the work of the diplomatic corps and military attachés. The view of these reports on developments in Poland was an important source of information for the Czechoslovak President. That is why the reports are quite detailed. The article presents them with a commentary on the events mentioned and with the necessary setting in the contemporary context.

Czech Question as an Answer? The Problem of Unpredictability of National Myths

Abstract The field of nationalism studies has stagnated for the past three decades. What looks like a breath of fresh air is Gerárd Bouchard’s theory of national myths, offering a new perspective on the hitherto largely overlooked study of myths. But while Bouchard brings us closer to the practical utilisation of myths, his theory also implies that the process of mythification is largely unpredictable. Myths seem to emerge and disappear in a rather mysterious manner, preventing us from effectively controlling them. The story of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, the first Czechoslovak president, demonstrates this problem. Masaryk originally succeeded in constructing a democratic Czechoslovak myth, but later historical developments rendered his efforts not only ineffective but also counter-productive. The culprit, however, should not be sought in Masaryk’s philosophy or actions, as some authors have suggested, but rather in the unpredictable nature of the mythification process itself.

ASSESSMENT OF THE QUALITY OF PEDESTRIAN SPACES (ON THE EXAMPLE OF MASARYK AND SHTEFANYK PARK IN UZHHOROD)

A system for improving the condition of pedestrian spaces in the square based on the system of assessing the quality of pedestrian spaces, organization of transit pedestrian traffic, as well as division into zones of passive and active recreation, taking into account historical and architectural features, analyzed the prerequisites for the formation and implementation of the concept of assessing the quality of pedestrian spaces. Crossing the transport bridge (named after T.G. Masaryk), on the side of Svobody Avenue, in the direction of Druzhby Narodiv Square, there is a square named after Masaryk, named after the first President of Czechoslovakia (1918-1935). 
 In the park you can spend your free time reading a book and watching the life of the city, and after the reconstruction, children will be able to have fun on the playground and the elderly will be able to play chess. It was also planned to plant flowers, arrange lighting, and replace benches with urns. The excursion route "Uzhhorod in the Czechoslovak period" starts from the park, and this will be indicated on new information boards at the entrance to the park. 
 The reconstruction and improvement of Masaryk and Stefanyk squares is a qualitative measure that will improve the architectural space of Halahov and allow citizens to spend leisure and recreation within the historic center.
 The reconstruction of these squares also takes into account the historical and architectural features of the area. It preserves the architectural heritage and creates a harmonious combination between the present and the past. Historical details, architectural samples, and artistic heritage are woven into the new design of the pedestrian spaces, giving them a special character and uniqueness.
 Thanks to these efforts, Masaryk and Stefanyk squares are becoming not only places for recreation, but also parts of the city's historical and cultural heritage. This reconstruction will not only improve the quality of life of the local population, but will also draw the attention of visitors to the city's multilayered heritage and architectural beauty. 
 The purpose of the publication is to consider the principles, tools and main elements of pedestrian space assessment by the integrated method of volumetric-spatial planning of urban space, including relevant indicators. 
 The main part. Integration of existing approaches and methods for assessing pedestrian spaces allows to combine existing principles and methods, which will allow to formulate in a short time the comfortable space that is necessary for a "modern" pedestrian. Pedestrian paths as part of recreational facilities with a recreational load of more than 100 people/ha should be equipped with recreation areas, including taking into account the needs of people with limited mobility, placing them at least every 100 meters. Benches and trash cans painted in bright, contrasting colors are installed at recreation areas. The platform should be adjacent to the pedestrian path, have a length of at least 1.2 m, and the distance from the outer edge of the bench seat and the location of the urn to the pedestrian path should be at least 0.6 m. The length of the platform should be calculated to accommodate at least one bench, two bins, and a place for a wheelchair (a free space at least 0.85 m wide next to the bench). There should be no stairs or curbs on pedestrian paths. The longitudinal slope of the pedestrian paths may not exceed 1:12. 
 The basis for determining the quality of the park's pedestrian spaces were technical and economic indicators and a survey of city residents. In addition, the number of pedestrian movements during the rush hour on the main alleys at the entrance to the park was recorded.

Zapatrywania ekonomiczne Václava Havla w kontekście bezpieczeństwa gospodarczego i geopolitycznego Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Część 2

The work presents the profile of Václav Havel (1936-2011), a famous Czech writer and playwright, dissident, anti-communist activist, one of the co-authors of Charter 77, the ninth and last president of Czechoslovakia (1989-1992), and the first president of the Czech Republic (1993-2003). This article aims to present the economic views, not of an economist, but of an eminent Czech statesman and a leading representative of Central and Eastern Europe popularized during his tenure as President of the Czech Republic.

Dwa listy z korespondencji między Erazmem Piltzem a Tomášem G. Masarykiem w sprawie sojuszu polsko-czechosłowackiego w 1925 r.Dwa listy z korespondencji między Erazmem Piltzem a Tomášem G. Masarykiem w sprawie sojuszu polsko-czechosłowackiego w 1925

The years 1922–1925 was a period of seeking a compromise in the Polish-Czechoslovak relations. This was especially evident during the reign of two Polish foreign ministers Marian Seyda and Alexander Skrzyński. Their active emissary was Erasmus Piltz, the former deputy Polish in Czechoslovakia, a friend of many politicians, among others, of Tomáš G. Masaryk – the President of Czechoslovakia. The presented documents concern the correspondence between the two politicians. The economic cooperation and favorable international situation led to a rapprochement between the two countries, the result of which was a visit of Beneš in Warsaw on 19–23 April 1925. Contents then Conciliation and arbitration treaty, convention trade andan agreement on legal matters and commercial  matters.The continuation of this policy was the return visit of Minister of Foreign Affairs Alexander Skrzyński in Prague, April 13–15, 1926.

Zapatrywania ekonomiczne Václava Havla w kontekście bezpieczeństwa gospodarczego i geopolitycznego Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Część 1

The work presents the profile of Václav Havel (1936-2011), a famous Czech writer and playwright, dissident, anti-communist activist, one of the co-authors of Charter 77, the ninth and last president of Czechoslovakia (1989-1992), and the first president of the Czech Republic (1993-2003). This article aims to present the economic views, not of an economist, but of an eminent Czech statesman and a leading representative of Central and Eastern Europe popularized during his tenure as the president of Czechoslovakia.

Jan Masaryk in American Diplomatic Correspondence, 1945–1948

Jan Masaryk (1886–1948) was the head of the Czechoslovak Ministry of Foreign Affairs during the most difficult period in the history of Czechoslovakia, from 1940 to 1948. The peak of his professional career came in the post-war years, when CSR was at the centre of the unfolding Soviet-American confrontation. As a son of the first Czechoslovak President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and the closest associate of his successor Edvard Beneš, Jan Masaryk was trying to advocate democratic traditions in his country and preserve close relations with the West. But in practice, Prague was increasingly drawn into Moscow's sphere of influence. His life was tragically cut short in March 1948, soon after the Communists takeover. Until now his death remains the subject of various theories and discussions. The question of how the fate of this politician and his country would have unfolded had he stayed alive remains open. The purpose of the article is to consider Masaryk in a new context, namely through his perception by American diplomats. The author attempts to ascertain whether they associated their hopes for strengthening the western orientation of the Czech Socialist Republic and countering Soviet influence with Masaryk, and what they believed to be the reasons for his sudden death. The article draws on a study of American diplomatic correspondence. The author concludes that despite Masaryk's reputation as a pro-Western politician, in the United States he was not considered an important and influential figure in Czechoslovakia. His refusal to join anti-communist forces at home and his support for Moscow in the international arena caused resentment in Washington. Masaryk's death resonated in American political circles. Yet the State Department made no attempt to investigate its causes in detail or to question the official version of his suicide. Nevertheless, Masaryk became a tragic symbol of resistance to communism and the collapse of the last hopes for maintaining close relations between Czechoslovakia and the West.

Шевченкіана на сторінках закарпатської преси 20–30-х рр. ХХ ст.

The article analyzes a wide range of articles in the 1920–30s Transcarpathian press focusing on the life and works of Taras Shevchenko, honoring the memory of the poet, and elaborating on his significance to the rise of the national awareness in the region. The report focuses on the emergence of Shevchenkiana in Transcarpathian, its special regional features, the characteristics of commemoration of the anniversaries of T. Shevchenko’s birth and death, the main types of publications, genre features, and the subjects of anniversary publications. It has been established that the Prosvita Society in Uzhhorod published the one-day newspaper Prosvita – Shevchenkovy (Prosvita for Shevchenko) (1926), and the leading Transcarpathian periodicals, such as: “Vinochok dlia Podkarpatskykh Ditochok”, “Holos Zhyttia”, “Do Peremohy”, “Karpatska Pravda”, “Narodnia Syla”, “Nasha Zemlia”, “Nasha Oborona”, “Pcholka”, “Rusyn”, “Svoboda”, “Ukrainske Slovo”, etc., dedicated separate issues and numerous publications to T. Shevchenko. Some anniversary editions were simultaneously dedicated to the anniversaries of T. Masaryk, the first President of Czechoslovakia, and T. Shevchenko, as well as to T. Shevchenko and O. Dukhnovych, an enlightener of the Subcarpathian Ruthenians, whose birthdays were celebrated almost simultaneously. It has been found that in the commemoration of the anniversaries of the birth and death of T. Shevchenko, Transcarpathian periodicals that fall into three distinct socio-political categories of the time – Narodnyks (national), Moscophiles and Sovietophiles – assumed different approaches to interpreting T. Shevchenko’s creative legacy and were involved in heated discussions about whether his works belonged to Ruthenian (Ukrainian) or Russian literature. In their publications, M. Brashchaiko, V. Birchak, V. Grendzha-Donskyi, V. Zheltvai, O. Markush, Iryna Nevytska, I. Pankevych, Mariika Pidhirianka, A. Shtefan and others vividly described T. Shevchenko as a brilliant poet, prophet and martyr for the Ukrainian people. Keywords: Shevchenkiana, Transcarpathian press, Subcarpathian Ruthenia, Ruthenians.

Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk jako vizuální symbol první republiky

The first Czechoslovak president, Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, is inseparable from the values of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The three initials of his name, ‘TGM’, represented democracy and Czech statehood. His extraordinary personality inspired respect and Czechoslovak citizens were proud of their president, a man on horseback who was upstanding, vigorous and youthful. Masaryk was a charismatic man who took pride in his appearance. His white military-style riding outfit, seen in period films, photographs and portraits, has become symbolic. At a time when most men dressed in dark clothes, the president built his image and popularity with the help of this iconic clothing that became part of his identity and ingrained in the collective consciousness. He wore this typical outfit to ride through Prague on horseback during military parades, host important foreign guests in Topoľčianky, a summer residence of Czechoslovak presidents in Slovakia. He would play with his grandchildren in his white suit and was even buried in it.

Российская цивилизация в работах Т.Г. Масарика

The article examines the scientific heritage of the Czech politician, sociologist and philosopher, the first president of Czechoslovakia T.G. Masaryk, dedicated to the history, culture, traditions of Russia, studies the origins of his interest in the culture and history of the Russian Empire. The author concludes that despite the critical attitude towards our country, T.G. Masaryk believed that Russia occupies a key position on many issues of international relations and serves as a clear example of inconsistency in the process of modernization of public and state institutions for Europe.

Tony goes out into the world: The official travels abroad of the President of Czechoslovakia, Antonín Novotný (1953–68)

The long-term First Secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party and later also President of the Republic, Antonín Novotný (1904–75), was popularly known as “Nice Tony”. As a communist politician and statesman, Novotný was well known as a great disciple and follower of Soviet leader Nikita S. Khrushchev, famous for his personal and very contact-oriented diplomacy. The main contours of several of Novotný's official visits have already been analysed from political and diplomatic history perspectives. Based on archival research and available memoirs, this article tries to reconstruct the still non-visible and unknown view of transport history and, consequently, traveling and tourism history. It outlines the general contours and several aspects of V.I.P. communists’ international travels on the cases of several trips abroad which took place during the 1950s and 1960s of the Cold War era.

The Constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic of 1920: to the issues of democracy of post-war state formation

The article describes how the features of the First Czechoslovak Republic state formation corresponded to democratic principles; it is examined the influence of external factors and tendencies to the constitutional process; it is investigated the implementation of the fundamental principles of democracy in the norms of the Czechoslovak Constitution of 1920. It should be stressed that the foundation of Czechoslovakia was influenced by democratic values, but also it was directly influenced by the interests of the Entente Powers, especially Great Britain and France. It manifested itself in the fact that representatives of the Czechoslovak national movement sought the support of the Entente states in the process of creating an independent state of Czechs and Slovaks in territories over which the pre-war sovereignty of the Austro-Hungarian Empire was recognized. Members of the Czechoslovak national missions were negotiating with representatives of foregin politics at this period. Czechoslovak national corps were created, fought on the side of the Entente states and formed the basis of the future army of the state, whose project was actively promoted. However, total control and dependence on Entente’s strategic interests which sometimes went against the established principles of democracy was the other side of the Entente’s support for the Czechoslovak national movement. For this reason, the democratic principles of state formation violated, and this especially concerned the solution of the national question. Features of the Czechoslovak state formation were of direct importance for the constitutional process. As a result, the democratic nature of the norms that regulated the status of national minorities, the legal meaning of the concept of “the Czechoslovak people”, the authority of the President of Czechoslovakia, can be questioned. Nevertheless, the author comes to the conclusion that the Constitution consistently contained norms on human rights and freedoms, and it regulated the mechanism of legal restriction of state power. Therefore, conclusions are drawn that the constitution of the Czechoslovak Republic was democratic.

(Mis)Interpreting Vaclav Havel: Conviction and Responsibility in Post-Communist Politics

This article examines Vaclav Havel’s alleged failure to understand the need for a “realistic” approach to post-communist politics and the criticisms of his insistence on retaining his principles and focus on morality in his conduct as president of Czechoslovakia in the early 1990s. It argues that these criticisms do not stand up against an examination either of how Havel actually behaved in this period or of his writings and statements concerning his actions and beliefs, that they are based on a misunderstanding of what Havel hoped to achieve as president, and make unjustified assumptions concerning the desirability of Western political and economic systems in the early post-communist period. This article seeks to clarify Havel’s perception of his role as president, of the goals of the revolution and what he personally hoped to achieve, and his understanding of the opportunity that had been offered to Czechoslovakia by the fall of the communist government.

Współpraca gregokatolików z międzywojennej Polski i Czechosłowacji na przykładzie Zgromadzenia Sióstr Służebnic Niepokalanej Marii Panny

In the interwar period, new state units such as Czechoslovakia and Poland were formed in Central Europe. Churches and their institutions focused on education, training or social care also played an important role in shaping the loyalty and national awareness of the citizens of the new states. Among such institutions was the Congregation of the Sisters of the Servants of the Immaculate Conception (abbreviated as the Maid), which was established in the territory of interwar Poland. In a short time, it was a great success and achieved a response among Greek Catholics in Czechoslovakia. In 1928, at the invitation of the Bishop of Prešov, Pavel Gojdič, four sisters came to Prešov in cooperation with the local Greek Catholic Church to establish a monastery and devote themselves to education, training and social services. The arrival was accompanied by complications with visas from Czechoslovakia. The reason was the Ukrainian environment where the maids came from. In Poland, it was characterized by a high degree of nationalism and the idea of so-called Greater Ukraine, which also included part of Czechoslovakia. Visa permits were issued only after a clear argument from the bishop of Prešov about the apolitical nature of the service of nuns in eastern Slovakia. For his purpose, Bishop Gojdič received the support of the Pope and the Czechoslovak President. The result was the successfully developing ministry of maid sisters, which was stopped only by the onset of the communist regime. The cooperation of Greek Catholics from Poland and Czechoslovakia in the interwar period enabled the nuns to lead the apostolate in the social field of the church, and despite the forced break caused by the communist regime, they continue to do so throughout Slovakia.

International Committee Of The Red Cross: Supporting, Protecting, And Providing Medical Care To Russian Emigrants In The 1920s-1930s

The Russian Red Cross Society was abolished in Soviet Russia in January 1918, but the Soviet Red Cross was created only in 1923. Part of the Russian Red Cross Society (RRCS) staff was able to emigrate and continue its activities abroad, aimed at helping and supporting Russian emigration. The article investigates the role of the RRCS in emigration; analyzes the number of people who had received assistance, including medical aid; and states, in which European countries the RRCS was most active. The chapters of the International Red Cross rendered prodigious assistance to the Russian emigration: in particular, the American Red Cross financed a sanitarium for emigrants with tuberculosis, and provided assistance to an orphanage in Czechoslovakia. The Czechoslovak Red Cross, both directly and through the structures of the so-called Committee of Zemstvos and Towns for Assistance to Russian Citizens Abroad (Zemgor), participated in supporting emigration: it financed the stay of students in sanitariums and hospitals, and allocated funds for the functioning of the division of medical assistance at the Zemgor. Despite the fact that the Czechoslovak Red Cross was formed just in 1919, on account of the active actions of its chairman, Alice Masaryk (the daughter of the Czechoslovak President), it was able to attract financial resources and organize assistance to people, including Russian emigrants.

Conditions of Democracy in German Austria and Hungary, 1918–1919

Conditions of Democracy in German Austria and Hungary, 1918–1919

Un patrimoine visuel sous le communisme. La photographie amateur et sociale du président tchécoslovaque Antonín Zápotocký

Résumé Antonín Zápotocký (1884-1957) est surtout connu pour avoir été le deuxième président de la République socialiste de Tchécoslovaquie entre 1953 et 1957. En revanche, son activité de photographe amateur et sa participation au mouvement de la photographie sociale tchèque durant l’entre-deux-guerres n’ont pas encore été étudiées. Les tirages originaux ont disparu et les sources écrites qui documentent cette activité sont rares. Seul demeure son fonds personnel de négatifs, qui a été pris en charge entre 1981 et 1987 par deux institutions communistes, l’Institut du marxisme-léninisme et l’Union des photographes tchèques, et se trouve aujourd’hui aux Archives nationales tchèques. Cette patrimonialisation reste aujourd’hui le principal fil par lequel il devient possible d’interpréter les photographies de Zápotocký. Cet article se propose d’analyser les discours et les formes que la patrimonialisation a élaborés à partir des négatifs originels. Il éclaire ainsi les tensions entre usage public et privé, entre document et art, qui sont à l’œuvre dans les photographies de Zápotocký.

The Sociological Idea of the State: Legal Education, Austrian Multinationalism, and the Future of Continental Empire, 1880–1914

AbstractIf historians now recognize that the Habsburg Monarchy was developing into a strong, cohesive state in the decades before the First World War, they have yet to fully examine contemporaneous European debates about Austria's legitimacy and place in the future world order. As the intertwined fields of law and social science began during this period to elaborate a binary distinction between “modern” nation-states and “archaic” multinational “empires,” Austria, like other composite monarchies, found itself searching for a legally and scientifically valid justification for its continued existence. This article argues that Austrian sociology provided such a justification and was used to articulate a defense of the Habsburg Monarchy and other supposedly “abnormal” multinational states. While the birth of the social sciences is typically associated with Germany and France, a turn to sociology also occurred in the late Habsburg Monarchy, spurred by legal scholars who feared that the increasingly hegemonic idea of nation-based sovereignty threatened the stability of the pluralistic Austrian state. Proponents of the “sociological idea of the state,” notably the sociologist, politician, and later president of Czechoslovakia Tomáš Masaryk and the Polish-Jewish sociologist and jurist Ludwig Gumplowicz, challenged the concept of statehood advanced by mainstream Western European legal philosophy and called for a reform of Austria's law and political science curriculum. I reveal how, more than a century before the “imperial turn,” Habsburg actors came to reject the emerging scholarly distinction between “nations” and “empires” and fought, with considerable success, to institutionalize an alternative to nationalist social scientific discourse.

T. G. Masaryk and the Ukrainian Question in the Documents of the Representation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague

The purpose of the article is to analyze the representation’s report of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague on the attitude of the president of Czechoslovakia T. G. Masaryk to the Ukrainian question. The research methodology is based on the research principles of historicism, scientificity, objectivity, general scientific methods (source analysis, historical and logical) and special historical methods (narrative and problem-chronological). The scientific novelty of the work is that the article on the basis of archival and published materials, in particular, the letters of the heads of the representation of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic in Prague to the foreign ministers of the state, analyzes the attitude of the first president of Czechoslovakia to the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. Masaryk’s attitude to the Ukrainian question is considered in the context of establishing relations between Czechoslovakia and the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in late 1918 – early 1919, the desire of ones in 1920-1923 to gain the support of Prague in ensuring the recognition of the Entente countries the independence of this state, discussion of the case of assisting for Ukrainian emigrants in Czechoslovakia. In the article were noted the changes in the position of the Czechoslovak president in the Ukrainian question. In his work «New Europe» (1918), he supported the idea of the uniting of the Dnieper region, Eastern Galicia and Bukovina considering it necessary to preserve it as part of the federal democratic Russian state. In early 1919 president of the Czechoslovak Republic was ready to recognize the independence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, which was revived during the anti-Hetman uprising. But made the final decision dependent on the position of the Entente states at the peace conference in Paris. The coverage of the perception of the Ukrainian question by T. G. Masaryk in 1920-1921 by the representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic in Prague testifies to his return to the concept set forth in the work «New Europe». Reports from representatives of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic allow a more complete study of the circumstances that made it impossible for it to gain political support from Czechoslovakia. Given this, as well as the issues of the Czechoslovak Republic’s policy in Transcarpathia and on emigration were raised in the reports of the representation, these documents are an important source for studying the history of Czechoslovak-Ukrainian relations

T. G. Masaryk, Václav Havel a heslo „pravda vítězí“ z československé prezidentské standarty

The paper deals with the motto written on the flag of the president of Czechoslovakia, “Truth Prevails”. It is usually associated with T. G. Masaryk, the first president of Czechoslovakia, and Vaclav Havel, its last president and the first president of Czech Republic. For Masaryk the truth was an ethical ideal and an imperative which obliged him to fight for what he believed to be true. In his writings on the meaning of Czech history he gave it religious connotation, presenting it as a fulfillment of the humanitarian ideal, a heritage of the Czech reformation started by Jan Hus and the Hussites (who used the slogan “God’s truth prevails”). However, the meaning of the motto was in fact polyphonic, as most of the Czech public treated it as a generalized nationalist, perhaps anti-German symbol. For the Communists it symbolized a highly prized, domestic revolutionary tradition. Another meaning the motto received under Vaclav Havel, a former dissident whose truth aimed against “deceitful” Communism, losing its meaning after the fall of the Communist regime when it turned into an obstacle for critical self-reflection. The history of the motto gives the impression that the idea of truth may be a viable basis for the political ethics of conviction, but it hardly forms a basis for the ethics of responsibility.