Power In International Relations Research Articles

Sharp Power Theory in International Relations and its Employment in Countries' Foreign Policies

This study aims to address a recent phenomenon in power studies in international relations, which is the term and concept of sharp power, which appeared in late 2017 in the studies of American think tanks. The study explains sharp power by presenting the theoretical directions it dealt with, which focused on aspects of the similarities and differences between sharp power and other forms of power, which are hard power, soft power, and smart power. As well as comparing it to the terms and concepts that are used to denote modern, unconventional warfare. The study tries to discuss the tools and mechanisms of sharp power that countries with authoritarian regimes use to impose influence and hegemony on target countries, especially the soft power tools that these countries exploit to penetrate and interfere in the internal affairs of countries, and to convert the minds and hearts of their people to accept their hegemony and sovereignty, instead of attracting them, and winning their minds and hearts. The study dealt with the deficiencies of sharp power, within the ambiguity of the concept, is it the soft power of authoritarian countries, or it is the malicious use of soft power, as well as whether it is formulating terms or is it a new phenomenon of power in international relations, and the Chinese perspective on sharp power.

Localisation or deglobalisation? East Asia and the dismantling of liberal humanitarianism

Among the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit outcomes, localisation of humanitarian aid has received the greatest amount of attention. Localisation is described as giving more support to national first respondents, making humanitarian aid ‘as local as possible, as international as necessary’. Despite the good intentions, localisation presents a biased understanding of the local and its agency in transforming humanitarianism. Not only is localisation a failed attempt to reconfigure the international humanitarian system power relations, dominated by Western actors, but also it glosses over the crucial role of the South in moulding the humanitarian action norm. In order to address the latter, the paper reviews the history of humanitarian action in East Asia as a case of norm circulation, showing how the region’s agency was essential to accommodate the foundations of liberal humanitarianism during the Cold War and, in the last two decades, to contest them. I argue that instead of localisation, a process of deglobalisation is taking shape in the region, based on increased national ownership of crisis response, privileging reciprocal, bilateral support over multilateral action, and legitimating the rejection of unnecessary support. These changes are pushing traditional humanitarian actors to rethink their practices, bringing much-needed change but also challenges.

Chaos Theory: The Case of the COVID-19 Pandemic in Wuhan, China from the perspective of international relations

The objective of the article was to reveal the international imbalances caused by the COVID-19 pandemic through the coordinates of chaos theory. Methodologically it is a critical essay based on documentary observation. To understand the current state of world politics and the balance of power in international relations, it is appropriate to use chaos theory. At the beginning of the article, the origins of chaos theory are an interdisciplinary study, and its basic concepts are introduced. The value of using chaos theory and its great potential for analysis and applications in the study of international relations is shown in the example of the 2019-2020 events in Wuhan is the capital of Hubei Province in the People's Republic of China (PRC). associated with the onset of a COVID-19 viral infection that has spread around the world. At the end of the article, conclusions are drawn and the strengths and weaknesses of the use of chaos theory in dialectical relation to international relations are revealed, both as a field of study and at the same time as geopolitical reality.

The changing? Face of power in international relations, 1979-2019

ABSTRACT This article traces how the major paradigms in international relations have viewed power over the past 40 years. It argues that theorizing in the 1970s began a bifurcation that served to split the vison of power between two extremes: a hard-power pole on one side (Realism) and a soft-power pole on the other (Neoliberalism and Constructivism). It further argues that scholars who have studied international power have merely been engaged in hovering around the mean, and have always embraced the belief that power was not a binary concept. Rather than looking to the theoretical poles for the true face of international power, scholars are best off embracing a smarter middle or Cosmopolitan view of power.

Феномен влади в міжнародних відносинах крізь призму асиметрії

The article reveals the theoretical problem field of the concept of power, which is considered as an asymmetric format of relations between the main participants in international cooperation. The etymology of the concept of "power" is revealed, its semantic load is clarified, on the basis of this it can be stated that the semantics of the word "power" is far ambiguous and extremely variable. The term power is used in a variety of meanings and is often classified according to its scope. In political science, power is the basic concept of international relations, which provides the key to understanding the phenomena and processes in the international arena. Fundamental approaches to understanding the content of the concept of power are analyzed. The presence of a large number of approaches that outline various aspects of power, due to the complexity of the phenomenon of domination. Power as a manifestation of asymmetry remains the fundamental basis of interstate relations, but the lack of a clear terminological definition of power asymmetry determines the fragmentary nature of existing methods of its evaluation. The defining guideline for determining the nature of power in international relations is asymmetry. It is noted that the basis on which power arises is the asymmetry in the distribution of resources between interacting actors. That is, for the emergence of power relations, it is necessary that there is an asymmetry, inequality of actors in access to resources of power, their uneven distribution, which indicates a stable asymmetry inherent in power. It was found that not every relationship can be interpreted as authoritarian, the relationship must be asymmetric, only in this case, power becomes a reality. It is substantiated that the fundamental nature of power in international relations has not undergone structural changes for a long time. It can be viewed through the prism of asymmetric relations, which are characteristic of all periods of human civilization.

Japan's perception and use of the soft power in international relations

Power or the ability to influence other actors has always been a topic of great interest in international relations. In the context of globalization with the connection between countries in close correlation and interdependence, the nature of power has changed significantly. According to Professor Joseph Nye (Harvard University), power gradually shifts the focus from the classical form of coercion and bribery to the use of attraction and persuasion. The ability to gain what you want through attraction and persuasion, with cultural, political, and diplomatic values, is called “soft power” by Joseph Nye. By using the concept of the soft power as the research orientation, the article analyzes the case of Japan in achieving positive influences in international relations. Through conducting field surveys and expert interviews, the study provides the analysis on Japan's perceptions and practice in the use of the soft power. Japan has effectively used the internal strength as well as promoted the external advantages to form a solid position of the soft power in the world. From the lessons of Japan's experience, the study offers some suggestive discussions about the development of the soft power for Vietnam.

Аcиметрія влади в міжнародних відносинах

The article is devoted to a comprehensive study of the asymmetry of power in a complex system of international relations, which is characterized by a particularly high degree of global stratification, integration and asymmetric interdependence. Uneven distribution of power, increasing the number of asymmetric threats at the beginning of the XXI century, limited degree of study of the research topic in the domestic literature highlights the need to understand the asymmetry of power in international relations. In determining the power of the state in world politics, the determining factor is the material and power factor, which is clearly manifested at the present stage of development. Asymmetry of power – uneven distribution of power between participants in international relations leads to the dominance of several states that have higher indices of power than others. Dominance is manifested in various areas – from military to economic and cultural. Inequality of power creates an asymmetry of interaction. The strategy of the state’s behavior in the international arena depends on the level of power. The ratio of total power capabilities between actors can change, which leads to an increase in the power of some actors and the decline of power of others. The asymmetric distribution of power leads to the formation of rights and rules governing the interaction between states, in which states compete for the preservation of the geopolitical status quo and their global influence. Despite the growing role of soft power components, the power continues to play a leading role in the international arena and to influence the format of relations in various areas of cooperation. In general, asymmetry can lead to stability and not cause tension in relations, which contradicts the current theory of international relations on asymmetric relations between states.

Latvia as the Area of Correlated Russian “Hard Power” and “Soft Power” Operations

This work presents the methodology of the Russian impact on Latvia after 1991. It defines and specifies the scope of methods concerning both the hard and soft power in international relations in the 21st century, particularly the ones used to implement the Russian Federation’s foreign policy. The implemented strategies and impact models are described. The work is also focused on certain indicators used in global rankings by experts worldwide. In the 21st century, it is no longer enough to employ the hard power methods as it is advisable to use the soft power ones, which may bring about much better results than the hard ones.

FACTOR OF MILITARY POWER IN MODERN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Problem setting. The modern world continues to consider military power as one of the most important tools for solving foreign policy problems. However, it is not an extraordinary option or a last resort in the range of possible shares. Military power has become a widely used tool along with political and diplomatic actions. The decision to use military power is made by world actors based on their own understanding of their national interests and the appropriateness of its use, even without a UN resolution. Thus, the issue of the study of military power as a tool in international relations becomes relevant.Recent research and publications analysis. Consideration of certain issues of military strength aspects is reflected in the works of R. Aron, O. Bodruk, A. Gramsci, R. Keohein, Н. Morgenthau, J. Nye, V. Smolyanyuk, Р. Taylor, A. Toffler, M. Trebin, K. Waltz, I. Wallerstein, S. Huntington and others. However, in modern conditions, the issue of the use of military power in international relations requires a new rethinking, especially in the context of systemic changes in world society.Paper objective. The purpose of this article is to analyze some aspects of the use of military power in international relations.Paper main body. The article reveals some aspects of the use of military power in international relations. The essence of the military power of the state, the forms and tasks of its use are revealed. The article examines some aspects of the use of military power in international relations. The essence of the military power of the state, forms and tasks of its application are revealed. It is highlighted that the simplest scenario of the state's transition to military actions and in the international arena is the threat of the use of force demonstrated by it (explicit - hidden, real - conditional); A more complex type of use of military power remains armed violence - direct physical influence on the opposite side by means of armed struggle for the purpose of its destruction or profitable transformation and, accordingly - to achieve their own political goals. Among the tasks of military power in international relations are: the task of demonstrating daily state military capabilities in order to deter a potential adversary from direct aggression or hostile actions of a lower level (passive deterrence); the task of demonstrating excessive military power and determination to use it in the event of partial involvement of the country's mobilization capabilities to ensure counteraction to a potential adversary (active deterrence); the task of demonstrating excessive military superiority and readiness to use force in order to force a potential adversary to retreat from controversial issues or to act contrary to its interests (offensive deterrence).The features of the formation of the power factor in the world are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the views of the US leadership on the use of military force in international relations.Conclusions of the research. Military power in international relations is seen as a means of resolving mutual conflicts in their own favor. This phenomenon is objectified in the form of the threat of war, invasion, provocation, attack, aggression, strikes, and so on. The practical tasks of the implementation of military force include the following: seizing the initiative and achieving military-political superiority over the opposing side, encroachment on sovereignty, territorial integrity; destabilization of the internal situation, coercion to change the political course or economic policy, etc. At the same time, military power becomes essential in the effective counteraction or in the practical implementation of these problems.

Political sophitication and the perception of power in International Relations. A semiotic approach

The aim of this paper is to create a comprehensive image of power at the beginning of the XXI-st century. The research objectives are related to: i. the radiography of the perception of the political power regarding the main actors: USA, Russian Federation and China; ii. the identification of the relationship between global economy conditions, terrorist attacks and the dynamics of the political power in international arena; iii. the estimation of the magnitude of the statistical correlation between economic development, democratic order and the perception of the political power in international sphere. The research design is obviously quantitative, being based on descriptive statistics and linear and non-linear equations of regressions for estimating the main predictors and vectors which could influence the perception of the power. We use comparative case studies between USA, Russian Federation and China for exploring several associations between independent factors and the perception of the power and influence in the international context. Regarding the empirical findings, we have to stress that China’s power and influence are related with cyber-attacks from other countries (r = 0.707, p < 0.01) and USA’s power and influence are related with the conditions of the global economy ( r = 0.594, p = 0.01). Regarding the perception of the Russian Federation’s power and influence, we can observe linear associations with cyber-attacks (r = 0.605, p = 0.01) and flawed democratic order (r = 0.429, p= 0.02). Empirical findings reflect a new political geometry in the international arena, where the classical system is replaced by a multipolar model with two dominant political actors: USA and China. Synthesising, this article reflects the importance of the political perception and the political psychology in the sphere of international relations, where we can make the distinction between real and potential (or perceived) political power. This new geometry implies a new level of significance and a new semiotic strategy for interpreting both subjective and objective facts of the political world.

Brasil nuclear: dos interpretaciones opuestas sobre la orientación de su programa atómico

The analysis of the Brazilian nuclear program from different theoretical approaches shed light on differences regarding its orientation and purposes. Optimistic views, from a liberal standpoint, emphasize the idea that States’ foreign policy should be asses in a favorable fashion according to certain aspects such as democratic values, compliance with international norms and legitimacy from public opinion. But in opposition to perspectives based on normative arguments, a power politics perspective emphasizes least idealist aspects: the reconfiguration of international power hierarchy and the aspirations of an emergent global power as subjacent motivations for the technical developments of the atomic program. This work ponders the relative utility of both perspectives focusing on situations, developments and discourses from recent past that make possible to infer the political orientation of Brazilian nuclear program. The study proceeds by contrasting the evidence available with theoretical elements from each perspective. First, Brazilian foreign policy regarding the Nonproliferation Regime is compared with assumptions from Liberal thesis about State conduct. In that sense, aspects such as the weight-normative international institutions, domestic democracy and legitimacy provided by these principles, would have an important explanatory importance. In the second part, an opposed view is adopted: the liberal thesis applied to the problematic of Brazilian nuclear program are seen critically from the standpoint of an interpretation about its orientation based on a revisionist policy and pragmatism related to major objectives of international status and power relations with Great Powers. An important evidence in that sense is the ambiguity of the nuclear program and its military purposes, which suggest that the second perspective offers a better explanation of Brazilian objectives in this area. Conclusions are focused on three distinctions between both perspectives that give answers to the problems of the study: the absence of a nuclear program in contrast with the militarization of the nuclear technology and its applications; the acceptance of international institutions in contrast with the pragmatism and selectiveness of the compliance of certain principles; and finally, the unclear conceptual frontiers exposed by the Brazilian nuclear program.

GÜNEY KORE’NİN YUMUŞAK GÜCÜ

The phenomenon of power in International Relations is among the concepts often discussed. The concept of ‘power’ with rising realism in 20th century was understood as military and economic power; power extends beyond this meaning today and incorporates different elements. In this context, ‘soft power’ has become one of the most important and referred concepts in International Relations. The concept of soft power, which can be defined as the ability of an actor to make another actor to do something it would not likely do itself, is shaped through elements such as culture, politics, economics, diplomacy. In particular, the complex structure of international relations today makes the international actors’ use of their ‘soft power’ potentials convenient. Today, the rapid leap in science and technology, especially the internet, has made it easier for states to produce, execute and disseminate soft power policies, making the use of soft power a kind of indispensable for a peaceful environment. In this study, the concept of power was first discussed within the framework of different approaches. Then the concept of hard power, which is one of the power types, is defined as the opposite of the concept of soft power. The main axis of the study, Joseph Nye's concept of soft power, was evaluated within the framework of International Relations and South Korea was examined as an example of soft power. Elements of soft power have been laid out in the context of the diplomatic, economic, cultural and political implications possessed by rising power South Korea. South Korea is particularly successful in presenting popular culture as the most basic source of its soft power.

Power in International Relations; With Special Reference to Soft Power

The global-political history shows that countries have always been competing amongst and against one another for power. The article briefly defines the concept of power; tries to analyze the means and their effects in shaping capacity of an actor to exercise power; and tries to access the relevance of power in international relations. Moreover, the article distinguishes soft power from hard power and goes further to analyze the aspects central to the constituting of soft power. The researcher has consulted books and journals in the related subject for the purpose of the research. The researcher’s analysis shows that, in soft power, its necessary to value other’s emotive factors rather than laying emphasis just on tangible resources that one has. The researcher has then built upon the concept of appealing notable presence as the central element in soft power, and concluded by defining soft power on the premises built in the paper itself.

International Theory Book Symposium on Peter J. Katzenstein and Lucia A. Seybert, eds, Protean Power: Exploring the Uncertain and Unexpected in World Politics

AbstractKatzenstein and Seybert's Protean Power offers a fresh perspective on the concept of power in international relations (IR) theory. Standard IR theory defines power as control power, which exists in the world of calculable risk. But IR must also grapple with protean power, which exists in the world of incalculable uncertainty. In this symposium, scholars representing a variety of theoretical perspectives evaluate the concept of protean power as it stands now and as it should develop in the future.

CONTESTED HEGEMONY: RUSSIA’S APPROACH TO THE MILITARY AND ECONOMIC PREDOMINANCE OF THE US IN WORLD AFFAIRSHEGEMONIA CONTESTADA: A ABORDAGEM RUSSA QUANTO À PREDOMINÂNCIA MILITAR E ECONÔMICA GLOBAL DOS EUA

This paper discusses the Russian approach, from a rhetorical and practical viewpoint, regarding the military and economic predominance of the United States in the International System. The research method adopted was based on the compilation of statements by Russian authorities about the US position on the global stage, as well as on the presentation of the main initiatives and actions taken by the Kremlin, particularly from the 2000s onwards, in opposition to US interests both in the military and economic spheres. The first section initially deals with Russia’s intervention in Syria and Moscow's actions vis-a-vis the dismantling of bilateral nuclear-force treaties signed between the US and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. The second section brings the Russian articulation within the BRICS group as a criticism to American (and Western) privileges within institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, posteriorly pointing out to the steps taken by Moscow in its quest to make the Russian economy less dependent on the dollar. We conclude by observing that in both military and economic aspects Moscow has obtained moderate results in view of its aspirations regarding the role of counterweight to the American power in International Relations.

Humanist Diplomat in Early 16th Century Hungary: Hieronymus Balbus

The article investigates new sources, Western European, mainly English diplomatic reports – several being so far unknown for Hungarian scholarship, or, if known, not examined in this regard – e.g. held at the British Library Manuscript Collection to shed light on Hungarian-Ottoman relations at the eve of the fall of the “shield of Christendom”, Belgrade in 1521. The article follows the mission of Hieronymus Balbus, an Italian at the diplomatic personnel of Jagiellonian Hungary, in 1521 to the Habsburg, Tudor and Valois courts. Balbus’s diplomatic workings – through the embassy to the Emperor (Charles V in Worms and Brussels), a peace conference at Calais and Cardinal Wolsey and Henry VIII, King of England – has not been adequately seen in Hungarian historiography, and some of his letters and political activity ranging from Bruges, Worms, Calais, London and Cologne has not so far been mapped, yet new insights can be given for the understanding of Louis II’s diplomatic efforts during the stress of the siege and loss of Belgrade in 1521. The investigation is largely based on Balbus’s dispatches – which has not survived in Hungarian archival material but were preserved in the reports of English envoys of his activity, to the maker of Tudor policy, Chancellor Wolsey. The correspondence of Balbus provides valuable information on the administration of Louis II, about its relationship with the Turks and the Emperor. The leaders of Hungarian diplomacy did not lack astuteness and “had a clear picture” about the international power relations. The government experimented with alternatives, provided they did not receive any aid from the Habsburgs: they were willing to go as far as making an alliance with not only the English, but even with the Emperor’s enemies, the Valois. In 1521, despite the powerful Habsburg dominance, Hungarian foreign politics did have some room to manoeuvre.

The Legitimacy of the use of power in international relations: a comparative study between international law and Sharia

تُعدُّ مسألة مشروعية استعمال القوة في العلاقات الدولية من أكثر المسائل إشكالًا عبر التاريخ، حيث اختلفت محددات مشروعية استعمالها باختلاف الأديان والثقافات والأزمنة والأمكنة. وفي العصر الحديث استقر النظام الدولي على معايير واضحة لمشروعية استعمال القوة، بحيث تتخلّف تلك المشروعية بتخلّف تلك المعايير، وتوجد بوجودها. في مقابل هذا الاستقرار في القانون الدولي؛ نجد أن الجدل الفقهي ما يزال مستمرًّا حول معايير مشروعية استعمال القوة، ولا شك أن هناك اختلافًا ظاهرًا وكبيرًا بين الطرح الفقهي التاريخي والطرح المعاصر. في هذه الورقة تم تناول استعمال القوة وتوظيفها في القانون الدولي؛ بحثًا عن جوابٍ لسؤال الشرعية، ثم قورنت المقاربة القانونية بالمقاربة الشرعية النصية. بدأ البحث بالحديث عن مفهوم القوة في القانون، وفي النص الإسلامي، ثم انتقل لمناقشة مشروعية استعمال القوة من المنظور القانوني وموقف النص الإسلامي من المشروعية القانونية. كما سعى البحث لدراسة الموقف الإسلامي من استعمال القوة، وعلى ماذا تتكئ في مشروعيتها من خلال دراسة النص الإسلامي.

Reconsidering Power in International Relations

This article provides a conceptual and empirical review of power analysis in International Relations. The main objective of this article is to bridge the gap between conceptual and empirical research on power. First, it reviews various definitions of power by focusing specifically on International Relations literature. Second, it identifies and illustrates key measurement issues concerning the national power capacities of major powers. In this article, the Composite Index of National Capabilities for 20 countries for the period between 1991 and 2012 is used to demonstrate the change in power distribution among major powers. Lastly, it introduces diplomatic representation and war proneness as two new variables that enhance the empirical analysis of power by adding a relational dimension while working with tangible and quantifiable data. These two variables are both indicators and sources of national power. The article concludes by suggesting that diplomatic representation, and war proneness of countries, should be taken into consideration analytically if one wants to comprehend the dynamics and effects of power distribution among the most powerful countries in today’s world.

Soft Power in International Relations: Opportunities for Small States like Nepal

The study of power has been one of the main features of IR. While hard power remained at the forefront of the academic discourse for a long time, soft power emerged as an alternative to understand the complex interactions between states and how states employ different sources of non-coercive means to persuade global actors. Nye, in the late twentieth century, perpetrated the idea to indicate the shift from assertion to attraction. This research has focused on why soft power has been a more relevant device for certain states in the system that lack military might. The research has largely analyzed and described the various ways in which small states around the world have resorted to soft power in the face of the interdependent world order. It then has looked into the different ways through which Nepal as a small state can effectively examine its soft power sources, to garner influence in the global power structure and obtain its foreign policy objectives, keeping in mind that the soft power of any state is dependent of the resources that it has and is also able to mobilize.

Correspondence: Measuring Power in International Relations

Correspondence: Measuring Power in International Relations