Party In Power Research Articles

Demokratisasi Dan Desentralisasi Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan Dalam Pemilukada Provinsi Sumatera Utara Tahun 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze and explain the existence of internal party democracy and the decentralization of party authority in the PDI-P through the Djarot-Sihar election and the basis for consideration of PDI-P carrying out the cadres of the central board of directors as a candidate pair for regional heads at the 2018 North Sumatra Provincial Election. qualitative research with descriptive analysis. This study is intended to describe and explain in depth the level of democracy and decentralization of power and authority of political parties in decision-making, especially in the nomination, determination up to the stage of submitting the Candidates for Governor and Deputy Governor in the General Election of Regional Heads of North Sumatra for the 2018-2023 Period. PDI-P implements a form of internal party democracy with a guided pattern where the General Chair has special authority in determining the form and procedure for administering internal democracy itself which is guaranteed by the Party Charter, Party Articles of Association, and Party Bylaws; The recruitment of candidates for regional heads and/or deputy regional heads is not carried out democratically in accordance with the principles of liberal democracy, where the decision making in the nomination of candidates rests with the General Chairperson of the Party. The determination of Djarot-Sihar as a candidate pair for governor and deputy governor of North Sumatra Province in the 2018 Regional Head General Election was based on party strategic considerations in accordance with the political calculations of the General Chair and party elite ranks.

Начало нового электорального цикла: перспективы и первые итоги

The article is devoted to assessing the impact of innovations in electoral competitive processes in the regions of the Far Eastern Federal District. The purpose of the study is to identify electoral techniques and mechanisms that increase the manageability of regional political processes. The authors draw attention to changes in electoral turnout indicators, for example, the proportion of people who voted "outside". Highlighting against this background the overestimated indicators of the Transbaikal Territory and the Jewish Autonomous Region, which indicates the high importance of the administrative resource in the elections. The elections to the State Duma in 2021 became the second in a row after changes were made to the mechanism for its formation, which gives grounds for studying the dynamics of electoral indicators of the correspondence between the results of elections in the majoritarian and proportional parts. Based on the "correspondence index", the authors assess how "stable" the regional party system is in the subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District. On a single voting day in the fall of 2021, elections to the regional parliaments of the subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District were held: Primorsky and Kamchatka Territories, the Amur Region, the Jewish Autonomous Region and the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug. Against this background, it should be noted the changes made to the scheme for the formation of the parliaments of the Primorsky Territory and the Amur Region. In these subjects of the Far Eastern Federal District, the proportion of parliamentarians elected by the proportional part of the electoral system was reduced. According to the authors, this fact made it possible to increase the controllability of the parliament, since it depoliticized it, in addition, due to this, the proportion of people belonging to the faction of the party in power increases, which is largely confirmed by the data on their quantitative composition. Of particular interest in the fall of 2021 was the election of the governor of the Khabarovsk region, at which Acting M.V. Degtyarev had to justify the trust of the federal government. The intrigue of the elections largely consisted in the fact that the main candidates for the post of head did not represent the interests of the party in power and both were “Varangians” in relation to the region. Under such conditions, the federal center, according to the authors, was ready to go to great lengths to stabilize the political regime. A new electoral cycle begins in difficult foreign policy conditions, which, as the authors note, can radically change the situation in the regions of Russia

ПАТРОНАЖ КАК КЛЮЧЕВОЙ ПРЕДИКТОР РОТАЦИИ ГУБЕРНАТОРОВ: ФАКТОРЫ УСТОЙЧИВОСТИ ГЛАВ РЕГИОНОВ РОССИИ ПОСЛЕ ВОЗВРАЩЕНИЯ ГУБЕРНАТОРСКИХ ВЫБОРОВ В 2012 г.

The return of direct gubernatorial elections in 2012 did not lead to an increase in the autonomy of regional heads - on the contrary, the federal center only strengthened control over the staffing of regional executive power. Moreover, the rotation is only growing despite the positive dynamics of «United Russia» representation and support in the federal and regional legislatures. In this regard, the thesis that the good results of the "party of power" ensure the stability of governors (Reuter, Robertson, 2012) needs to be revised. The study aimed to identify the key predictors influencing the rotation of Russian governors after the return of direct elections of the heads of Russian regions. Using logistic regression analysis on panel data, the high significance of patronage as a predictor of the resignations of Russian governors from 2012 to 2020 was revealed. The hypothesis was confirmed that the higher the degree of patronage of the governor, the lower the likelihood that the head of the region will leave his post or not be promoted in the formal hierarchy. It turned out that the loyalty expressed in the results of the "United Russia" in the regional and federal elections is no longer a key predictor of the rotation of governors.

An analysis of the underlying reasons for the transformation of Bhutan's political party system and party power

There are underlying reasons behind the evolution of Bhutan's party system and the transformation of its party power. In Bhutan, there are three specific main factors, namely, the king of Bhutan, the Indian factor, the left-wing party thought and social factors. Excavating the underlying reasons for such evolution and transformation is conducive to our deep understanding of Bhutan's party politics, and is of great significance to the long-term development of Bhutan's future party politics.

Party of power as a phenomenon of the modern political system

Party of power as a phenomenon of the modern political system

Change of the Election Legislation as an Element of Election Technologies: Application Practices in Ukraine

The article explores the consequences of changes in the Ukrainian electoral legislation and examines causal relationships between changes in electoral systems and qualitative innovations in the political environment. Usually, changes to the electoral legislation took place on the eve of the next election of each electoral cycle, which gives grounds to claim that this has become a kind of electoral technology in the political struggle, since preference was given to the electoral system under which the party in power could gain the maximum number of votes. Disregarding the advice of international election monitoring organizations and leveling the expert opinion of domestic civil organizations, politicians dependent on representatives of financial and industrial groups continued to manipulate gaps in the legislation and did not codify the election legislation until December 2019. This article analyzes how the election systems evolved, as well as the main motives of legislative innovations and the reasons for choosing the optimal election system for Ukrainian society.

Партия власти и системная оппозиция в Государственной Думе: различия в структуре территориального образа России

Abstract. Introduction: the legislative speeches at plenary sessions in the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation provide rich material for analyzing deputy’s ideas about the world arrangement, including the issues of territorial and political nature. The latter are of interest because they are a kind of gateway to the “real world” in which real people and organizations live and operate in specific localities and territories. It can be assumed that with regard to the parties represented in the State Duma, their place in the partypolitical system is one of the factors of differences in Russia’s territorial image. The period under analysis covers the time between the State Duma’s 4th and 7th convocation (2003–2021), characterized by the formation of a fairly stable party-political system with the dominance of “United Russia” party and the representation of three parties of systemic opposition in the lower house of the Russian parliament. Objectives: to identify the differences between the factions of the State Duma in the volume and structure of references to geographical objects. Methods: “Natasha” library tools for analyzing natural language text based on deep learning methods, the OpenStreetMap automatic geocoding system, and content analysis. Results: compared to other factions, “United Russia” refers less to geographical entities in relation to the total speaking volume of its deputies. At the same time, the mention of Russia and everything “geographically” connected with it has a more abstract, that is, high-level character among “United Russia” members. This is manifested, at least, in two ways. Firstly, “United Russia” deputies talk less about geographic objects of the regional level and below. Secondly, in their general reference to specific regions, they are much more likely, compared to other factions’ deputies, to limit themselves by only naming the region. In other words, systemic opposition deputies talk more about towns and localities “within” regions. Conclusions: The territorial image of the country in the “United Russia” rhetoric significantly differs from the other factions’ image in the level of its abstraction. This may be explained by the role of “United Russia” as the party of power, i.e. the instrument of presidential dominance in parliament. Being politically dominant, it bears the main administrative burden in the Duma processes. This reduces its incentive for using the rhetoric that opens up the gateways to the “real world”.

Sentenced to Debt: Explaining Student Mobilization in Chile

In 2011, Chilean students mobilized in the largest demonstrations since the country’s return to democracy. Students in some other Latin American countries have also carried out mass demonstrations in recent years. What explains students’ participation in mobilizations in Latin America? This article argues that financial grievances generated by neoliberal education policies and the massification of higher education are major causes of student protest participation. In addition, it shows how weak organizational linkages with ruling political parties increase the likelihood of mobilization. The theory is explored through a case study of higher education policy, student-party linkages, and student mobilization in Chile from 1990 to 2011. A statistical analysis of a survey of Chilean students demonstrates that a working-class background, using debt to finance education, and weak programmatic connections to parties in power are associated with higher levels of protest participation.

ОСОБЕННОСТИ ИСПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ МОРАЛЬНОЙ ЛЕКСИКИ ДЕПУТАТАМИ ФРАКЦИЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЙ ДУМЫ: ЭМПИРИЧЕСКАЯ ОЦЕНКА НА ОСНОВЕ КОНТЕНТ-АНАЛИЗА

The results of a study of the features of the use of moral language by deputies of various factions of the State Duma are presented. The conceptual basis of the study was the moral foundations theory developed in the USA, which reveals the difference between the moral foundations of conservative and liberal political ideology. Along with the main provisions of the theory, the features of the Russian political and ideological space and political practice, which limit the possibilities of its application in Russia, are considered in detail. The texts of all deputies’ speeches of the State Duma of the 4th-7th convocations were processed by computer content analysis using the moral foundations dictionary in the LIWC2015 program. The results of the analysis showed that in the speeches of the “United Russia” parliamentary faction much more often (in comparison with other factions) the language of the moral foundation "Authority" is used. This fact reflects its “administrative” conservatism, which expresses the peculiarities of its political and administrative status as a “party of power”. Generally, the parties represented in the Duma gravitate more toward “binding” (group-centric) rather than “individualising” moral foundations, which corresponds to stereotypical ideas about the important role of these values ​​in the Russian context. The results of the study indicate the promise of the approach based on the moral foundations theory to the study of socio-political discourse using computer content analysis of moral language.

Проблема департизации государственной власти в РФ после 1993 года

The purpose of the research is to consider departization of the top executive officials in the Russian Federation after 1993 as a systemic legal and political problem, which in the new his-torical conditions has acquired a slightly different connotation than in the late Soviet years. The subject of the research is contradictions related to the necessity of compliance of the top leaders of the executive bodies of the Russian Federation with the outdated legislative norms and require-ments to departization in the conditions when the objective situation dictated to the government officials and loyal governors the need to consolidate under the auspices of the new “party of power”. Scientific novelty and relevance of the research lies in the almost complete absence of works devoted to the study of the process of departization of the Russian executive power in 1993–1999, based on the consistent application of the principles of historicism, as well as formal and legal, systemic and problem-chronological approaches. The study of this issue allows us to better understand the roots of the contradictions of the modern political system of the Russian Federation. In the course of the study it was concluded that the time from the end of 1993 to 1999 can be considered as a certain transitional period when the society was gradually getting rid of the rudiments of the former one-party dictatorship, and the weakened post-Soviet bureaucracy had no incentives and resources to build a new “vertical of power”. Therefore, the legislation regulating the party and political status of the federal and regional chiefs was not distinguished by its integrity. This circumstance left the question about the prospects of official departization of heads of executive bodies of power.

ПУБЛИЦИСТИЧЕСКИЙ АСПЕКТ БОРЬБЫ С ПРАВЫМ УКЛОНОМ В САТИРИЧЕСКОМ ЖУРНАЛЕ "КРОКОДИЛ" (1929 Г.)

This article studies the interaction between Party power and the journal Crocodile in the struggle against right-wing bias in the Party. The interaction itself shows that Stalin’s ideological machine was struggling not only with the right-wing bias in the Party, but also in a broader sense – with all dissenters in Soviet society, with all those who did not share the transition from the new economic policy to military-communist methods of agricultural management, with those who were against the unleashing of a new civil war. The sketches of Crocodile magazine, which came out in huge circulations, provide a representative picture of the mental turn from the tolerance of the New Economic Policy Era to the intolerance of the new class struggle for the construction of socialism

"МИРОВАЯ РЕВОЛЮЦИЯ" НА ОКРАИНАХ БРИТАНСКОЙ ИМПЕРИИ ВО ВТОРОЙ ПОЛОВИНЕ 1920-Х ГГ.: МИФ ИЛИ РЕАЛЬНОСТЬ?

Based upon the wide range of sources, including Russian and British archival documents, published diplomatic correspondence, diaries penned by some eye-witnesses and newspaper commentaries, the article dwells upon the attempts by the Comintern to bring to life the ideas of “world revolution” in the Middle East states – such as Persia and Afghanistan, as well as in the Chinese possessions – Sinkiang and Tibet, which in the period under review – the second half of the 1920s, gained a quasi-independent status. The author meticulously examines various forms and methods of exporting revolutionary practices to the British Empire Asian outskirts, where Indian subcontinent occupied a key position. As a result of the study, it was established that by the beginning of the 1930s, the concept of the “world revolution” as one of the directions of Soviet foreign policy underwent a transformation from reality into a myth, which began to perform mainly propaganda functions. Besides that, the author came to conclusion that the transformation had a serious impact on the development of Soviet-Britain relations during the second conservative government of S. Baldwin, being zigzag in nature – from the state of mutual confrontation in 1925–1926, through the rupture of 1927, to the restoration after the return to power of the Labour Party in 1929.

Persistence in Power of Long-Lived Parties

Persistence in Power of Long-Lived Parties

Jaime Guzmán, gremialysm, the legacy of dictatorship in modern Chilean politics

The movement, called gremialism, was the "new right" that proposed revolutionary changes in society, thanks to which the possibility of a return to power of left-wing Marxist parties should be excluded. Today, an important place on the political scene of Chile is occupied by the successor of the gremialist movement, the Party of the Independent Democratic Union (Unión Demócrata Independiente, UDI). The UDI became a political force based on the broad masses of the people, which greatly distinguished it from other right-wingers. The integrity of the doctrine and political consistency ensured the survival of UDI on the political scene. This article presents an analysis of the ideological evolution of the gremialist movement, the ideological and political activities of its founder and leader Jaime Guzmann, the author of the Pinochetist constitution of 1981, J. Guzman and his supporters consistently implemented the principles of subsidiarity of the state and the new institutionalism adopted by the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet and became the basis of the political and social system of Chile.

НЕДИСЦИПЛИНИРОВАННЫЕ МУНИЦИПАЛИТЕТЫ: СБОИ ЦЕНТРАЛИЗАЦИИ И ЛОКАЛЬНАЯ АВТОНОМИЯ В РОССИИ В 2010-Е ГГ.

The local political autonomy in Russia is extremely low. Along with the municipalities having a narrow range of powers and financial capabilities higher-level authorities control local heads. The opportunities of regional authorities to appoint and dismiss heads of municipalities, as well as strengthening of the party of power on the local level, aim at control over electoral results and policy implementation. However, existing tools of political centralization at the local level often fail. In the article, we show two scenarios of regaining autonomy by the local elites. The first one is typical for the appointed mayors, who shirk regional policies because regions cannot effectively control them by positive or negative incentives. The second scenario is typical for elected mayors, who have a political power to provide necessary electoral outcomes and bargain electoral loyalty for the benefits of their municipalities being more responsive to voters’ demands. Moreover, even weak local institutions do not only help regional authorities to consolidate local elites but also provide opportunities for local elites to struggle more effectively for their aims. The research is based on interviews with local officials, deputies and experts conducted in Sverdlovsk and Irkutsk regions in summer of 2022 as well as on media materials.

Особенности политико-партийной репрезентации лидеров русинской общественности Закарпатья в контексте местных выборов 2020 года

The article focuses on the political and party representation of the Rusin leaders in Transcarpathia (Ukraine) who particiapted in the local elections of 2020. The analysis is based on the electoral statistics and interviews with participants in the election campaign. According to the author, the Rusin leaders are heads and activists of national cultural associations and opinion leaders who do not represent ethno-cultural associations, but are widely known in Transcarpathia. The author argues that the new electoral system of “semi-open” party lists has resulted in the failure of local elections for all candidates representing the Rusin community. However, the electoral statistics shows that Rusin leaders actually received: 1) more votes than their opponents on the political party lists (Vladimir Fenych, Vasilij Sich, Nikolai Rishko); 2) the same number of votes (Svyatoslav Gal); 3) the required 25 % of the votes from the electoral quota (Yurij Shypovych). Most of the Rusin candidates ran for the political forces “For the Future” (7 persons) and “Opposition Platform - For Life” (5 persons). Their dominance can be explained by identifying candidates with the oppositional rhetoric of these parties, as well as their proximity to regional party leaders who sympathize with the Rusin public movement and identify themselves as Rusins. One of the representatives of Rusin community ran for the party of power “Servant of the People” (Svyatoslav Gal), one (Nikolaj Rishko) - for “The Team of Andrej Baloga” Candidates Ivan Danatsko, Ivan Palinkash, and Ivan Bushko, as self-nominated candidates, distanced themselves from political parties.

Od decentralizacji do centralizmu demokratycznego – od samorządu II Rzeczypospolitej do systemu rad narodowych w Polsce Ludowej

The formation of the internal structures of a local government began once Poland regained independence. The local government in the Second Polish Republic became an essential element of the reactivated Polish sovereignty and of the local authorities created at that time. At the same time, it underwent significant changes: from the rule of the broad self-government based on the principle of decentralization, to the self-government subjected to the process of centralization and functioning in an authoritarian state. The culmination of these events resulted in the consolidation act of 1933. The functioning of the self-government structures of the Second Polish Republic was interrupted by World War II. After the war, Poland was in the sphere of Soviet influence and took over Soviet system solutions. Initially reactivated local government was finally replaced in 1950 by the system of national councils to express a democratic centralism and simultaneously a guarantee of ensuring the communist party power monopoly. The aim of this article is to show the changes in the functioning of local government – from its establishment in the Second Polish Republic to its “transformation” into a system of councils and then consolidation of this system in People’s Poland. The study was based on normative legal acts which made up the legal basis for the functioning of local government in the period of the Second Polish Republic and People’s Republic of Poland, as well as on the source literature on this subject. The historical and legal method was the main research method used when writing this article. It consisted in the research and critical evaluation of archival sources and legal phenomena. Moreover, it was used to study the old (non-binding) law regulating the local government system in the period of the Second Polish Republic and People’s Poland.

Общественные музеи северо-востока Казахстана во второй половине XX - начале XXI в.

He article is devoted to the study of the process of formation and development of public museums in the northern and eastern regions of Kazakhstan. The relevance of studying the problems of social movements, in which the desire of people to learn about the history of their small homeland, cultural heritage in modern conditions, is significantly increasing. This is due to the growth of national self-awareness, the search for ethnocultural identity. In a number of former Soviet republics and, first of all, in Russia and Kazakhstan, the analysis of modern phenomena is often accompanied by an appeal to the historical experience of the Soviet Union. The analysis of a large array of documents carried out by the authors made it possible to identify the features of the formation and development of the local history movement and public museums from the 1950s to the present. The article reveals the objective and subjective factors of their mass revival in the second half of the 1960s: improvement of the material situation of the population, democratization of public life, search for effective means to implement the ideological tasks of the CPSU. Based on an interest in knowing its past, the local history movement gained powerful party and state support and was vividly embodied in the form of public museums. In contrast to the pre-war stage of its development, this movement was aimed not at the study of the natural and economic resources of the local region, but at the ideological processing of the main resource - the human one, which was consolidated in the party and state documents. In the 1990s, as a result of the transformation of the USSR , the liquidation of the CPSU, and the change in the role of the party in the political system, mass public museums that carried out an ideological, political and educational mission were deprived of material support for their existence. The only exceptions were museums of corporate, educational, scientific organizations, many of which limited themselves to performing representative functions. However, it would be wrong to limit ourselves to a negative and even neutral assessment of their social role. Even being ideologized, the activities of public museums contributed to the preservation and popularization of cultural heritage, the development of horizons, instilled a sense of patriotism, love for their native land, and contributed to the organization of leisure. Moreover, perhaps we are on the verge of another upsurge in the historical and local history movement. The peoples of many countries, sated with globalization, associate a new paradigm of their development with the growth of national self-awareness, patriotism, looking for their origins in their historical cultural heritage. It is no coincidence that the growth of public organizations is noted, the purpose of which is to preserve and popularize heritage, historical reconstruction, search work in places of battles, patriotic and social volunteering. New museums are also emerging based on private and public initiative.

Building Parties’ Grassroots: Electoral Systems, Party Organizations, and Social Linkages from a Cross-National Perspective

This article explores the connection between the proportional electoral system (PR) and party organizations as a key institutional determinant of party-group linkages from cross-party and national perspectives. Developing a nuanced framework, we propose an integrated model to address two questions: 01. Do candidate-centred electoral systems affect the development of party-group linkages? 02. In the case that electoral systems do have an impact, is it a direct impact or is it mediated by party organizations? Using V-Party (2020) and V-Dem (2020) databases, we selected and analyzed 617 parties in 48 countries covering third-wave democracies, post-communist countries, and the most extensive proportional democracies in Europe (Western and Eastern Europe) and Latin America between 1989 and 2019 – Large- N cross-national comparative analysis (JANDA, 1980). Based on panel models, we found that the candidate-centred electoral system is negatively related to the development of strong ties between parties and groups, but only in the case of party organizations with low levels of party strength, intraparty cohesion, and financial linkages with non-party groups. When decision-making powers are concentrated in the hands of powerful party elites, these elites can solve coordination problems, mitigate intraparty conflicts, and deal with the consequences of personalization. Therefore, intraparty politics varies empirically since parties respond to their contextual challenges (electoral rules) strategically, with consequences for party-group linkages.

Editor's Note

Editor's Note Cheehyung Harrison Kim In the aftermath of South Korea's recent presidential election, while the public, regardless of party alignment, was still reeling from Yun Sŏkyŏl's victory, there emerged a startling voting pattern. Almost sixty percent of men under the age of thirty had voted for the far right-wing candidate. This was a group that had been important in the historic Candlelight Movement of 2016–2017, which ousted the ultra-conservative president Pak Kŭnhye and brought in the presidency of the center-right Mun Jaein, anticipating the lengthy rule of Mun's party, the Democratic Party. Five years is a long time in liberal politics, but the fact that in the period of a single presidential term the majority of South Korea's young men rejected the Democratic Party and its capable, if not slightly slick, candidate Yi Chaemyŏng and found resonance in far right-wing politics was bewildering—and symptomatic of a cultural fissure in the country. The on-going MeToo movement in South Korea is a crucial rectifying process, but it has also made more audible the discontent of underprivileged men who experience disadvantages in university admission, secure employment, and social life, largely due to the economic class and geographic region they were born into. They see—misrecognize—the new culture of feminism, with its sophisticated use of art, scholarly research, and social media, as another layer of unfairness over which they have little influence (when in reality it will uplift them, too). At the same time, we are observing that the conservative turn of young men is a global phenomenon driven by the conditions of labor precarity. And naturally, [End Page iii] all over the world, far right-wing political parties like Yun's People Power Party have seized this capitalist condition of misery and turned it into election votes by supporting the culture of anti-feminism (reminding us again that misery and crisis are central to capitalist expansion, not its byproducts). Culture is at once a medium through which we make sense of the world (for good or ill), a field of empowerment for the underprivileged, and a source of hegemony for the state and corporations. This cultural complexity is discernible in South Korea's current political landscape, and it is also the very theme explored in this volume's Special Section "Music That Moves: Sonic Narratives in Modern Korea," dexterously guest edited by Dafna Zur and Susan Hwang. In Katherine Lee's elegant piece on the World Vision Korean Orphan Choir, musical performance is at the heart of transnational religiosity and Cold War politics. Transnationalism is also the framework of Dafna Zur and Yoon Joo Hwang's original research on children's music during the colonial period, when the merger between western style of songwriting and Korean emotionality unevenly transpired in the genre of tongyo. Music as a field of popular resistance is the core of Pil Ho Kim's audacious piece on South Korea's 1960s protest songs, which, for Kim, is a pre-minjung expression of the multitude. Susan Hwang's emotionally prodigious article, too, is on the resistive and resilient aspect of music, which, in the aftermath of the 1980 Kwangju Uprising, served as a crucial repertoire for the counter-state. From the opposite side, music as practice of hegemonic efficacy is dealt with in Alexandra Leonzini and Peter Moody's intricate article on North Korea's sonic culture, as it is done in Roald Maliangkay's perspicacious study on South Korea's use of K-pop in marketing. Whether the hegemonic entity is the state or a corporation, music is, in these two articles, a potent medium of influence. The regular pieces in the volume are just as rich and relevant. Hyang-Joo Lee's review article covers the history of presidential authority in South Korea, about which many of us will be pondering in the coming years. Such an authority is critically explored in Jungyoung Kim's research on the notion of freedom during the early Pak Chŏnghui period, in the 1960s. Conservative populism, which blossomed during the Pak years, is to be a pertinent phenomenon in South Korea today...